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71 2267 207 


The reign of Philip the Second has occupied 
the pen of the historian more frequently — if we 
except that of Charles the Fifth — than any other 
portion of the Spanish annals. It has become 
familiar to the English reader through the pages of 
Watson, who has deservedly found favor with the 
public for the perspicuity of his style, — a virtue, 
however, not uncommon in his day, — for the 
sobriety of his judgments, and for the skill he has 
shown in arranging his complicated story, so as 
to maintain the reader's interest unbroken to the 
end. But the public, in Watson's day, were not 
very fastidious in regard to the sources of the infor- 
mation on which a narrative was founded. Nor 
was it easy to obtain access to those unpublished 
documents which constitute the best sources of 
mformation. Neither can it be denied that Wat- 
son himself was not so solicitous as he should 



have been to profit by opportunities which a lit- 
tle pains might have put within his reach, — 
presenting, in this respect, a contrast to his more 
celebrated predecessor, Robertson ; that he con- 
tented himself too easily with such cheap and 
commonplace materials as lay directly in his path ; 
and that, consequently, the foundations of his his- 
tory are much too slight for the superstructure. 
For these reasons, the reign of Philip the Second 
must still be regarded as open ground for Eng- 
lish and American writers. 

And at no time could the history of this reign 
have been undertaken with the same advantages 
as at present, w^hen the more enlightened policy 
of the European governments has opened their na- 
tional archives to the inspection of the scholar ; 
when he is allowed access, in particular, to the 
Archives of Simancas, which have held the secrets 
of the Spanish monarchy hermetically sealed for 

The history of Philip the Second is the history 
of Europe during the latter half of the sixteenth 
century. It covers the period when the doctrines 
of the Reformation were agitating the minds of 
men in so fearful a manner as to shake the very 
foundations of the Romish hierarchy in the fierce 


contest which divided Christendom. Philip, both 
from his personal character, and from his position 
as sovereign of the most potent monarchy in Eu- 
rope, was placed at the head of the party which 
strove to uphold the fortunes of the ancient 
Church ; and thus his policy led him perpetually 
to interfere in the internal affairs of the other 
European states, — making it necessary to look 
for the materials for his history quite as much 
without the Peninsula as within it. In this re- 
spect the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella presents 
a strong contrast to that of Philip the Second ; 
and it was the consideration of this, when I had 
completed my history of the former, and pro- 
posed at some future day to enter upon that of 
the latter, that led me to set about a collection 
of authentic materials from the public archives in 
the great European capitals. It was a work ol 
difficulty; and, although I had made some prog- 
ress in it, I did not feel assured of success until 
I had the good fortune to obtain the cooperation 
of my friend, Don Pascual de Gayangos, Professor 
of Arabic in the University of Madrid. This 
eminent scholar was admirably qualified for the 
task which he so kindly undertook ; since, with 
a remarkable facility — such as long practice only 


can give — in decipiiering the mysterious hand- 
writing of the sixteenth century, he combined 
such a thorough acquaintance with the history of 
his country as enabled him to detect, amidst the 
ocean of manuscripts which he inspected, such 
portions as were essential to my purpose. 

With unwearied assiduity he devoted himself 
to the examination of many of the principal col- 
lections, both in England and on the Continent. 
Among these may be mentioned the British Mu- 
seum and the State-Paper Office, in London ; the 
Library of the Dukes of Burgundy, in Brussels ; 
that of the University of Leyden ; the Royal 
Library, at the Hague ; the E-oyal Library of 
Paris, and the Archives of the Kingdom, in the 
Hotel Soubise; the Library of the Academy of 
History, the National Library at Madrid, and, 
more important than either, the ancient Archives 
of Simancas, within whose hallowed precincts 
Senor Gayangos was one of the first scholars 
permitted to enter. 

Besides these public repositories, there are sev- 
eral private collections to the owners of which I 
am largely indebted for the liberal manner in which 
they have opened them for my benefit. I may men- 
tion, in particular, the late Lady Holland, who kind- 


ly permitted copies to be made by Sen or Gayangos 
from the manuscripts preserved in Holland House ; 
Sir Thomas Phillips, Bart., who freely extended 
the same courtesy in respect to the present work 
which he had shown to me on a former occasion ; 
and Patrick Fraser Tytler, Esq., the late excellent 
historian of Scotland, who generously placed at 
my disposal sundry documents copied by him in 
the public offices with his own hand, for the illus- 
tration of the reign of Mary Tudor. 

In Spain the collection made by Senor Gay- 
angos was enriched by materials drawn from the 
family archives of the marquis of Santa Cruz, 
whose illustrious ancestor first had charge of the 
Spanish armada ; from the archives of Medina 
Sidonia, containing papers of the duke who suc- 
ceeded to the command of that ill-starred expedi- 
tion ; and from the archives of the house of Alva, — 
a name associated with the most memorable acts 
of the government of Philip. 

The manuscripts, thus drawn from various quar- 
ters, were fortified by such printed works as, having 
made their appearance in the time of Philip the 
Second, could throw any light on his government. 
Where such works were not to be purchased, 
Sefior Gayangos caused copies to be made of 


them, or of those portions which were important 
to my purpose. The result of his kind, untiring 
labors has been to put me in possession of such 
a collection of authentic materials for the illus- 
tration of the reign of Philip as no one before 
had probably attempted to make. Nor until now 
had the time come for making the attempt with 

There still remained, however, some places to 
be examined where I might expect to find docu- 
ments that would be of use to me. Indeed, it is 
in the nature of such a collection, covering so 
wide an extent of ground, that it can never be 
complete. The historian may be satisfied, if he 
has such authentic materials at his command, as, 
while they solve much that has hitherto been 
enigmatical in the accounts of the time, will ena- 
ble him to present, in their true light, the charac- 
ter of Philip and the policy of his government. I 
must acknowledge my obligations to more than 
one person, who has given me important aid in 
prosecuting my further researches. 

One of the first of them is my friend, Mr 
Edward Everett, who, in his long and brilliant 
career as a statesman, has lost nothing of that 
love of letters which formed his first claim to 


distinction. The year before liis appointment to 
the English mission he passed on the Continent, 
where, with the kindness that belongs to his na- 
ture, he spent much time in examining for me 
the great libraries, first in Paris, and afterwards 
more effectually in Florence. From the Archivio 
Mediceo, in which he was permitted by the grand 
duke to conduct his researches, he obtained copies 
of sundry valuable documents, and among them 
the letters of the Tuscan ministers, which have 
helped to guide me in some of the most in- 
tricate parts of my narrative. A still larger 
amount of materials he derived from the private 
library of Count Guicciardini, the descendant of 
the illustrious historian of that name. I am hap- 
py to express my lively sense of the courtesy 
shown by this nobleman ; also my gratitude for 
kind offices rendered me by Prince Corsini ; and 
no less by the Marquis Gino Capponi, whose 
name will be always held in honor for the enlight- 
ened patronage which he has extended to learn- 
ing, while suffering, himself, under the severest 
privation that can befall the scholar. 

There was still an important deficiency in my 
collection, — that of the Relazioni Venete, as the 
reports are called which were made by ambassa- 

VOL. I. b 


dors of Venice on tlieir return from their foreim 
missions. The value of these reports, for the in- 
formation they give of the countries visited by 
the envoys, is well known to historians. The 
deficiency was amply supplied by the unwearied 
kindness of my friend, Mr. Fay, who now so ably 
fills the post of minister from the United States to 
Switzerland. When connected with the American 
legation at Berlin, he, in the most obliging man- 
ner, assisted me in making arrangements for ob- 
taining the documents I desired, which, with other 
papers of importance, were copied for me from the 
manuscripts in the Royal Library of Berlin, and the 
Ducal Library of Gotha. I have also, in connec- 
tion with this, to express my obligations to the 
distinguished librarian of the former institution, 
Mr. Pertz, for the good-will which he showed in 
promoting my views. 

Through Mr. Fay, I also obtained the authority 
of Prince Metternich to inspect the Archives of 
the Empire in Vienna, which I inferred, from the 
intimate relations subsisting between the courts 
of Madrid and Vienna in that day, must contain 
much valuable matter relevant to my subject. 
The result did not correspond to my expecta- 
tions. I am happy, however, to have the op- 


portunity of publicly offering my acknowledg- 
ments to that eminent scholar, Dr. Ferdinand 
Wolf, for the obliging manner in which he con- 
ducted the investigation for me, as well in the 
archives above mentioned, as, with better results, 
in the Imperial Library, with which he is offi- 
cially connected. 

In concluding the list of those to whose good 
offices I have been indebted, I must not omit the 
names of M. de Salvandy, minister of public in 
struction in France at the time I was engaged 
in making my collection ; Mr. Hush, then the 
minister of the United States at the French court; 
Mr. Rives, of Virginia, his successor in that 
office ; and last, not least, my friend. Count de 
Circourt, a scholar whose noble contributions to 
the periodical literature of his country, on the 
greatest variety of topics, have given him a prom- 
inent place among the writers of our time. 

I am happy, also, to tender my acknowledg- 
ments for the favors I have received from Mr. 
Van de Weyer, minister from Belgium to the 
court of St. James ; from Mr. B. Homer Dixon, 
consul for the Netherlands at Boston ; and from 
my friend and kinsman, Mr. Thomas Hickling, 
consul for the United States at St. Michael's, who 


kindly furnished me with sundry manuscripts ex 
hibiting the condition of the Azores at the period 
when those islands passed, with Portugal, under 
the sceptre of Philip the Second. 

Having thus acquainted the reader with the 
sources whence I have derived my materials, I 
must now say a few words in regard to the 
conduct of my narrative. An obvious difficulty 
in the path of the historian of this period arises 
from the nature of the subject, embracing, as 
it ^oes, such a variety of independent, not to 
say incongruous topics, that it is no easy matter 
to preserve anything like unity of interest in the 
story. Thus the Revolution of the Netherlands, 
although, strictly speaking, only an episode to 
the main body of the narrative, from its impor- 
tance, well deserves to be treated in a separate 
and independent narrative by itself* Running 

* It is gratifying to learn that before long such a history may be 
expected, — if, indeed, it should not appear before the publication of 
this work, — from the pen of our accomplished countrj'man, Mr J. 
Lothrop Motley, who, during the last few years, for the better prose- 
cution of his labors, has established his residence in the neighborhood 
of the scenes of his narrative. No one acquainted with the fine pow- 
ers of mind possessed by this scholar, and the earnestness with which 
he has devoted himself to his task, can doubt that he mil do full jus- 
tice to his important, but difficult subject. 


along through the whole extent of Philip's reign, 
it is continually distracting the attention of the 
historian, creating an embarrassment something 
like that which arises from what is termed a double 
plot in the drama. The best way of obviating 
this is to keep in view the dominant principle 
which controlled all the movements of the com- 
plicated machinery, so to speak, and impressed 
on them a unity of action. This principle is to 
be found in the policy of Philip, the great aim 
of which was to uphold the supremacy of the 
Church, and, as a consequence, that of the crown. 
" Peace and public order," he writes on one occa- 
sion, " are to be maintained in my dominions 
only by maintaining the authority of the Holy 
See." It was this policy, almost as sure and 
steady in its operation as the laws of Nature her- 
self, that may be said to have directed the march 
of events through the whole of his long reign ; 
and it is only by keeping this constantly in view 
that the student will be enabled to obtain a clew 
to guide him through the intricate passages in 
the history of Philip, and the best means of solv- 
ing what would otherwise remain enigmatical in 
his conduct. 
Tn the composition of the work, I have, for the 


most part, conformed to the. plan which I had 
before adopted. Far from conlinmg myself to 
a record of political events, I have endeavored to 
present a picture of the intellectual culture and the 
manners of the people. I have not even refused 
such aid as could be obtained from the display of 
pageants, and court ceremonies, which, although 
exhibiting little more than the costume of the 
time, may serve to bring the outward form of a 
picturesque age more vividly before the eye of the 
reader. In the arrangement of the narrative, I 
have not confined myself altogether to the chron- 
ological order of events, but have thrown them 
into masses, according to the subjects to which 
they relate, so as to produce, as far as possible, 
a distinct impression on the reader. And in this 
way I have postponed more than one matter of 
importance to a later portion of the work, which 
a strict regard to time would assign more prop- 
erly to an earlier division of the subject. Finally, 
I have been careful to fortify the text with cita- 
tions from the original authorities on which it de- 
pends, especially where these are rare and difficult 
of access. 

In the part relating to the Netherlands I have 
pursued a course somewhat different from what I 


have done in other parts of the work. The 
scholars of that country, in a truly patriotic spirit, 
have devoted themselves of late years to explor- 
ing their own archives, as well as those of Siman- 
cas, for the purpose of illustrating their national 
annals. The results they have given to the world 
in a series of publications, which are still in prog 
ress. The historian has reason to be deeply grate- 
ful to those pioneers, whose labors have put him 
in possession of materials which afford the most 
substantial basis for his narrative. For what basis 
can compare with that afforded by the written 
corres23ondence of the parties themselves. It is 
on this sure ground that I have mainly relied in 
this part of my story ; and I have adopted the 
practice of incorporating extracts from the letters 
in the body of the text, which, if it may some- 
times give an air of prolixity to the narrative, 
will have the advantage of bringing the reader 
into a sort of personal acquaintance with the 
actors, as he listens to the w^ords spoken by them- 

In the earlier part of this Preface, I have made 
the acknowledgments due for assistance I have 
received in the collection of my materials ; and 
I must not now conclude without recording my 


obligations, of another kind, to two of my per- 
sonal friends, — Mr. Charles Folsom, the learned 
librarian of the Boston Atheneeum, who has re- 
peated the good offices he had before rendered 
me in revising my manuscript for the press ; and 
Mr. John Foster Kirk, whose familiarity with the 
history and languages of Modern Europe has 
greatly aided me in the prosecution of my re- 
searches, while his sagacious criticism has done 
me no less service in the preparation of these vol- 

Notwithstanding the advantages I have enjoyed 
for the composition of this work, and especially 
those derived from the possession of new and 
original materials, I am fully sensible that I 
am far from having done justice to a subject 
so vast in its extent and so complicated in its 
relations. It is not necessary to urge in my de- 
fence any physical embarrassments under which 
I labor; since that will hardly be an excuse for 
not doing well what it was not necessary to do 
at all. But I may be permitted to say, that 
what I have done has been the result of careful 
preparation ; that I have endeavored to write in 
a spirit of candor and good faith ; and that, what- 
ever may be the deficiencies of my work, it cai) 

hardly fail — considering the advantages I have 
enjoyed over my predecessors — to present the 
reader with such new and authentic statements of 
facts as may afford him a better point of view 
than that which he has hitherto possessed for sur- 
veying the history of Philip the Second. 

Boston, July, 1855. 

TOL. 1. 






Abdication of Charles the Fifth 

Rise of the Spanish Empire 

Internal Tranquillity of Spain 

Charles V. not a Spaniard . 

State of Europe at his Accession 

Ilis Warlike Career .... 

Reverses of his Later Years . 

His Ill-Health and Melancholy 

He determines to abdicate 

Convenes the Estates of the Netherlands 

His Appearance In the Assembly 

Speech to the Deputies 
"*' Address to Philip .... 

Emotions of the Audience . 
.e^Speeches of Philip and Granvelle . 

Charles resigns the Crown of Spain 

Retains the Title of Emperor . 

Leaves the Netherlands 

Arrives at Laredo .... 

His Journey to Valladolid . 

He takes Leave of his Family 

His Stay at Jarandilla . 

Description of Yuste 



























Farli Days of Philip 

Blrtli of Philip 11. 

Recognition as Heir to the Crown 

[lis Tutors 

Death of his Mother 

His early Familiarity with Afl'airs 

First Lesson in War 

He is made Recent 

His Father's Counsel to him 

Bride selected for Philip 

The Infanta sets out for Castile 

Arrives at Salamanca . 

Royal Marriage 

Death of the Princess . 

Philip summoned to Flanders 

Remodels his Household 

Arrives at Genoa 

Receives Embassies 

Entertainment at Milan . 

Honors paid him on the Route 

Reception at Brussels 

Charles his Instructor in Politics . 

Tour through the Provinces 

Loyal Demonstrations . 

Tourney in Brussels 

Philip's Skill with the Lance 

His Dislike to Active Exercises 

Unpopularity in Flanders . 

Scheme for securing to him the Imperial Crown 

Ferdinand refuses to waive his Claims 

Philip disliked by the Germans 

The Project unpopular in Spain . 

Private Compact 

Philip leaves the Netherlands 
Resumes the Government of Spain 

State of Spain 

Strength of the National Spirit 

Philip the Type of the Spanish Character . 




English Alliance 

Religious Revolution in England 
Indifference of the People 
Micheli's Description of England 
His Portrait of Mary 
Her Bigotry- 
Proofs of her Sincerity . 
Her Treatment of Elizabeth 
Persecution of the Protestants 
Charles V.'s Relations with Mary 
Scheme for uniting her to Philip 
Crafty Mode of Proceeding 
Coquetry of Mary . 
Offer of Philip's Hand 
Efforts to prevent the Match . 
IMary's Vow 

Remonstrance of the Commons 
Egmont's Embassy 
Mary's Prudery . * . 
The Marriage Treaty . 
Popular Discontent 

The Queen's Intrepidity 
The Rebels defeated . 


























English Alliance 

Ratification of the Treaty . 

Mary's Message to Philip 

His Disinclination to the Match 

He sends an Embassy to Mary 

Joanna made Regent of Spain 

Her Character 

Philip sails for England 

Lands at Southampton 

His Reception 

His Affability .... 





Progress to Winchester 

Interviews with Mary . . . . 

The Marriage Ceremony performed 

Banquet and Ball 

Public Entry into London . 
Residence at Hampton Court . 
Philip's Discretion .... 

Punctiliousness in Religious Observances 
Sincerity of his Religious Belief . 
Arrival of the Legate . . . . 

Character of Pole .... 

Meeting of Parliament . . . . 

England reconciled to the Church 
Persecution ...... 

Denounced by the King's Confessor 
Phihp's Influence with Mary . 
Her Pregnancy announced . 

Mortifying Result 

Philip's Discontent .... 

Unpopularity of the Spaniards 

Philip leaves England 

Arrives at Brussels 




War with the Pope 

Extent of Philip's Possessions 
His Powerful Position 
Absolute Authority 
Relations with the Pope 
Early History of Paul IV. . 
His Enmity to the Emperor 
Denunciations of the Spaniards 
Character of the Pope 
His Nephews 
Relations with France 
Character of Henry 11. 
The Constable Montmorency . 
Francis, Duke of Guise 
Carafia succeeds in his Mission 
Terms of the Treaty 





Spaniards maltreated by Paul 
Alva Viceroy of Naples 
His Early Career . 
His Military Talents . 
Council of Theologians . 
Sanctions Retaliatory Measures 
Alva issues a Manifesto . 
Musters an Army 
Enters the Papal Territory 
Kapid Successes . 
Paul's Fiery Temper 
The Papal Forces 
Ostia besieged 
Unsuccessful Assault . 
The Place surrenders 
Neffotiations and Truce 




War with the Pope 

The French Army 

The Italian Powers 

Duke of Ferrara breaks with Guise 

Paul renews the AVar 

Campli taken by the French 

Italy in the Sixteenth Century 

Guise lays Siege to Civitclla 

Discontents in the French Army 

Alva's Preparations . 

He takes the Field 

Raises the Siege of Civltella 

Retreat of the French . 

Alva's Slow Pursuit . 

Successes of Colonna 

Capture and Sack of Segni 

Paul refuses to make Concessions 

Alva plans an Attack on Rome 

Abandons the Design . 

Various Opinions as to the Affair 

Alarm of the Romans . 

Departure of Guise . 





Negotiations opened .... 

Concessions made by Alva 

He enters Rome ..... 

Receives Absolution from the Pope . 

Results of the War .... 

Paul the Chief Sufferer 

His Treatment of his Kinsmen 

Rigid Church-Discipline . 

Riots at his Death .... 

His Patriotism .... 


War with France 

Preparations in the Netherlands 

Philip visits England 

Pretexts for War with France . 

War proclaimed . 

Mary's Forlorn Condition 

Excuses for her Errors 

Forces raised by Philip 

Duke of Savoy appointed General 

His Character .... 

Plan of the Campaign . 

St. QuenHn invested 

Coligni undertakes the Defence 

Condition of the Place 

Attempt to reinforce it 

Llontmorency brings up his Army 

Takes up a Position 

Sends Troops across the Somme 

Cavalry detached against him 

His Self- Confidence . 

He endeavors to retire 

Is overtaken by Egmont . 

Battle of St. Quentin . 

French Cavalry routed 

The Infantry makes a Stand 

Overpowered by Numbers 

Dreadful Carnage 

Retreat to La F^re . 
































The Victory complete . 
Philip visits the Camp 
Disposes of the Prisoners 
Proposal to march on Paris 
Rejected by Philip 
Siege of St. Quentin resumed 
Efforts of the Besieged 
Preparations for the Assault 
Strujjgle at the Breaches 
Capture of the Town 
Maltreatment of the Inhabitants 
Philip protects them 
Further Successes 
Operations suspended 
Results of the Campaign 




War with France 

National Spirit aroused in France 

New Army raised 

Desire to recover Calais 

Its Defenceless State 

Capture of the Forts . 

Surrender of the Town 

Sensation in England and France 

Inactivity of Guise . 

Foray into Flanders 

Retreat of the French intercepted 

Dispositions of Termes 

Battle of Gravelines 

Overthrow of the French 

Spoils of Victory 

The Monarchs take the Field 

Both weary of the War 

Their Financial Embarrassments 

Rehgious Difficulties 

Negotiations opened 

Congress meets at Cercamps 

Death of Mary Tudor . 

Feria's Mission to England 

VOL. I. d 






Mary's Character 
]\licheli's Portrait of Elizabeth . 
Philip offers her his Hand 
Remonstrates against Religious Changes 
His Suit unsuccessful . 
Negotiations at Cateau-Cambresis 
Difficulties in Regard to Calais 
Question brought to an Issue 
Treaty signed .... 
Terms advantageous to Philip . 
His Reputation increased 
Marriage Contract with Isabella 
Elizabeth of England piqued 
Marriage of Philip by Proxy 
Death of Henry II. . . . 


Latter Days of Charles the Fifth 

The Jeronymite Convent at Yuste 

The Buildings enlarged 

Furniture of Charles's Apartments 

Works of Art .... 

The Emperor's Garden 

Present Appearance of Yuste 

The Emperor's Arrival 

His Household 

Mode of employing his Time 

His Devotion .... 

Fondness for Music 

Turn for Mechanical Arts 

His Timepieces 

Reception of Visitors 

Erroneous Opinions respecting his Seclusion 

Advice sought by the Government 

His Anxiety during the War 

Projects respecting Portugal 

He assists in raising Supplies 

Denounces Delinquents at Seville 

State of his Health 

Death of Queen Eleanor . 


Charles's Bigotry and Intolerance 

Declining Health 

Rehearsal of his Obsequies 

Not mentioned in Letters 

Authority for the Story 

Misstatement of Dates 

Morbid Tastes of Charles 

His Last Illness 

He arranges his Affairs 

His Injunctions to Philip , 

Religious Preparations 

His Death 

Disposal of his Remains 

Funeral Honors at Brussels 

Peculiarities of Charles 

His Tardy Development . 

His Self-Reliance 

Vastness of his Schemes 

His Gluttony 

His Memoirs 

Translation of a French Poem 

Desire of Posthumous Fame 

His Bigotry 

Manuscript Work of Gonzalez 

Stirling, Amddee Pichot, and Mignet 


. 325 

. 327 

. 329 

. 832 

. 334 

. 336 

. 338 

. 343 

. 345 

. 348 

. 35 *J 

. 355 

. 358 



View of the Netherlands . 

Provinces of the Netherlands 
Condition in the Middle Ages . 
Not fused into a Nation 
A Confederacy of States . 
Power of the Sovereign 
Ascendency of Charles V. 
Manufactures of the Netherlands 





Extent of their Commerce 
Antwerp the Commercial Capital 
Prosperity of all Classes 
Diffusion of Education 
Introduction of Protestantism 
Laws for its Suppression 
Establishment of an Inquisition 
Different from the Spanish . 
Number of its Victims 
Injury to Trade . 
Revenues of the Netherlands 


System established by Philip 

Philip visits the Provinces 

His Chilling Demeanor 

He renews the Edicts 

The Ecclesiastical Establishment . 

Scheme of New Bishoprics 

Philip's Financial Policy 

Candidates for the Regency 

IVIargaret of Parma 

Her Education and Early Career 

Her Character .... 

She arrives at Brussels 

The States- General at Ghent 

Remonstrate against Spanish Garrisons 

Philip's Displeasure 

He takes Leave of the States 

Instructions to the Regent . 

Her Chief Advisers .... 

Granvelle ..... 

Early distinguished .... 

Succeeds his Father 

Obtains the Confidence of Philip 

Philip completes his Arrangements 

Leaves the Netherlands 




Protestantism in Spain 

The Royal Fleet wrecked 

Philip's Narrow Escape 

He resumes the Government 

Spain affected by the Reformation 

Circulation of Protestant Books 

Powers of the Inquisition enlarged 

The Reformers detected . 

Great Number arrested 

Disclosures extorted 

Autos de Fe 

Description of one at Valladolld 

The Procession 

Assembly in the Square 

The Sermon and the Oath 

The " Reconciled " . 

The Martyrs 

Carlos de Seso 

Domingo de Roxas 

Place of Execution . 

Bartolome de Carranza 

Suspicions of his Orthodoxy 

His Arrest .... 

Council of Trent remonstrates 

Cause carried to Rome 

Decision of Gregory XHI. 

Carranza's Death 

Heresy extinguished in Spain 

Effects of the Persecution 

Philip's Third Marriage 

Isabella arrives in Spain 
Preparations to welcome her 
Meeting with Philip 
Her Beauty 
Don Carlos 








Festivities at Guadalajara 

Keception at Toledo 

The Spanish Character 

Illness of Isabella 

Her Popularity 

Taste and Profusion in Dress 

Custom of Dining in Public 

The Capital of Spain 

Madrid exalted by the Spaniards 

Different View of Foreinners 



Discontent in tue Netherlands 

The Reformation .... 

Philip its Great Opponent 

Orthodoxy of the Spaniards 

Different Spirit in the Netherlands 

Philip's Course erroneous 

Elements of Discontent 

Antipathy to the Spaniards . 

Need of a Considerate Policy 

The Prince of Orange . 

Educated at Court . 

Esteemed by Charles V. 

Opposed to the Designs of Philip 

Mutual Aversion 

William's Second Marriage 

His Convivial Habits 

Impenetrable Reserve 

Tact and Eloquence 

Indifference to Religion 

Tolerant Spirit .... 




Opposition to the Government 492 

Detention of the Spanish Troops 492 

Their Lax Discipline 493 

The Regent dismisses them 494 

Dilatoriness of Philip 4^5 



New Ecclesiastical System .... 

. 496 

Obstacles to its Introduction .... 


Odium cast on Granvelle .... 

. 500 

His Position and Authority .... 


Mode of conducting Affairs .... 

. 503 

Sumptuous Style of Living 


Complaints of Orange and Egmont 

. 505 

Religious Troubles in France .... 


Meeting of the Golden Fleece 

. 509 

Montigny sent to Spain ..... 


Open Hostility to Granvelle .... 

. 512 

Montigny's Report 


Suggestions of Philip 

. 515 

Calvinist Propagandism 


Tumult at Valenciennes .... 

. 517 

Difficulty of executing the Edicts 


Granvelle's Unpopularity .... 

. 5^0 


Granvelle compelled to withdraw 

Continued Attacks on Granvelle 
League formed against him . 
Petition for his Removal 
Philip requires Specific Charges . 
Second Letter of the Lords 
They withdraw from the Council 
Granvelle abandoned by the Regent 

His Courage 

Feeling at Madrid .... 

Alva's Advice 

Philip hesitates .... 
Margaret presses for a Decision . 
He desires Granvelle to withdraw . 
His Haughty Letter to the Lords 
Granvelle announces his Departure 
Joy of the Country .... 

The Liveries 

Granvelle leaves Brussels 
The Lords reenter the Council 
Granvelle in Retirement 
The Granvelle Papers 






Changes demanded by the Lords 

Philip's Policy .... 

Causes of his Unpopularity 

Ills Inflexibility . 

Changes in the Netherlands 

Philip a Foreigner 

Zeal of the Nobles 

Their Influence with Margaret 

Opposition of Viglius 

Mutual Accusations 

Aims of the Lords 

The Edicts unexecuted 

Financial Difficulties 

The Council of Trent . 

Opposition to its Decrees . 

Egmont's Mission 

His Instructions 

Discussion in the Council 

Pledge of Egmont's Friends 

Banquet at Cambray 

Egmont's Reception at Madrid 

Question propounded by Philip 

Delusion of Egmont 


Philip's Inflexibility . 

Result of Egmont's Mission 
General Dissatisfaction . 
Margaret remonstrates with the King 
His Equivocal Conduct . 
Granvelle's Correspondence 
Granvelle sent to Rome . 
The Royal Determination announced 
The Despatch received at Brussels 
Its Publication .... 
Despair of the People 
Seditious Discussions . 




The Lower Nobility 
The Union and the Compromise 
The Leaders of the Party- 
Its Rapid Increase 
Refusals to execute the Edicts 
Conference of Bayonne 
Its Real Object 
Panic in the Netherlands 
Painful Situation of the Regent 
Her Preparations for Defence 
Temperate Conduct of Orange 
Consultation of the Nobles . 
Impulsive Character of Egmont 


TOL 1 


/ ./ / / 

^/y/ //y, ■ /, 

-V ///// ////r , 



TuE portraits in these volumes arc taken, with one exception, from wattr 
colored drawings, executed by an eminent Spanish artist, Don Valentin 
Cardercra, and copied by him from the originals in Spain. That of Philip the. 
Second is taken from one of the many pictures of that monarch from the hand 
of Titian. Philip fully estimated the powers of the great Italian, and, like his 
father, the emperor, wished to have his features transmitted by his pencil to 
posterity. The original hangs in the Museo, at Madrid. It represents the 
king in a rich suit of armor, — a dress more appropriate to his father 
than to him. It is said that Philip was pleased with tlie idea of being rep- 
resented in armor ; perhaps from the very circumstance that his unwar- 
like habits gave him but little claim to it. The likeness was taken at an 
early period of life, before Time had laid his heavy hand on his slight and 
well-made form ; when his light-colored hair had not yet been touched with 
gi-ay, and his pale features were not yet darkened with the sullen, sombre 
expression of later years, as they appear in the portrait of Pantoja de la 
Cruz. Yet there is something in the sinister look of the eye which is fir 
from winning our confidence. 

The portrait of Margaret^ Regent of the Netherlands, was copied from a print 
in Arend's " Algemeene Geschiedenis des Vaderlands." The engravings in that 
work appear to have been executed with care ; and in the Low Countries, 
v/bere it is published, it was doubtless easy for the engraver to get access to 

The likenesses of Don Carlos are rare. That prefixed to the second vol 
onie of this History was taken from a picture in Madrid that belongs to 
Count de Oriat<, grandee of Spai-n. It is supposed to have been painted by 
a disciple of Abnso Sanchez Coello. The nice attention given to the cos- 
tume is characteristic of his school. The doublet of cloth of gold is pro 
tected by a rich mantle, edged with ermine; and round the neck is a massive 
thain, of elaborate workmanship. The costume, indeed, is tlie best part of 
the picture. The general air of the person is mean. The elevation of the 
•boulders amounts almost to deformity ; and there is a shcej)ish cxpressior 


in the countenance, with its downcast eye, which augurs nothing favorable, 
in an intellectual or moral point of view. 

The portrait of the Duke of Alva is copied from an original by Titian, 
that hangs in the palace of the present duke. It is eminently characteristic 
of the man. The gaunt person is sheathed in complete mail. The wiry 
lineaments of the countenance seem to have the hardness of steel. One 
fees that it must be a true copy of the iron- hearted chief who trampled under 
foot the liberties of the Netherlands. 



If I S T 11 X , 



PHILIP Wifl^]^ 

^\ o. - 




Introductory Remarks. — Spain under Charles the Fifth. — Wf^. pre- 
pares to resign the Crown. — llis Abdication. — His Return to 
Spain. — ILs Journey to Yuste. 


In a former work, I have endeavored to portray 
the period when the different provinces of Spain 
were consolidated into one empire under the rule 
of Ferdinand and Isabella ; when, by their wise 
and beneficent policy, the nation emerged from the 
obscurity in which it had so long remained behind 
the Pyrenees, and took its place as one of the 
great members of the European commonwealth. 
I now propose to examine a later period in the 
history of the same nation, — the reign of Philip 
the Second ; when, with resources greatly enlarged, 
and territory extended by a brilliant career of 

VOL I. 8 1 A 


discovery and conquest, it had risen to the zenith 
of its poAver ; but when, under the mischievous 
policy of the administration, it had excited the 
jealousy of its neighbors, and already disclosed 
those germs of domestic corruption which gradu- 
ally led to its dismemberment and decay. 

By the marriage of Ferdinand and Isabella, most 
of the states of the Peninsula became united un- 
der one common rule; and in 1516, the sceptre 
of Spain, with its dependencies both in the Old 
and the New World, passed into the hands of 
their grandson, Charles the Fifth, who, though 
he shared the throne nominally with his mother, 
Joanna, became, in consequence of her incapacity, 
the real sovereign of this vast empire. He had 
before inherited, through his father, Philip the 
Handsome, that fair portion of the ducal realm 
of Burgundy which comprehended Franche Comte 
and the Netherlands. In 1519, he was elected to 
the imperial crown of Germany. Not many years 
elapsed before his domain was still further en- 
larged by the barbaric empires of Mexico and 
Peru ; and Spain then first realized the magnifi- 
cent vaunt, since so often repeated, that the sun 
never set within the borders of her dominions. 

Yet the importance of Spain did not rise with 
the importance of her acquisitions. She was, in 
a manner, lost in the magnitude of these acquisi- 
tions. Some of the rival nations which owned 
the sway of Charles, in Europe, were of much 
greater importance than Spain, and attracted 


much more attention from their contemporaries. 
In the earlier period of that monarch's reign, 
there was a moment when a contest was going 
forward in Castile, of the deepest interest to man- 
kind. Unfortunately, the "War of the Comuni- 
dades,'' as it was termed, was soon closed by the 
ruin of the patriots ; and, on the memorable field 
of Villalar, the liberties of Spain received a blow 
from which they were destined not to recover for 
centuries. From that fatal hour, — the bitter 
fruit of the jealousy of castes and the passions of 
the populace, — an unbroken tranquillity reigned 
throughout the country; such a tranquillity as 
naturally flows not from a free and well-conducted 
government, but from a despotic one. In this 
political tranquillity, however, the intellect of 
Spain did not slumber. Sheltered from invasion 
by the barrier of the Pyrenees, her people were 
allowed to cultivate the arts of peace, so long as 
they did not meddle with politics or religion, — in 
other words, with the great interests of humanity ; 
while the more adventurous found a scope for 
their prowess in European wars, or in exploring 
the boundless regions of the AVestern world. 

While there was so little passing in Spain to 
attract the eye of the historian, Germany became 
the theatre of one of those momentous struggles 
which have had a permanent influence on the des- 
tinies of mankind. It was in this reign that the 
great battle of religious liberty was begun ; and 
the attention and personal presence of Charles 


were necessarily demanded most in tlie country 
where that battle was to be fought. But a small 
part of his life w^as passed in Spain, in comparison 
with what he spent in other parts of his dominions. 
His early attachments, his lasting sympathies, w^ere 
with the people of the Netherlands ; for Flanders 
was the place of his birth. He spoke the Ian 
guage of that country more fluently than the Cas- 
tilian ; although he knew the various languages 
of his dominions so well, that he could address 
his subjects from every quarter in their native 
dialect. In the same manner, he could accom- 
modate himself to their peculiar national manners 
and tastes. But this flexibility was foreign to the 
genius of the Spaniard. Charles brought noth- 
ing from Spain but a religious zeal, amounting to 
bigotry, which took deep root in a melancholy 
temperament inherited from his mother. His 
tastes w^ere all Flemish. He introduced the gor- 
geous ceremonial of the Burgundian court into 
his ow^n palace, and into the household of his 
son. He drew his most trusted and familiar coun- 
sellors from Flanders ; and this was one great 
cause of the troubles which, at the beginning of 
his reign, distracted Castile. There was little to 
gratify the pride of the Spaniard in the position 
which he occupied at the imperial court. Charles 
regarded Spain chiefly for the resources she af- 
forded for carrying on his ambitious enterprises. 
When he visited her, it was usually to draw sup- 
plies from the cortes. The Spaniards understood 


this, and bore less afFection to his person tlian to 
many of their monarchs far inferior to him in tlie 
qualities for exciting it. They hardly regarded 
him as one of the nation. There was, indeed, 
nothing national in the reign of Charles. His 
most intimate relations were with Germany; and 
as the Emperor Charles the Fifth of Germany, 
not as King Charles the First of Spain, he was 
known in his own time, and stands recorded on 
the pages of history. 

When Charles ascended the throne, at the be- 
ginning of the sixteenth century, Europe may be 
said to have been in much the same condition, in 
one respect, as she was at the beginning of the 
eighth. The Turk menaced her on the east, in 
the same manner as the Arab had before menaced 
her on the west. The hour seemed to be fast 
approaching which was to decide whether Chris- 
tianity or Mahometanism should hold the ascend- 
ant. The Ottoman tide of conquest rolled up to 
the very walls of Vienna ; and Charles, who, as 
head of the empire, was placed on the frontier of 
Christendom, was called on to repel it. When 
thirty-two years of age, he marched against the 
formidable Solyman, drove him to an ignomini- 
ous retreat, and, at less cost of life than is often 
expended in a skirmish, saved Europe from in- 
vasion. He afterwards crossed the sea to Tunis, 
then occupied by a horde of pirates, the scourge 
of the Mediterranean. He beat them in a bloody 

battle, slew their chief, and liberated ten theu- 

8 A* 


sand captives from their dungeons. All Europe 
rang with the praises of the young hero, who thus 
consecrated his arms to the service of the Cross, 
and stood forward as the true champion of Chris- 

But from this high position Charles w^as re- 
peatedly summoned to other contests, of a more 
personal and far less honorable character. Such 
was his long and bloody quarrel with Francis the 
First. It was liardly possible that two princes, so 
well matched in }ears, power, pretensions, and, 
above all, love of military glory, with dominions 
touching on one another through their whole ex- 
tent, could long remain without cause of rivalry 
and collision. Such ri\alry did exist from the 
moment that the great ])rize of the empire was 
adjudg(^d to Cliarles; and through the whole of 
their long struggle, with the exception of a few 
reverses, the superior genius of the emperor tri- 
umphed over his bold, but less politic adversary. 

There was still a third contest, on which the 
strength of the Spanish monarch was freely ex- 
j^ended through the greater part of his reign, — 
his contest with the Lutheran princes of Ger- 
many. Here, too, for a long time, fortune favored 
him. But it is easier to contend against man than 
against a great moral principle. The principle 
of reform had struck too deep into the mind of 
Germany to be eradicated by force or by fraud. 
Charles, for a long time, by a course of crafty pol- 
icy, succeeded in baffling the Protestant league ; 


and, by the decisive victory at Muhlberg, seemed 
at last, to have broken it altogether. But his suc- 
cess only ministered to his ruin. The very man 
on whom he bestowed the spoils of victory turned 
them against his benefactor. Charles, ill in body 
and mind, and glad to escape from his enemies 
under cover of the night and a driving tempest, 
was at length compelled to sign the treaty of Pas- 
sau, which secured to the Protestants those relig- 
ious immunities against which he had contended 
through his whole reign. 

Not long after, he experienced another humil- 
iating reverse from France, then ruled by a younger 
rival, Henry the Second, the son of Francis. The 
good star of Charles — the star of Austria — seemed 
to have set ; and, as he reluctantly raised the siege 
of Metz, he was heard bitterly to exclaim, " For- 
tune is a strumpet, who reserves her favors for 
the young ! " 

With spirits greatly depressed by his reverses, 
and still more by the state of his health, which 
precluded him from taking part in the manly and 
martial exercises to which he had been accustomed, 
he felt that he had no longer the same strength as 
formerly to bear up under the toils of empire. 
When but little more than thirty years of age, he 
had been attacked by the gout, and of late had 
been so sorely afflicted with that disorder, that he 
had nearly lost the use of his limbs. The man 
who, cased in steel, had passed whole days and 
nights in the saddle, indifferent to the weather and 


the season, could now hardly drag himself along 
with the aid of his staff. For days he was con- 
fined to his bed ; and he did not leave his room 
for weeks together. His mind became oppressed 
with melancholy, which was, to some extent, a 
constitutional infirmity. His chief pleasure was in 
listening to books, especially of a religious char- 
acter. He denied himself to all except his most 
intimate and trusted counsellors. He lost his in- 
terest in affairs ; and for whole months, according 
to one of his biographers, who had access to his 
person, he refused to receive any public communi- 
cation, or to subscribe any document, or even let- 
ter.^ One cannot understand how the business of 
the nation could have been conducted in such a 
state of things. After the death of his mother, 
Joanna, his mind became more deeply tinctured 
with those gloomy fancies which in her amounted 
to downright insanity. He imagined he heard her 
voice calling on him to follow her. His thoughts 
were now turned from secular concerns to those of 
his own soul ; and he resolved to put in execution 

1 " Post annum astatls qiiinqna- publicae popularlumqiie dispendio 

gesimum, prementibus morbis, tan- fiebat, cum a tot nationibus, et qul- 

topere negotiorum odium cepit, ut busdam longlssime jus inde pete- 

dlutlus interdum nee se adirl aut retur, et certe summa negotia ad 

conveniri praeterquam ab intlmis ipsum fere rejicerentur." (Sepul- 

pateretur, nee libellls subscribere vedae Opera, (Matriti, 1780,) vol. 

animum indueeret, non sine sus- II. p. 539.) The author, who was 

piclone mentis imminutce ; itaque in tlie court at the time, had fre- 

cons^at novem mensibus nulli nee quent access to the royal presence, 

libello nee diplomati subscrlpsisse, and speaks, therefore, from per- 

.juod cum magno Incommodo rei- sonal observation. 


a plan for resigning his crown and withdrawing to 
some religious retreat, where he might prepare for 
his latter end. This plan he had conceived many 
years before, in the full tide of successful ambition. 
So opposite were the elements at work in the char- 
acter of this extraordinary man ! 

Although he had chosen the place of his retreat, 
he had been deterred from immediately executing 
his purpose by the forlorn condition of his mother, 
and the tender age of his son. The first obstacle 
was now removed by the death of Joanna, after a 
reign — a nominal reign — of half a century, in 
which the cloud that had settled on her intellect 
at her husband's death was never dispelled. 

The age of Philip, his son and heir, was also no 
longer an objection. From early boyhood he had 
been trained to the duties of his station, and, when 
very young, had been intrusted with the govern- 
ment of Castile. His father had surrounded him 
with able and experienced counsellors, and their pu- 
pil, who showed a discretion far beyond his years, 
had largely profited by their lessons. He had 
now entered his twenty-ninth year, an age when 
the character is formed, and when, if ever, he 
might be supposed qualified to assume the duties 
of government. His father had already ceded to 
him the sovereignty of Naples and Milan, on occa- 
sion of the prince's marriage with Mary of Eng- 
land. He was on a visit to that country, when 
Charles, having decided on the act of abdication, 
sent to require his son's attendance at Brussels, 

VOL. I. 2 


where the ceremony was to be performed. The 
different provmces of the Netherlands were also 
summoned to send their deputies, with authority 
to receive the emperor's resignation, and to transfer 
their allegiance to his successor. As a preliminary 
step, on the twenty-second of October, 1555, he 
conferred on Philip the grand-mastership — which, 
as lord of Flanders, was vested in himself — of the 
toison d^07\ the order of the Golden Fleece, of Bur- 
gundy; the proudest and most coveted, at that 
day, of all the military orders of knighthood. 

Preparations were then made for conducting the 
ceremony of abdication with all the pomp and so- 
lemnity suited to so august an occasion. The great 
hall of the, royal palace of Brussels was selected for 
the scene of it. The walls of the spacious apart- 
ment were hung with tapestry, and the floor was 
covered with rich carpeting. A scaffold was erect- 
ed, at one end of the room, to the height of six or 
seven steps. On it was placed a throne, or chair 
of state, for the emperor, with other seats for 
Philip, and for the great Flemish lords who were 
to attend the person of their sovereign. Above the 
throne was suspended a gorgeous canopy, on which 
were emblazoned the arms of the ducal house of 
Burgundy. In front of the scaffolding, accommo- 
dations were provided for the deputies of the prov- 
inces, who were to be seated on benches arranged 
according to their respective rights of precedence.^ 

2 A minute account of this im- a MS. In the Archives of Slman- 
jx)sing ceremony is to be found In eas, now published In the Colec« 


On the twenty-fifth of October, the day fixed 
for the ceremony, Charles the Fifth executed an 
instrument by which he ceded to his son the sov- 
ereignty of Flanders.^ Mass was then performed ; 
and the emperor, accompanied by Philip and a 
numerous retinue, proceeded in state to the great 
hall, where the deputies were already assembled.* 

Charles was, at this time, in the fifty-sixth year 
of his age. His form was slightly bent, — but it 
was by disease more than by time, — and on his 
countenance might be traced the marks of anxiety 
and rough exposure. Yet it still wore that ma- 
jesty of expression so conspicuous in his portraits 
by the inimitable pencil of Titian. His hair, once 
of a light color, approaching to yellow, had begun 
to turn before he w^as forty, and, as well as his 
beard, was now gray. His forehead was broad and 
expansive; his nose aquiline. His blue eyes and 

cion de Documentos Ineditos para rection of the learned Weiss, Pa- 
la Historia de EspaHa, (Madrid, piers d'Etat du Cardinal de Gran- 
1845,) torn. VII. p. 534 et seq. velle, d'apres les Manuscrits de la 

An official report of these pro- BIbllotheque de Besangon, (Paris, 

ceedlngs, prepared by order of 1843,) torn. IV. p. 486. 
the government, and preserved at ■* It is strange that the precise 

Bnissels, in the Archives du Roy- date of an event of such notoriety 

aume, lias been published by M. as the abdication of Charles the 

Ga(.-hard in his valuable collection, Fifth should be a matter of dis- 

Analectes Belgiques, (Paris, 1830,) crepancy among historians. Most 

pp. 75-81. writers of the time assign the date 

3 A copy of the original deed of mentioned in the text, confirmed 

abdication was preserved among moreover by the Simancas MS. 

the papers of Cardinal Gran velle, above cited, the author of which 

at Besan^on, and is incorporated enters Into the details of the cere- 

in the valuable collection of docu- niony with the minuteness of an 

ment.s published by order of the eyewitness. 
French government under the di- 


fair complexion intimated his Teutonic descent. 
The only feature in his countenance decidedly bad 
was his lower jaw, protruding with its thick, heavy 
lip, so characteristic of the physiognomies of the 
Austrian dynasty.^ 

In stature he was about the middle height. His 
limbs were strongly knit, and once well formed, 
though now the extremities were sadly distorted 
by disease. The emperor leaned for support on a 
staff with one hand, while with the other he rested 
on the arm of William of Orange, who, then 
young, was destined at a later day to become the 
most formidable enemy of his house. The grave 
demeanor of Charles was rendered still more im- 
pressive by his dress ; for he was in mourning for 
his mother; and the sable hue of his attire was 
relieved only by a single ornament, the superb 
collar of the Golden Fleece, which hung from his 

Behind the emperor came Philip, the heir of his 
vast dominions. He was of a middle height, of 
much the same proportions as his father, whom 
he resembled also in his lineaments, — except that 
those of the son wore a more sombre, and perhaps 
a sinister expression ; while there was a reserve in 
his manner, in spite of his efforts to the contrary, 

5 " Erat Carolus statura me- baque ad flaviim Inclinante ; facie 

diocri, sed brachiis et cruribus liberall, nisi quod menti^m promi- 

crassis compactisque, et roboris nens et parum coha3ientia labra 

Bingularis, ceteris membris propor- nonnihil earn deturpabant." Se« 

tione magnoque commensu respou- pulvedse Opera, vol. II. p. 52 7. 
ucntibus, colore albus, crine bar- 


as if he would shroud his thoughts from observa- 
tion. The magnificence of his dress corresponded 
with his royal station, and formed a contrast to 
that of his father, who was quitting the pomp and 
grandeur of the world, on which the son was about 
to enter. 

Next to Philip came Mary, the emperor s sister, 
formerly queen of Hungary. She had filled the 
post of regent of the Low Countries for nearly 
twenty years, and now welcomed the hour when 
she was to resign the burden of sovereignty to her 
nephew, and withdraw, like her imperial brother, 
into private life. Another sister of Charles, Elea- 
nor, widow of the French king, Francis the First, 
also took part in these ceremonies, previous to her 
departure for Spain, whither she was to accompany 
the emperor. 

After these members of the imperial family 
came the nobility of the Netherlands, the knights 
of the Golden Fleece, the royal counsellors, and 
the great officers of the household, all splendidly 
attired in their robes of state, and proudly dis- 
playing the insignia of their orders. When the 
emperor had mounted his throne, with Philip on 
his right hand, the Regent Mary on his left, and 
the rest of his retinue disposed along the seats 
prepared for them on the platform, the president 
of the council of Flanders addressed the assembly. 
He briefly explained the object for which they had 
been summoned, and the motives which had in- 
duced their master to abdicate the throne ; and he 
8 B 


concluded by requiring them, in their sovereign's 
name, to transfer their allegiance from himself to 
Philip, his son and rightful heir. 

After a pause, Charles rose to address a few 
parting words to his subjects. He stood with 
apparent difficulty, and rested his right hand on 
the shoulder of the prince of Orange, — intimat- 
ing, by this preference on so distinguished an 
occasion, the high favor in which he held the 
young nobleman. In the other hand he held a 
paper, containing some hints for his discourse, 
and occasionally cast his eyes on it, to refresh 
his memory. He spoke in the French lan- 

He was unwilling, he said, to part from his 
people without a few words from his own lips. 
It was now forty years since he had been intrusted 
with the sceptre of the Netherlands. He was 
soon after called to take charge of a still more 
extensive empire, both in Spain and in Germany, 
involving a heavy responsibility for one so young. 
He had, however, endeavored earnestly to do his 
duty to the best of his abilities. He had been ever 
mindful of the interests of the dear land of his 
birth, but, above all, of the great interests of 
Christianity. His first object had been to main- 
tain these inviolate against the infidel. In this 
he had been thwarted, partly by the jealousy of 
neighboring powers, and partly by the factions 
of the heretical princes of Germany. 

In the performance of his great work, he bad 


never consulted his ease. His expeditions, in war 
and in peace, to France, England, Germany, Italy, 
Spain, and Flanders, had amounted to no less than 
forty. Four times he had crossed the Spanish 
seas, and eight times the Mediterranean. He had 
shrunk from no toil, while he had the strength to 
endure it. But a cruel malady had deprived him 
of that strength. Conscious of his inability to 
discharge the duties of his station, he had long 
since come to the resolution to relinquish it. From 
this he had been diverted only by the situation 
of his unfortunate parent, and by the inexperience 
of his son. These objections no longer existed ; 
and he should not stand excused, in the eye of 
Heaven or of the world, if he should insist on still 
holding the reins of government when he was 
incapable of managing them, — when every year 
his incapacity must become more obvious. 

He begged them to believe that this, and no 
other motive, induced him to resign the sceptre 
which he had so long swayed. They had been 
to him dutiful and loving subjects ; and such, he 
doubted not, they would prove to his successor. 
Above all things, he besought them to maintain 
the purity of the faith. If any one, in these 
licentious times, had admitted doubts into his 
bosom, let such doubts be extirpated at once. " I 
know well," he concluded, " that, in my long 
administration, I have fallen into many errors, and 
committed some wrongs. But it was from igno- 
rance ; and, if there be any here whom I have 


wronged, they will believe that it was not in- 
tended, and grant me their forgiveness."^ 

AVhile the emperor was speaking, a breathless 
silence pervaded the whole audience. Charles had 
ever been dear to the people of the Netherlands, — 
the land of his birth. They took a national pride 
in his achievements, and felt that his glory re- 
flected a peculiar lustre on themselves. As they 
now gazed for the last time on that revered form, 
and listened to the parting admonitions from his 
lips, they w^re deeply affected, and not a dry eye 
was to be seen in the assembly. 

After a short interval, Charles, turning to Philip, 
who, in an attitude of deep respect, stood awaiting 
his commands, thus addressed him : " If the vast 
possessions which are now bestowed on you had 
come by inheritance, there would be abundant 
cause for gratitude. How much more, when they 
come as a free gift, in the lifetime of your father ! 
But, however large the debt, I shall consider it all 
repaid, if you only discharge your duty to your 
subjects. So rule over them, that men shall com- 
mend, and not censure me for the part I am now 

6 Tlie speech Is given, with suf- ceremony in a communication to 
ficient conformity, by two of tlie his government, (The Order of 
persons who heard it; — a Flemish the Cession of the Low Countries 
writer, whose MS., preserved in to the King's Majesty, MS.) The 
the Archives du Royaume, has historian Sandoval also gives a full 
lately been published by Gachard, report of the speech, on the author- 
in the Analectes Belgiques, (p. ity of one who heard it. Illstoria 
87;) and Sir John Mason, the de la Vida y Ilechos del Empera- 
Brltish minister at the court of dor Carlos V., (Amberes, 1681,) 
Charles, who describes the whole torn. II, p. 599. 


acting. Go on as you have begun. Fear God ; 
live justly ; respect the laws ; above all, cherish 
the interests of religion ; and may the Almighty 
bless you with a son, to whom, when old and 
stricken with disease, you may be able to resign 
your kingdom with the same good-will with which 
I now resign mine to you." 

As he ceased, Philip, much affected, would have 
thrown himself at his father's feet, assuring him 
of his intention to do all in his power to merit 
such goodness ; but Charles, raising his son, ten- 
derly embraced him, while the tears flowed fast 
down his cheeks. Every one, even the most 
stoical, Avas touched by this affecting scene; 
" and nothing," says one who was present, " was 
to be heard, throughout the hall, but sobs and 
ill-suppressed moans." Charles, exhausted by his 
efforts, and deadly pale, sank back upon his seat ; 
while, with feeble accents, he exclaimed, as he gazed 
on his people, " God bless you ! God bless you ! " ^ 

■^ Sandoval, Hist, de Carlos V., in mine opinion, not one man in 

torn. II. pp. 597-599. — Leti, the whole assembly, stranger or 

Vita del Catolico Re Filippo II., other, that during the time of a 

(Coligni, 1679,) torn. I. pp. 240- good piece of his oration poured 

242. — Vera y Figueroa, Epitome not out abundantly tears, some 

de la Vida y Ilechos del invicto more, some less. And yet he 

Emperador Carlos Quinto, (Ma- prayed them to bear with his im- 

drid, 1649,) pp. 119, 120. perfection, proceeding of sickly 

Sir John Mason thus describes a^e, and of the mentioning of so 

the alfectlng scene : " And here tender a matter as the departing 

he broke into a weeping, where- from such a sort of dear and most 

unto, besides the dolefulness of the loving subjects." The Order of 

matter, I think he was much pro- the Cession of the Low Countries 

voked by seeing the whole com- to the King's Majesty, MS. 
pany to do the like before, being, 

VOL. I. 8 3 B * 


After these emotions had somewhat subsided, 
Philip arose, and, delivering himself in French, 
briefly told the deputies of the regret which he 
felt at not being able to address them in their na- 
tive language, and to assure them of the favor and 
high regard in which he held them. This would 
be done for him by the bishop of Arras. 

This was Antony Perennot, better known as 
Cardinal Granvelle, son of the famous minister 
of Charles the Fifth, nnd destined himself to a 
still higher celebrity as the minister of Philip the 
Second. In clear and Huent language, he gave 
the deputies the promise of their new sovereign 
to respect the laws and liberties of the nation ; 
invoking them, on liis behalf, to aid him with 
their counsels, and, like loyal vassals, to maintain 
the authority of the law in his dominions. After 
a suitable response from the deputies, filled with 
sentiments of regret for the loss of their late 
monarch, and with those of loyalty to their new 
one, the Regent Mary formally abdicated her 
authority, and the session closed. So ended a 
ceremony, which, considering the importance of 
its consequences, the character of the actors, and 
the solemnity of the proceedings, is one of the 
most remarkable in history. That the crown of 
the monarch is lined with thorns, is a trite maxim ; 
and it requires no philosophy to teach us that 
happiness does not depend on station. Yet, nu- 
merous as are the instances of those who have 
wad(Kl to a throne through seas of blood, there 


are but few who, when they have once tasted the 
sweets of sovereignty, have been content to resign 
them; still fewer who, when they have done so, 
have had the philosophy to conform to their 
change of condition, and not to repent it. Charles, 
as the event proved, was one of these few. 

On the sixteenth day of January, 1556, in the 
presence of such of the Spanish nobility as were at 
the court, he executed the deeds, by which he ceded 
the sovereignty of Castile and Aragon, with their 
dependencies, to Philip.^ 

The last act that remained for him to perform 
was to resign the crown of Germany in favor of 
his brother Ferdinand. But this he consented to 
defer some time longer, at the request of Ferdi- 
nand himself, who wished to prepare the minds 
of the electoral college for this unexpected transfer 
of the imperial sceptre. But, while Charles con- 
sented to retain for the present the title of Em- 
peror, the real power and the burden of sover- 
eimtv would remain with Ferdinand.^ 

S The date of tlils rcnuncia- Philip the pretensions wliich, as 

tion is also a subject of disagree- king of the Romans, he had to the 

ment among contemporary histori- empire. This negotiation failed, 

ans, although it would seem to be as might have been expected, 

settled by the date of the instru- Ferdinand was not weary of the 

ment itself, which is published by world ; and Charles could offer no 

Sandoval, in his Hist, de Carlos V., bribe large enough to buy off an 

torn. 11. pp. 603- GOG. empire. See the account given by 

9 Lanz, Correspondenz des Kai- Marillac, ap. Raumer, Sixteenth 

sers Karl V., B. III. s. 708. and Seventeenth Centuries, (Lon- 

Five years before this period don, 1835, Eng. trans.,) vol. I. p. 

Charles had endeavored to per- 28 et seq. 
suade Ferdinand to relinquish to 


At the time of abdicating the throne of the 
Netherlands, Charles was still at war with France. 
He had endeavored to negotiate a permanent peace 
with that country ; and, although he failed in this, 
he had the satisfaction, on the fifth of February, 
1556, to arrange a truce for five years, which left 
both powers in the possession of their respective 
conquests. In the existing state of these conquests, 
the truce was by no means favorable to Spain. 
But Charles would have made even larger conces- 
sions, rather than leave the legacy of a war to his 
less experienced successor. 

Having thus completed all his arrangements, by 
which the most powerful prince of Europe de 
scended to the rank of a private gentleman, Charles 
had no longer reason to defer his departure, and 
he proceeded to the place of embarkation. He 
was accompanied by a train of Flemish courtiers, 
and by the foreign ambassadors, to the latter of 
whom he w^armly commended the interests of his 
son. A fleet of fifty-six sail was riding at anchor 
in the port of Flushing, ready to transport him and 
his retinue to Spain. From the imperial household, 
consisting of seven hundred and sixty-two persons, 
he selected a hundred and fifty as his escort ; and 
accompanied by his sisters, after taking an affec- 
tionate farewell of Philip, whose affairs detained 
him in Flanders, on the seventeenth of September 
he sailed from the harbor of Flushing. 

The passage was a boisterous one ; and Charles, 
who suffered greatly from his old enemy, the gout, 


landed, in a feeble state, at Laredo, in Biscay, on 
the twenty-eighth of the month. Scarcely had 
he left the vessel, when a storm fell with fury on 
the fleet, and did some mischief to the shipping 
in the harbor. The pious Spaniard saw in this 
the finger of Providence, which had allowed no 
harm to the squadron till its royal freight had 
been brought safely to the shore.^^ 

On landing, Charles complained, and with some 
reason, of the scanty preparations that had been 
made for him. Philip had written several times to 
his sister, the regent, ordering her to have every- 
thing ready for the emperor on his arrival.^^ Jo- 
anna had accordingly issued her orders to that 
effect. But promptness and punctuality are not 
virtues of the Spaniard. Some apology may be 
found for their deficiency in the present instance ; 
as Charles himself had so often postponed his de- 
parture from the Low Countries, that, when he did 
come, the people were, in a manner, taken by sur- 
prise. That the neglect was not intentional is evi- 
dent from their subsequent conduct.^^ 

10 " Favor sin duda del Cielo,'* " The last of Philip's letters, 

says Sandoval, who gives quite a dated September 8, is given entire 

miraculous air to the event, by add- in the MS. of Don Tomas Gon- 

ing that the emperor's vessel en- zales, (Retiro, Estancia, y Muerte 

countered the brunt of the stonn, del Emperador Carlos Quinto en 

and foundered in port. (Hist, de el Monasterio de Yuste,) which 

Carl OS v., torn. II. p. 607.) But this forms the basis of Mignet's inter- 

and some other particulars told by estlng account of Charles the 

tho historian of Charles's landing, Fifth. 

unconfirmed as they are by a sin- 12 Among other disappointments 

glo eyewitness, may be reckoned was that of not receiving four 

among the myths of the voyage. thousand ducats which Joanna had 


Charles, whose weakness compelled him to be 
borne in a litter, was greeted, everywhere on the 
road, like a sovereign returning to his dominions. 
At Burgos, which he entered amidst the ringing of 
bells and a general illumination of the town, he 
passed three days, experiencing the hospitalities of 
the great constable, and receiving the homage of 
the northern lords, as well as of the people, who 
thronged the route by which he was to pass. At 
Torquemada, among those who came to pay their 
respects to their former master was Gasca, the good 
president of Peru. He had been sent to America 
to suppress the insurrection of Gonzalo Pizarro, 
and restore tranquillity to the country. In the 
execution of this delicate mission, he succeeded so 
well, that the emperor, on his return, had raised 
him to the see of Plasencia ; and the excellent man 
now lived in his diocese, where, in the peaceful 
discharge of his episcopal functions, he probably 
enjoyed far greater contentment than he could 
have derived from the dazzling, but difficult post 
of an American viceroy. 

From Torquemada, Charles slowly proceeded to 
Valladolid, where his daughter, the Pegent Jo- 
anna, was then holding her court. Preparations 

ordered to be placed at the em- cuatro mil ducados que el rey le 

peror's disposition on his landing, dijo habia mandado proveer, y 

This appears from a letter of the visto que no se ha hcclio, me ha 

emperor's secretary, Gaztelu, to mandado lo escribiese luego a Vu- 

Vazquez de Molina, October 6, estra Merced, para que se haya, 

1556. "El emperador tovo por porque son mucho menester." MS 
cierto que llegado aqui, hallaria los 


were made for receiving him in a manner suited 
to his former rank. But Charles positively de 
clined these honors, reservin'g them for his two 
sisters, the queens of France and Hungary, who 
accordingly made their entrance into the capital in 
great state, on the day following that on which 
their royal brother had entered it with the sim- 
plicity of a private citizen. 

He remained here some days, in order to recov- 
er from the fatigue of his journey; and, although 
he took no part in the festivities of the court, he 
gave audience to his ancient ministers, and to such 
of the Castilian grandees as were eager to render 
him their obeisance. At the court he had also the 
opportunity of seeing his grandson Carlos, the heir 
of the monarchy ; and his quick eye, it is said, in 
this short time, saw enough in the prince's deport- 
ment to fill him with ominous forebodings. 

Charles prolonged his stay fourteen days in Valla- 
dolid, during which time his health was much 
benefited by the purity and the dryness of the 
atmosphere. On his departure, his royal sisters 
would have borne him company, and even have 
fixed their permanent residence near his own. But 
to this he would not consent ; and, taking a tender 
farewell of every member of his family, — as one 
who was never to behold them again, — he re- 
sumed his journey. He took with him a number 
of followers, mostly menials, to wait on his person. 

The place he had chosen for his retreat was the 
monastery of Yuste, in the province of Estrema- 


dura, not many miles from Plasencia. On his way 
thither he halted near three months at Jarandilla, 
the residence of the count of Oropesa, waiting 
there for the completion of some repairs that were 
going on in the monastery, as well as for the remit- 
tance of a considerable sum of money, which he was 
daily expecting. This he required chiefly to dis- 
charge the arrears due to some of his old retainers ; 
and the failure of the remittance has brought some 
obloquy on Philip, who could so soon show him- 
self unmindful of his obligations to his father. 
But the blame should rather be charged on Philip's 
ministers than on Philip, absent as he was at that 
time from the country, and incapable of taking 
personal cognizance of the matter. Punctuality in 
his j)ecuniary engagements was a virtue to which 
neither Charles nor Philip — the masters of the 
Indies — could at any time lay claim. But the 
imputation of parsimony, or even indifference, on 
the part of the latter, in his relations with his 
father, is fully disproved by the subsequent history 
of that monarch at the convent of Yuste.^^ 

13 Sandoval makes no allusion inta dias trelnta mil escudos con 
to the affair, which rests on the que pagar y dispedir sus criados 
report of Strada, (De Bello Bel- que llegaron con tarda provision y 
gico, (Antverpise, 1640,) torn. I. mano; terrible tentacion para no 
p. 1 2,) and of Cabrera, — the lat- dar todo su aver antes de la mu- 
ter, as one of the royal household erte." Filipe Segundo Rey de 
and the historiographer of Castile, Espana, (Madrid, 1619,) lib. II. 
by far the best authority. In the cap. 11. 

narration he does not spare his mas- The letters from Jarandilla at 

tcr. " En Jarandilla ameno lugar this time show the embarrassments 

del Conde de Oropesa, espero trc- under which the emperor labored 

Ch.i.j his journey to yuste. 25 

This place had attracted his eye many years be- 
fore, when on a visit to that part of the country, 
and he marked it for his future residence. The 
convent was tenanted by monks of the strictest 
order of Saint Jerome. But, however strict in their 
monastic rule, the good fathers showed much taste 
in the selection of their ground, as well as in the 
embellishment of it. It lay in a wild, romantic 
country, embosomed among hills that stretch 
along the northern confines of Estremadura. The 
building, which was of great antiquity, had been 
surrounded by its inmates with cultivated gar- 
dens, and with groves of orange, lemon, and myr- 
tle, whose fragrance was tempered by the refresh- 
ing coolness of the waters that gushed forth in 
abundance from the rocky sides of the hills. It 
was a delicious retreat, and, by its calm seclusion 
and the character of its scenery, was well suited to 
withdraw the mind from the turmoil of the world, 
and dispose it to serious meditation. Here the 
monarch, after a life of restless ambition, proposed 
to spend the brief remainder of his days, and dedi- 
cate it to the salvation of his soul. He could not, 
however, as the event proved, close his heart 

from want of funds. His exchequer mancra que no tenemos un real 

was so low, indeed, that on one para el gasto ordinario, que para 

occasion he was obliged to borrow socorrer hoy he dado yo cien 

a hundred reals for his ordinary reales, ni se sabe de donde ha- 

expenses from his major-domo, berlo." Carta de Luis Quixada a 

" Los ultimos dos mil ducados que Juan Vazquez, ap. Gachard, Re- 

trujo el criado de Hernando Ochoa traite et Mort de Charles- Quint, 

se han acabo, porque cuando He- (Bruxelles, 1554,) torn. L p. 7G. 
griron, se debian ya la mitad, de 

VOL. I. 8 4 C 


against all sympathy with mankind, nor refuse to 
take some part in the great questions which then 
agitated the world. Charles was not master of 
that ignoble philosophy which enabled Diocletian 
to turn with contentment from the cares of an em- 
pire to those of a cabbage-garden. — In this retire- 
ment we must now leave the royal recluse, while 
we follow the opening career of the prince whose 
reign is the subject of the present history. 



Birth of Philip the Second. — His Education. — Intrusted with the 
Regency. — Marries Mary of Portugal. — Visit to Flanders.— 
Public Festivities. — Ambitious Schemes. — Returns to Spain. 


Philip the Second was born at Valladolid, on 
the twenty-first of May, 1527. His mother was the 
Empress Isabella, daughter of Emanuel the Great 
of Portugal. By his father he was descended 
from the ducal houses of Burgundy and Austria. 
By both father and mother he claimed a descent 
from Ferdinand and Isabella the Catholic of Spain. 
As by blood he was half a Spaniard, so by tem- 
perament and character he proved to be wholly so. 

The ceremony of his baptism was performed 
with all due solemnity, by Tavera, archbishop of 
Toledo, on the twenty-fifth of June, when the royal 
infant received the name of Philip, after his pa- 
ternal grandfather, Philip the Handsome, whose 
brief reign — for which he was indebted to his 
union with Joanna, queen-proprietor of Castile — 
has hardly secured him a place in the line of 
Castilian sovereigns. 


The birth of a son — the heir of so magnificent 
an empire — was hailed with delight both by 
Charles and by the whole nation, who prepared to 
celebrate it in a style worthy of the event, when 
tidings reached them of the capture of Pope 
Clement the Seventh and the sack of E-ome by 
the Spanish troops under the constable de Bour- 
bon. The news of this event, and the cruelties 
inflicted by the conquerors, filled all Europe with 
consternation. Even the Protestants, who had 
no superfluous sympatliy to spare for the suffer- 
ings of the pope, were shocked by the perpetration 
of atrocities compared with which the conduct 
of Attila and Alaric might almost be deemed 
merciful. Whatever responsibility may attach to 
Charles on the score of the expedition, it would 
be injustice to him to suppose that he did not 
share in the general indignation at the manner in 
which it v:as conducted. At all events, he could 
hardly venture to outrage the feelings of Chris- 
tendom so far as to take the present moment for 
one of public rejoicing. Orders were instantly 
\ssued to abandon the intended festivities, greatly 
to the discontent of the people, whose sympathy 
for the pope did not by any means incline them 
\o put this restraint on the expression of their 
loyalty ; and they drew from the disappointment an 
uncomfortable augury that the reign of the young 
prince boded no good to the Catholic religion.^ 

I Cabrera, Filipe Scgimdo, lib. Felipe el Priulcntc, (Madrid, 
I. cap. 1. — Vanderhammen, Don 1625,) p. 1. — Breve Coinpendio 

ch ii.j his education. 29 

It was not long, however, before the people of 
Castile had an ojiportunity for the full display of 
their enthusiasm, on the occasion of Philip's recog- 
nition as rightful heir to the crown. The cere- 
mony was conducted with great pomp and splen- 
dor in the cortes at Madrid, on the nineteenth of 
April, 1528, when he was but eleven months old 
The prince was borne in the arms of his mother, 
who, with the emperor, was present on the occa- 
sion; while the nobles, the clergy, and the com- 
mons took the oath of allegiance to the royal 
infant, as successor to the crown of Castile. The 
act of homage was no sooner published, than the 
nation, as if by way of compensation for the past, 
abandoned itself to a general jubilee. Illumina- 
tions and bonfires were lighted up in all the towns 
and villages ; while everywhere were to be seen 
dancing, bull-fights, tilts of reeds, and the other 
national games of that chivalrous and romantic 

Soon after this, Charles was called by his af- 
fairs to other parts of his far-extended empire, and 
he left his infant son to the care of a Portuguese 
lady. Dona Leonor Mascarerlas, or rather to that 

de la Vida Privada del Rey D. cattivi augurii ; gll vni diceuano, 

Felipe Segundo atribuido a Pedro ehe questo Prencipe doueua esser 

Mateo Coronista mayor del Reyno causa di grandi afflittione alia 

de Francia, MS. — Leti, Vita dl Chiesa ; gli altri ; Che cominci- 

Filippo n., torn. I. p. 69 et seq. ando a nascere colle tenebre, noa 

" Andauano sussurando per le poteua portar clie ombra alia 

strade, cauando da questa proi- Spagna." Leti, Vita di Filippo 

bitione di solennita pronostici di 11., torn. I. p. 73. 

8 C* 


of the Empress Isabella, in whose prudence and 
maternal watchfulness he could safely confide. 
On the emperor's return to Spain, when his son 
was hardly seven years old, he formed for him a 
separate establishment, and selected two persons 
for the responsible office of superintending his 

One of these personages was Juan Martinez 
Siliceo, at that time professor in the College of 
Salamanca. He was a man of piety and learning, 
of an accommodating temper, — too accommodat- 
ing, it appears from some of Charles's letters, for 
the good of his pupil, though not, as it would 
seem, for his own good, since he found such favor 
with the prince, that, from an humble ecclesiastic, 
he was subsequently preferred to the highest dig 
nities of the Church. 

Under him, Philip was instructed in the ancient 
classics, and made such progress in Latin, that he 
could write it, and did write it frequently in after 
life, with ease and correctness. He studied, also, 
Italian and French. He seems to have had little 
knowledge of the former, but French he could 
speak indifferently well, though he was rarely 

2 Ibid., torn. I. p. 74. — Noticia quella riputatione et con quel ri- 
de Ids Ayos y Maestros de Felipe spetto che parea convenirsi ad un 
Segundo y Carlos su Hijo, MS. figliiiolo del maggior Imperatore 

" Et passo I primi anni et la che fosse mai fra Christiani." Re- 

maggior parte dell' eta sua in quel latione di Spagna del Cavallere 

regno, onde per usanza del paese, Michele Soriano, Ambasciatore al 

et per la volanta della madre che Re Filipo, MS. 
?ra di Portogallo fu allevato con 


inclined to venture beyond his own tongue. He 
showed a more decided taste for science, especially 
the mathematics. He made a careful study of the 
principles of architecture; and the fruits of this 
study are to be seen in some of the noblest monu- 
ments erected in that flourishing period of the arts. 
In sculpture and painting he also made some pro- 
ficiency, and became in later life no contemptible 
critic, — at least for a sovereign. 

The other functionary charged with Philip's 
education was Don Juan de Zuniga, commendador 
mayor of Castile. He taught his pupil to fence, 
to ride, to take his part at the tilts and tourneys, 
and, in short, to excel in the chivalrous exercises 
familiar to cavaliers of his time. He encouraged 
Philip to invigorate his constitution by the hardy 
pleasures of the chase, to which, however, he was 
but little addicted as he advanced in years. 

But, besides these personal accomplishments, no 
one was better qualified than Zuniga to instruct 
his pupil in the duties belonging to his royal 
station. He was a man of ancient family, and 
had passed much of his life in courts. But he 
had none of the duplicity or of the suppleness 
which often marks the character of the courtier. 
He possessed too high a sentiment of honor to 
allow him to trifle with truth. He spoke his 
mind plainly, too plainly sometimes for the taste 
of his pupil. Charles, who understood the char- 
acter of Zuniga, wrote to his son to honor and to 
cherish him. " If he deals plainly with you," he 


said, " it is for the love he bears you. If he were 
to flatter you, and be only solicitous of ministering 
to your wishes, he would be like all the rest of 
the world, and you would have no one near to 
tell you the truth ; — and a worse thing cannot 
happen to any man, old or young ; but most of all 
to the young, from their want of experience to 
discern truth from error." The wise emperor, 
who knew how rarely it is that truth is permitted 
to find its way to royal ears, set a just value on 
the man who had the courage to speak it.^ 

Under the influence of these teachers, and, still 
more, of the circumstances in which he was placed, 
— the most potent teachers of all, — Philip grew in 
years, and slowly unfolded the peculiar qualities of 
his disposition. He seemed cautious and reserved 
in his demeanor, and slow of speech ; yet what 
he said had a character of thought beyond his age. 
At no time did he discover that buoyancy of spirit, 
or was he betrayed into those sallies of temper, 
which belong to a bold and adventurous, and often 
to a generous nature. His deportment was marked 
by a seriousness that to some might seem to savor 
of melancholy. He was self-possessed, so that even 
as a boy he was rarely off his guard.^ 

3 Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. a manuscript copy, has been pub- 

I. cap. 1. — Letl, Vita di Filippo lished in the Seminario Erudite, 

TL, torn. L p. 97. — Noticia de los (Madrid, 1788,) torn. XIV. p. 156 

Ayos, MS. — Relatione dl Michele et seq. 

Soriano, MS. — Relatione dl Fede- '* Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. 

rico Badoaro, MS. I. cap. 1. 

Charles's letter, of which I have 

Ch. 11.] HIS EDUCATION. . 33 

The emperor, whose affairs called him away 
from Spain much the greater part of his time, had 
not the power of personally superintending the 
education of his son. Unfortunately for the lat- 
ter, his excellent mother died when he was but 
twelve years old. Charles, who loved his wife as 
much as a man is capable of loving whose soul 
is filled with schemes of boundless ambition, was 
at Madrid when he received tidings of her ill- 
ness. He posted in all haste to Toledo, where the 
queen then was, but arrived there only in time to 
embrace her cold remains before they were con- 
signed to the sepulchre. The desolate monarch 
abandoned himself to an agony of grief, and was 
with difficulty withdrawn from the apartment by 
his attendants, to indulge his solitary regrets in the 
neighboring monastery of La Sisla. 

Isabella well deserved to be mourned by her hus- 
band. She was a woman, from all accounts, pos- 
sessed of many high and generous qualities. Such 
was her fortitude, that, at the time of her confine- 
ment, she was never heard to utter a groan. She 
seemed to think any demonstration of suffering a 
weakness, and had the chamber darkened that her 
attendants might not see the distress painted on 
her countenance.^ With this constancy of spirit, 
she united many feminine virtues. The palace, 
under her rule, became a school of industry. In- 
stead of wasting her leisure hours in frivolous 

5 Florcz, Mcmorias dc las Rcynas Catholicas, (Madrid, 1770,) torn. 
II. p. 869. 

VOL. I. 5 

34 EARLY DAYS OF PHim^ [Book I. 

pleasures, she might be seen busily occupied, with 
her maidens, in the elegant labors of the loom; 
and, like her ancestor, the good Queen Isabella the 
Catholic, she sent more than one piece of tapestry, 
worked by her own hands, to adorn the altars of 
Jerusalem. These excellent qualities were en- 
hanced by manners so attractive, that her effigy 
was struck on a medal, with a device of the 
three Graces on the reverse side, bearing the 
motto. Has hahet et superat.^ 

Isabella was but thirty-six years old at the time 
of her death. Charles was not forty. He never 
married again. Yet the bereavement seems to 
have had little power to soften his nature, or in- 
cline him to charity for the misconduct, or compas- 
sion for the misfortunes of others. It was but a 
few months after the death of his wife, that, on 
occasion of the insurrection of Ghent, he sought 
a passage through the territory of his ancient 
enemy of France, descended on the offending city, 
and took such vengeance on its wretched inhabit- 
ants as made all Europe ring with his cruelty."^ 

Philip was too young at this time to take part 
in the administration of the kingdom during his 
father's absence. But he was surrounded by "able 
statesmen, who familiarized him with ideas of gov- 
ernment, by admitting him to see the workings of 
the machinery which he was one day to direct. 

6 Ibid., torn. II. p. 877. Hist, de Carlos Quinto.. */)m. H 

7 " Tomo la posta vestido en p. 285. 
luto come vludo," says Sandoval, 

Ch.u.] his education. 35 

Charles was desirous that the attention of his son, 
even in boyhood, should be turned to those affairs 
which were to form the great business of his future 
life. It seems even thus early — at this period of 
mental depression — the emperor cherished the 
plan of anticipating the natural consequence of his 
decease, by resigning his dominions into the hands 
of Philip so soon as he should be qualified to rule 

No event occurred to disturb the tranquillity of 
Spain during the emperor's absence from that 
country, to which he returned in the winter of 
1541. It was after his disastrous expedition 
against Algiers, — the most disastrous of any that 
he had yet undertaken. He there saw his navy 
sunk or scattered by the tempest, and was fortu- 
nate in finding a shelter, with its shattered rem- 
nants, in the port of Carthagena. Soon after land- 
ing, he received a letter from Philip, condoling 
with him on his losses, and striving to cheer him 
with the reflection, that they had been caused by 
the elements, not by his enemies. With this tone 
of philosophy were mingled expressions of sympa- 
thy ; and Charles may have been gratified with the 
epistle, — if he could believe it the composition of 
his son.^ Philip soon after this made a journey to 
the south ; and, in the society of one who was now 
the chief object of his affections, the emperor may 
have found the best consolation in his misfortunes. 

® The letter is given by Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. I. cap. 2. 


Tlie French had availed themselves of the 
troubled state of Charles's affairs to make a descent 
upon E-oussillon ; and the dauphin now lay in some 
strength before the gates of Perpignan. The em- 
peror considered this a favorable moment for Philip 
to take his first lesson in war. The prince accord- 
ingly posted to Valladolid. A considerable force 
was quickly mustered ; and Philip, taking the com- 
mand, and supported by some of the most expe- 
rienced of his father's generals, descended rapidly 
towards the coast. But the dauphin did not care 
to wait for his approach; and, breaking up his 
camp, he retreated, without striking a blow, in all 
haste, across the mountains. Philip entered the 
town in triumph, and soon after returned, with the 
unstained laurels of victory, to receive his father's 
congratulations. The promptness of his move- 
ments on this occasion gained him credit with the 
Spaniards ; and the fortunate result seemed to fur- 
nish a favorable augury for the future. 

On his return, the prince was called to preside 
over the cortes at Monzon, — a central town, where 
the deputies of Aragon, Catalonia, and Valencia 
continued to assemble separately, long after those 
provinces had been united to Castile. Philip, 
with all the forms prescribed by the constitution, 
received the homage of the representatives assem- 
bled, as successor to the crown of Aragon. 

The war with France, which, after a temporary 
suspension, had broken out with greater violence 
than ever, did not permit the emperor long to pi'o- 


tract his stay in the PeninsuUx. Indeed, it seemed 
to his Spanish subjects that he rarely visited them, 
except when his exchequer required to be replen- 
ished for carrying on his restless enterprises, and 
that he stayed no longer than was necessary to 
effect this object. On leaving the country, he 
intrusted the regency to Philip, under the general 
direction of a council consisting of the duke of 
Alva, Cardinal Tavera, and the Commendador 
Cobos. Some time after this, while still linger- 
ing in Catalonia, previous to his embarkation, 
Charles addressed a letter to his son, advising him 
as to his political course, and freely criticizing the 
characters of the great lords associated with him 
in the government. The letter, which is alto- 
gether a remarkable document, contains, also, 
some wholesome admonitions on Philip's private 
conduct. " The duke of Alva," the emperor em- 
phatically wrote, " is the ablest statesman and the 
best soldier I have in my dominions. Consult 
him, above all, in military affairs ; but do not 
depend on him entirely in these or in any other 
matters. Depend on no one but yourself. The 
grandees will be too happy to secure your favor, 
and through you to govern the land. But, if you 
are thus governed, it will be your ruin. The 
mere suspicion of it will do you infinite prejudice. 
Make use of all ; but lean exclusively on none. 
In your perplexities, ever trust in your Maker. 
Have no care but for him." The emperor then 
l)asses some strictures on the Commendador Cobos, 
8 D 



as too much inclined to pleasure, at the same time 
admonishing Philip of the consequences of a liber- 
tine career, fatal alike, he tells him, to both soul 
and body. There seems to have been some ground 
for this admonition, as the young prince had shown 
a disposition to gallantry, which did not desert him 
in later life. " Yet, on the whole," says the mon- 
arch, " I will admit I have much reason to be sat- 
isfied with your behavior. But I would have you 
perfect ; and, to speak frankly, whatever other per- 
sons may tell you, you have some things to mend 
yet. Your confessor," he continues, " is now your 
old preceptor, the bishop of Carthagena," — to 
which see the worthy professor had been recently 
raised. " He is a good man, as all the world 
knows ; but I hope he will take better care of 
your conscience than he did of your studies, and 
that he will not show quite so accommodating a 
temper in regard to the former as he did with the 

On the cover of this curious epistle the emperor 
indorsed a direction to his son, to show it to no 
living person ; but, if he found himself ill at any 
time, to destroy the letter, or seal it up under 
cover to him. It would, indeed, have edified 
those courtiers, who fancied they stood highest in 
the royal favor, to see how, to their very depths, 

9 Cabrera, FIHpe Segundo, lib. I. et seq. — Breve Compendlo, MS 

pap. 2. — Leti, Vita di Filippo II., — Charles's letter, in the Seminac 

torn. I. p. 132. — Sandoval, Hist, rio Erudito, torn. XIV. p. 156. 
de Carlos Quinto, torn. II. p. 299 


their characters were sounded, and how clearly 
their schemes of ambition were revealed to the 
eye of their master. It was this admirable per- 
ception of character which enabled Charles, so 
generally, to select the right agent for the execu- 
tion of his plans, and thus to insure their success. 

The letter from Palamos is one among many 
similar proofs of the care with which, even from a 
distance, Charles watched over his son's course, 
and endeavored to form his character. The ex- 
perienced navigator would furnish a chart to the 
youthful pilot, by which, without other aid, he 
might securely steer through seas strange and 
unknown to him. Yet there was little danger in 
the navigation, at this period ; for Spain lay in a 
profound tranquillity, unruffled by a breath from 
the rude tempest, that, in other parts of Europe, 
was unsettling princes on their thrones. 

A change was now to take place in Philip's 
domestic relations. His magnificent expectations 
made him, in the opinion of the world, the best 
match in Europe. His father had long contem- 
plated the event of his son's marrying. He had 
first meditated an alliance for him with Margaret, 
daughter of Francis the First, by which means the 
feud with his ancient rival might be permanently 
healed. But Philip's inclination was turned to an 
alliance with Portugal. This latter was finally 
adopted by Charles ; and, in December, 1542, 
Philip was betrothed to the Infanta Mary, daugh- 
ter of John the Third and of Catharine, the 


emperor's sister. She was, consequently, cousin 
german to Philip. At the same time, Joanna, 
Charles's youngest daughter, was affianced to the 
eldest son of John the Thiid, and heir to his 
crown. The intermarriages of the royal houses 
of Castile and Portugal were so frequent, that tho 
several members stood in multiplied and most per- 
plexing degrees of affinity with one another. 

Joanna was eight years younger than her broth- 
er. Charles had one other child, Mary, born the 
year after Philip. She was destined to a more 
splendid fortune than her sister, as bride of the 
future emperor of Germany. Since Philip and the 
Portuguese princess were now both more than six- 
teen years old, being nearly of the same age, it 
was resolved that their marriage should no longer 
be deferred. The place appointed for the cere- 
mony was the ancient city of Salamanca. 

In October, 1543, the Portuguese infanta quitted 
her father's palace in Lisbon, and set out for Cas- 
tile. She was attended by a numerous train of 
nobles, with the archbishop of Lisbon at their 
head. A splendid embassay was sent to meet her 
on the borders, and conduct her to Salamanca. 
At its head was the duke of Medina Sidonia, 
chief of the Guzmans, the w^ealthiest and most 
powerful lord in Andalusia. He had fitted up 
his palace at Badajoz in the most costly and sump- 
tuous style, for the accommodation of the princess. 
The hangings were of cloth of gold; the couches, 
the sideboards, and some of tlie other furnituve, 



of burnished silver. The duke himself rode in a 
superb litter, and the mules which carried it were 
shod with gold. The members of his household 
and his retainers swelled to the number of three 
thousand, well mounted, wearing the liveries and 
cognizance of their master. Among them was the 
•Juke's private band, including several natives of 
the Indies, — then not a familiar sight in Spain, — 
displaying on their breasts broad silver escutcheons, 
on which were emblazoned the arms of the Guz- 
mans. The chronicler is diffuse in his account of 
the infanta's reception, from which a few particu- 
lars may be selected for such as take an interest 
in the Spanish costume and manners of the six- 
teenth century. 

The infanta was five months younger than 
Philip. She was of the middle size, with a good 
figure, though somewhat inclined to emhonpoint^ 
and was distinguished by a graceful carriage and 
a pleasing expression of countenance. Her dress 
was of cloth of silver, embroidered with flowers 
of gold. She wore a capa^ or Castilian mantle, of 
violet-colored velvet, figured with gold, and a hat 
of the same materials, surmounted by a white and 
azure plume. The housings of the mule were of 
rich brocade, and Mary rode on a silver saddle. 

As she approached Salamanca, she was met by 
the rector and professors of the university, in their 
academic gowns. Next followed the judges and 
re^idores of the city, in their robes of office, of 
crimson velvet, with hose and shoes of spotless 
VOL. X 8 ^ D* 


white. After these came the military, — horse 
and foot, — in their several companies, making a 
brilliant show, with their gay uniforms ; and, after 
going through their various evolutions, they formed 
into an escort for the princess. In this way, amidst 
the sound of music and the shouts of the multi- 
tude, the glittering pageant entered the gates of 
the capital. 

The infanta w^as there received under a superb 
canopy, supported by the magistrates of the city. 
The late ambassador to Portugal, Don Luis Sar- 
miento, who had negotiated the marriage treaty, 
held the bridle of her mule ; and in this state she 
arrived at the palace of the duke of Alva, destined 
for her reception in Salamanca. Here she was 
received with all honor by the duchess, in the 
presence of a brilliant company of cavaliers and 
noble ladies. Each of the ladies was graciously 
permitted by the infanta to kiss her hand ; but the 
duchess, the chronicler is careful to inform us, she 
distinguished by the honor of an embrace. 

All the while, Philip had been in the presence 
of the infanta, unknown to herself. Impatient to 
see his destined bride, the young prince had sallied 
out, with a few attendants, to the distance of five 
or six miles from the city, all in the disguise of 
huntsmen. He wore a slouched velvet hat on his 
head, and his face was effectually concealed under 
a gauze mask, so that he could mingle in the 
crowed by the side of the infanta, and make his 
own scrutiny, unmarked by any one. In this way 


he accompanied the procession during the five 
lioiirs which it lasted, until the darkness had 
set in ; " if darkness could be spoken of," says 
the chronicler, " where the blaze of ten thousand 
torches shed a light stronger than day." 

The following evening, November the twelfth, 
w^as appointed for the marriage. The duke and 
duchess of Alva stood as sponsors, and the nuptial 
ceremony was performed by Tavera, archbishop of 
Toledo. The festivities were prolonged through 
another week. The saloons were filled with the 
beauty of Castile. The proudest aristocracy in 
Europe vied with each other in the display of 
magnificence at the banquet and the tourney ; and 
sounds of merriment succeeded to the tranquillity 
which had so long reigned in the cloistered shades 
of Salamanca. 

On the nineteenth of the month the new-married 
pair transferred their residence to Valladolid, — a 
city at once fortunate and fatal to the princess. 
Well might the chronicler call it " fatal " ; for, in 
less than two years, July 8, 1545, she there gave 
birth to a son, the celebrated Don Carlos, whose 
mysterious fate has furnished so fruitful a theme 
for speculation. Mary survived the birth of her 
child but a few days. Had her life been spared, a 
mother s care might perhaps have given a different 
direction to his character, and, through this, to his 
fortunes. The remains of the infanta, first depos- 
ited in the cathedral of Granada, were afterwards 
removed to the Escorial, that magnificent man so- 


leum prepared by her husband for the royalty of 

In the following year died Tavera, archbishop 
of Toledo. He was an excellent man, and greatly 
valued by the emperor; who may be thought to 
have passed a sufficient encomium on his worth 
when he declared, that " by his death Philip had 
suffered a greater loss than by that of Mary ; for 
he could get another wife, but not another Tave- 
ra." His place was filled by Siliceo, Philip's early 
preceptor, who, after having been raised to the 
archiepiscopal see of Toledo, received a cardinal's 
hat from Kome. The accommodating spirit of the 
good ecclesiastic had doubtless some influence in 
his rapid advancement from the condition of a poor 
teacher in Salamanca to the highest post, — as the 
see of Toledo, with its immense revenues and au- 
thority, might be considered, — next to the papacy, 
in the Christian Church. 

For some years, no event of importance occurred 
to disturb the repose of the Peninsula. But the 
emperor was engaged in a stormy career abroad, 
in which his arms were at length crowned with 
success by the decisive battle of Muhlberg. 

This victory, which secured him the person of 
his greatest enemy, placed him in a position for 

10 Florez, Keynas Catollcas, torn. For the particulars relating to 

n. pp. 883 - 889. — Cabrera, Fi- the wedding, I am chiefly indebted 

lipe Segundo, lib. I. cap. 2. — Leti, to Florez, who is as minute in hia 

Vita di Filippo II., tom. I. p. 142. account of court pageants as any 

— Breve Compendio, MS. — Re- master of ceremonies, 
lazione Anonimo, MS. 


dictating terms to the Protestant princes of Ger- 
many. He had subsequently withdrawn to Brus 
sels, where he received an embassy from Philip 
congratulating him on the success of his arms. 
Charles was desirous to see his son, from whom he 
had now been separated nearly six years. He 
wished, moreover, to introduce him to the Nether- 
lands, and make him personally acquainted with 
the people over whom he was one day to rule. 
He sent instructions, accordingly, to Philip, to re- 
pair to Flanders, so soon as the person appointed 
to relieve him in the government should arrive in 

The individual selected by the emperor for this 
office was Maximilian, the son of his brother Fer- 
dinand. Maximilian was a young man of good 
parts, correct judgmelit, and popular manners, — 
well qualified, notwithstanding his youth, for the 
post assigned to him. He was betrothed, as al- 
ready mentioned, to the emperor's eldest daughter, 
his cousin Mary ; and the regency was to be de- 
livered into his hands on the marriage of the 

Philip received his father s commands while pre- 
siding at the cortes of Monzon. He found the 
Aragonese legislature by no means so tractable as 
the Castilian. The deputies from the mountains 
of Aragon and from the sea-coast of Catalonia were 
alike sturdy in their refusal to furnish further sup- 
plies for those ambitious enterprises, which, what- 
ever glory they might bring to their sovereign, 


were of little benefit to them. The independent 
people of these provinces urged their own claims 
with a pertinacity, and criticized the conduct of 
their rulers with a bluntness, that was little grate- 
ful to the ear of majesty. The convocation of the 
Aragonese cortes was, in the view^ of the king of 
Spain, what the convocation of a general council 
was in that of the pope, — a measure not to be 
resorted to but from absolute necessity. 

On the arrival of Maximilian in Castile, his 
marriage with the Infanta Mary was immediately 
celebrated. The ceremony took place, with all 
the customary pomp, in the courtly city of Valla- 
dolid. Among the festivities that followed may be 
noticed the performance of a comedy of Ariosto, — 
a proof that the beautiful Italian literature, w^hich 
had exercised a visible influence on the composi- 
tions of the great Castilian poets of the time, had 
now commended itself, in some degree, to the 
popular taste. 

Before leaving the country, Philip, by his fa- 
ther's orders, made a change in his domestic estab- 
lishment, which he formed on the Burgundian 
model. This Avas more ceremonious, and far more 
costly, than the primitive usage of Castile. A 
multitude of new offices was created, and the most 
important were filled by grandees of the highest 
class. The duke of Alva was made mayor-domo 
mayor ; Antonio cle Toledo, his kinsman, master 
of the horse ; Figueroa, count of Feria, captain 
of the body-guard. Among the chambeHains was 


E-uy Gomez de Silva, prince of Eboli, one of the 
most important members of the cabinet under 
Philip. Even the menial offices connected with 
the person and table of the prince were held by 
men of rank. A guard was lodged in the palace. 
Philip dined in public in great state, attended by 
his kings-at-arms, and by a host of minstrels and 
musicians. One is reminded of the pompous eti- 
quette of the court of Louis the Fourteenth. All 
this, however, was distasteful to the Spaniards, 
who did not comprehend why the prince should 
relinquish the simple usages of his own land for 
the fashions of Burgundy. Neither was it to the 
taste of Philip himself; but it suited that of his 
father, who was desirous that his son should flat- 
ter the Flemings by the assumption of a state to 
which they had been accustomed in their Burgun- 
dian princes. ^^ 

Philip, having now completed his arrangements, 
and surrendered the regency into the hands of his 
brother-in-law, had no reason longer to postpone 
his journey. He was accompanied by the duke 
of Alva, Enriquez, high-admiral of Castile, Ruy 
Gomez, prince of Eboli, and a long train of per- 
sons of the highest rank. There was, besides, a 
multitude of younger cavaliers of family. The 
proudest nobles of the land contended for the 
honor of having their sons take part in the expe- 
dition. The number was still further augmented 

^1 Cabrera, Filipe Scgiindo, lib. II., torn. I. pp. 166, 185 ct scq. -— 
I. cap. 2. — Leti, Vita d'. Filippo Sepulvcdae Opera, vol. U. p. 3*16. 


by a body of artists and men of science. The em 
peror was desirous that Philip should make an 
appearance that would dazzle the imaginations of 
the people among whom he passed. 

With this hrilliant company, Philip began his 
journey in the autumn of 1548. He took the road 
to Saragossa, made an excursion to inspect the for- 
tifications of Perpignan, offered up his prayers at 
the shrine of Our Lady of Montserrat, passed a 
day or two at Barcelona, enjoying the fete pre- 
pared for him in the pleasant citron-gardens of the 
cardinal of Trent, and thence proceeded to the 
port of Posas, where a Genoese fleet, over which 
proudly waved the imperial banner, was riding at 
anchor, and awaiting his arrival. It consisted of 
fifty-eight vessels, furnished by Genoa, Sicily, and 
Naples, and commanded by the veteran of a hun- 
dred battles, the famous Andrew Doria. 

Philip encountered some rough weather on his 
passage to Genoa. The doge and the principal 
senators came out of port in a magnificent galley 
to receive him. The prince landed, amidst the 
roar of cannon from the walls and the adjacent 
fortifications, and was forthwith conducted to the 
mansion of the Dorias, preeminent, even in this 
city of palaces, for its architectural splendor. 

During his stay in Genoa, Philip received all 
the attentions which an elegant hospitality could 
devise. But his hours were not wholly resigned 
to pleasure. He received, every day, embassies 
from the difterent Italian states, one of which 


came from the pope, Paul the Third, with his 
nephew, Ottavio Farnese, at its head. Its es- 
pecial object was to solicit the prince's interest 
with his father, for the restitution of Parma and 
Placentia to the Holy See. Philip answered in 
terms complimentary, indeed, says the historian, 
" but sufficiently ambiguous as to the essential.*' ^^ 
He had already learned his first lesson in king- 
craft. Not long after, the pope sent him a conse- 
crated sword, and the hat worn by his holiness 
on Christmas eve, accompanied by an autograph 
letter, in which, after expatiating on the mystic 
import of his gift, he expressed his confidence that 
in Philip he was one day to find the true cham- 
pion of the Church. 

At the end of a fortnight, the royal traveller 
resumed his journey. He crossed the famous 
battle-field of Pavia, and was shown the place 
where Francis the First surrendered himself a 
prisoner, and where the Spanish ambuscade sal- 
lied out and decided the fortune of the day. His 
bosom swelled with exultation, as he rode over the 
ground made memorable by the most brilliant vic- 
tory achieved by his father, — a victory which 
opened the way to the implacable hatred of his 
vanquished rival, and to oceans of blood. 

From Pavia he passed on to Milan, the flourish- 
ing capital of Lombardy, — the fairest portion of 

^^ " Non rispose che in scnsi Leti, Vita di Fillppo II., torn. L 
ambigui circa al punto esscnzialc, p. 189. 
ma molto ampi ne' compllmenti." 

VOL. I. y 7 E 


the Spanish, dominions in Italy. Milan was, at 
that time, second only to Naples in population. 
It was second to no city in the elegance of its 
buildings, the splendor of its aristocracy, the opu- 
lence and mechanical ingenuity of its burghers. 
It was renowned, at the same time, for its delicate 
fabrics of silk, and its armor, curiously wrought 
and inlaid with gold and silver. In all the arts 
of luxury and material civilization, it was unsur- 
passed by any of the capitals of Christendom. 

As the prince approached the suburbs, a count- 
less throng of people came forth to greet him. 
For fifteen miles before he entered the city, the 
road was spanned by triumphal arches, garlanded 
with flowers and fruits, and bearing inscriptions, 
both in Latin and Italian, filled with praises of 
the father and prognostics of the future glory 
of the son. Amidst the concourse were to be seen 
the noble ladies of Milan, in gay, fantastic cars, 
shining in silk brocade, and with sumptuous ca- 
parisons for their horses. As he drew near the 
town, two hundred mounted gentlemen came out 
to escort him into the place. They were clothed 
in complete mail of the fine Milanese workman- 
ship, and were succeeded by fifty pages, in gaudy 
livery, devoted to especial attendance on the prince's 
person, during his residence in Milan. 

Philip entered the gates under a canopy of state, 
with the cardinal of Trent on his right hand, and 
Philibert, prince of Piedmont, on his left. He was 
received, at the entrance, by the governor of the 


place, attended by the members of the senate, in 
their robes of office. The houses which lined the 
long street through which the procession passed 
were hung with tapestries, and with paintings 
of the great Italian masters. The balconies and 
verandahs were crowded with spectators, eager to 
behold their future sovereign, and rending the air 
with their acclamations. The ceremony of recep- 
tion was closed, in the evening, by a brilliant dis- 
play of fireworks, — in which the Milanese ex- 
celled, — and by a general illumination of the 

Philip's time glided away, during his residence 
at Milan, in a succession of banquets, fetes^ and 
spectacles of every description which the taste and 
ingenuity of the people could devise for the amuse- 
ment of their illustrious guest. With none was he 
more pleased than with the theatrical entertain- 
ments, conducted with greater elegance and refine- 
ment in Italy than in any of the countries beyond 
the Alps. Nor was he always a passive specta- 
tor at these festivities. He was especially fond 
of dancing, in which his light and agile figure 
fitted him to excel. In the society of ladies he 
lost much of his habitual reserve ; and the digni- 
fied courtesy of his manners seems to have made a 
favorable impression on the fair dames of Italy, 
who were probably not less pleased by the display 
of his munificence. To the governor's wife, who 
had entertained him at a splendid ball, he present- 
ed a diamond ring worth five thousand ducats ; and 

02 EARLY DAYS OF rillLIP. [Book I 

to her da ighter he gave a necklace of rubies worth 
three thcusand. Similar presents, of less value, 
he bestowed on others of the court, extending his 
liberality even to the musicians and inferior per- 
sons who had contributed to his entertainment. 
To the churches he gave still more substantial 
proofs of his generosity. In short, he showed, on 
all occasions, a munificent spirit worthy of his royal 

He took some pains, moreover, to reciprocate the 
civilities he had received, by entertaining his hosts 
in return. He was particularly fortunate in exhib- 
iting to them a curious spectacle, which, even with 
this pleasure-loving people, had the rare merit of 
novelty. This was the graceful tourney introduced 
into Castile from the Spanish Arabs. The highest 
nobles in his suite took the lead in it. The cava- 
liers were arranged in six quadrilles, or factions, 
each wearing its distinctive livery and badges, with 
their heads protected by shawls, or turbans, 
wreathed around them in the Moorish fashion. 
They were mounted a la gineta^ that is, on the 
light jennet of Andalusia, — a cross of the Arabian. 
In their hands they brandished their slender lances, 
with long streamers attached to them, of some gay 
color, that denoted the particular faction of the 
cavalier. Thus lightly equipped and mounted, the 
Spanish knights went through the delicate ma- 
noeuvres of the Moorish tilt of reeds, showing an 
easy horsemanship, and performing feats of agility 
and grace, which delighted the Italians, keenly 


alive to the beautiful, but hitherto accustomed only 
to the more ponderous and clumsy exercises of the 
European tourney.^^ 

After some weeks, Prince Philip quitted the 
hospitable walls of Milan, and set out for the 
north. Before leaving the place, he was joined 
by a body of two hundred mounted arquebusiers, 
wearing his own yellow uniform, and commanded 
by the duke of Arschot. They had been sent to 
him as an escort by his father. He crossed the 
Tyrol, then took the road by the way of Munich, 
Trent, and Heidelberg, and so on towards Flan- 
ders. On all the route, the royal party was beset 
by multitudes of both sexes, pressing to catch a 
glimpse of the young prince who was one day to 
sway the mightiest sceptre in Europe. The magis- 
trates of the cities through which he passed wel- 
comed him with complimentary addresses, and 
with presents, frequently in the form of silver urns, 
or goblets, filled with golden ducats. Philip re- 
ceived the donatives with a gracious condescension ; 
and, in truth, they did not come amiss in this sea- 
son of lavish expenditure. To the addresses, the 
duke of Alva, who rode by the prince's side, usu- 
ally responded. The whole of the long journey 
was performed on horseback, — the only sure mode 
of conveyance in a country where the roads were 
seldom practicable for carriages. 

13 Estrella, El Felicissimo Viaje 1 - 21, 32. — Leti, Vita di Filippo 
del Principe Don Phelipe desde II., torn. I. p. 189. — Breve Com- 
Kspafia a sus Tierras de la Baxa pendio, MS. 
A!eiUa;:ia, (Anvo.res, 1552,) pp. 

8 E^ 


At length, after a journey of four months, the 
royal cavalcade drew near the city of Brussels 
Their approach to a great town was intimated by 
the crowds who out to welcome them ; and 
Philip was greeted with a tumultuous enthusiasm, 
which made him feel that he was now indeed in 
the midst of his own people. The throng was soon 
swelled by bodies of the military ; and with this 
loyal escort, amidst the roar of artillery and the 
ringing of bells, which sent forth a merry peal 
from every tower and steeple, Philip made his first 
entrance into the capital of Belgium. 

The Ilegent ^lary held her court there, and her 
brother, the emperor, was occupying the palace 
with her. It was not long before the father had 
again the satisfaction of embracing his son, from 
whom he had been separated so many years. He 
must have been pleased with the alteration which 
time had wrought in Philip's appearance. He was 
now twenty-one years of age, and was distinguished 
by a comeliness of person, remarked upon by more 
than one who had access to his presence. Their 
report is confirmed by the portraits of him from 
the pencil of Titian, — taken before the freshness 
of youth had faded into the sallow hue of disease, 
and when care and anxiety had not yet given a 
sombre, perhaps sullen, expression to his features. 

He had a fair, and even delicate complexion. 
His hair and beard were of a light yellow. His eyes 
were blue, with the eyebrows somewhat too closely 
knit together. His nose was thin and aquiline. 


The principal blemish in his countenance was his 
thick Austrian lip. His lower jaw protruded even 
more than that of his father. To his father, in- 
deed, he bore a great resemblance in his lineaments, 
though those of Philip were of a less intellectual 
cast. In stature he was somewhat below the mid- 
dle height, with a slight, symmetrical figure and 
well-made limbs. He was attentive to his dress, 
which was rich and elegant, but without any affec- 
tation of ornament. His demeanor was grave, 
with that ceremonious observance which marked 
the old Castilian, and which may be thought the 
natural expression of Philip's slow and phlegmatic 

During his long residence in Brussels, Charles 
had the opportunity of superintending his son's 
education in one department in which it Avas defi- 
cient, — the science of government. And, surely, 
no instructor could have been found with larger 
experience than the man who had been at the head 
of all the great political movements in Europe for 
the last quarter of a century. Philip passed some 
time, every day, in his father's cabinet, convers- 
mg with him on public affairs, or attending the 

1'* " Sua altezza si trova hora in " Et benche sia picciolo di per- 

XXIII. anni, di complcssione deli- sona, e pero cosi ben fatto et con 

oatissima e di statnra minore clie ogni parte del corpo cosi ben pro- 

inediocre, nella faccia simiglia assai portionato et corrispondente al 

al Padre e nel mento." Relatione tutti, et veste eon tanta politezza et 

del Clarissimo Monsig. Marino Ca- con tanto giudicio <'he non si pue 

vallo tornato Ambasciatore del vedere cosa piu peri'etta." Rela- 

Imperatore Carlo Quinto 1' anno tione di Micliele Soriano, MS. 
1551, MS. 


sessions of the council of state. It can hardly be 
doubted that Charles, in his private instruction, in- 
culcated on his son two principles so prominent 
throughout Philip's administration, — to maintain 
the royal authority in its full extent, and to enforce 
a strict conformity to the Roman Catholic commun- 
ion. It is probable that he found his son an apt 
and docile scholar. Philip acquired, at least, such 
habits of patient application, and of watching over 
the execution of his own plans, as have been pos- 
sessed by few princes.-^^ 

The great object of Philip's visit to the Low 
Countries had been, to present himself to the peo- 
ple of the different provinces, to study their pecu- 
liar characters on their OAvn soil, and obtain their 
recognition as their future sovereign. After a long 
residence at Brussels, he set out on a tour through 
the provinces. He was accompanied by the queen- 
regent, and by the same splendid retinue as on his 
entrance into the country, with the addition of a 
large number of the Flemish nobles. 

The Netherlands had ever been treated by 
Charles ^\ ith particular favor, and, under this royal 

15 Marino Cavallo, the ambas- per ammaestrarlo da solo a solo, 

sador at the imperial court, who dicesi che fin hora a fatto profitto 

states the facts mentioned in the assai, et da speranza di proceder 

text, expresses a reasonable doubt piu oltre, ma la grandezza di suo 

■whether Philip, with all his train- padre et 1' esser nato grande et non 

ing, would ever equal his father, haver fin qui provato travaglio 

" Nelle cose d' importanza, facen- alcuno, non lo fara mai comparirse 

dolo andare 1' imperatore ogni gior- a gran giunta eguale all' Imper.i- 

nio per due o tre hore nella sua tore." Relatione di Marino Cu- 

camera, parte in Consiglio et parte vallo, MS 


patronage, although the country did not develop 
its resources as under its own free institutions of a 
later period, it had greatly prospered. It was more 
thickly studded with trading towns than any coun- 
try of similar extent in Europe ; and its flourishing 
communities held the first rank in wealth, indus- 
try, and commercial enterprise, as well as in the 
splendid way of living maintained by the aristoc 
racy. On the present occasion, these communities 
vied with one another in their loyal demonstrations 
towards the prince, and in the splendor of the recep- 
tion which they gave him. A work was compiled 
by one of the royal suite, setting forth the manifold 
honors paid to Philip through the whole of the 
tour, which, even more than his former journey, 
had the aspect of a triumphal progress. The book 
grew, under the hands of its patriotic author, to the 
size of a bulky folio, which, however interesting to 
his contemporaries, would have but slender attrac- 
tion for the present generation.-^^ The mere in- 
scriptions emblazoned on the triumphal arches, 
and on the public buildings, spread over a multi- 
tude of pages. They were both in Latin and in 
the language of the country, and they augured 
the happy days in store for the nation, when, under 
the benignant sceptre of Philip, it should enjoy the 
sweets of tranquillity and freedom. Happy augu- 

^6 Tills Is the work by Estrella progress. The work, which was 
already quoted, (El Felicissimo never reprinted, has nmv becomo 
\ lage del Principe Don Phelipe,) extremely rare. 
— tlie best authority fo^ this royal 

VOL. I. H 


ries ! Avhicli showed that the prophet was not gift- 
ed with the spirit of prophecy.-^^ 

In these solemnities, Antwerp alone expended 
fifty thousand pistoles. But no place compared 
with Brussels in the costliness and splendor of its 
festivities, the most remarkable . of which was a 
tournament. Under their Burgundian princes the 
Flemings had been familiar with these chivalrous 
pageants. The age of chivalry was, indeed, fast 
fading away before the use of gunpowder and other 
improvements in military science. But it was 
admitted that no tourney had been maintained with 
so much magnificence and knightly prowess since 
the days of Charles the Bold. The old chronicler's 
narrative of the event, like the pages of Froissart, 
seems instinct with the spirit of a feudal age. I 
will give a few details, at the hazard of appearing 
trivial to those who may think we have dwelt long 
enough on the pageants of the courts of Castile 
and Burgundy. But such pageants form part of the 
natural accompaniment of a picturesque age, and the 
illustrations they afford of the manners of the time 
may have an interest for the student of history. 

The tourney was held in a spacious square, in- 
closed for the purpose, in front of the great palace 
of Brussels. Four knights were prepared to main- 
tain the field against all comers, and jewels of price 
were to be awarded as the prize of the victors. 

i'^ Take the following samples, the gate at Dordrecht : — 

the former being one of the inscrip- i; ciementia firmabitur thronus ejus." 

lions at Arras, the latter, one over «'Teduceliberta,s tranquillapMebeabit." 


The four challengers were Count Mansfeldt, Count 
Hoorne, Count Aremberg, and the Sieur de Huber- 
mont ; among the judges was the duke of Alva : 
and in the list of the successful antagonists we find 
the names of Prince Philip of Spain, Emanuel Phi- 
libert, duke of Savoy, and Count Egmont. These 
are names famous in history. It is curious to ob- 
serve how the men who were soon to be at deadly 
feud with one another were thus sportively met to 
celebrate the pastimes of chivalry. 

The day was an auspicious one, and the lists 
were crowded with the burghers of Brussels and 
the people of the surrounding country. The gal- 
leries which encompassed the area were graced 
with the rank and beauty of the capital. A cano- 
py, embroidered with the imperial arms in crimson 
and gold, indicated the place occupied by Charles 
the Fifth and his sisters, the regent of the Nether 
lands and the dowager queen of France. 

For several hours, the field was gallantly main- 
tained by the four challengers against every knight 
who was ambitious to prove his prowess in the 
presence of so illustrious an assembly. At length 
the trumpets sounded, and announced the entrance 
of four cavaliers, whose brilliant train of followers 
intimated them to be persons of high degree. The 
four knights were Prince Philip, the duke of 
Savoy, Count Egmont, and Juan Manriquez de 
Lara, major-domo of the emperor. They were 
clothed in complete mail, over which they wore 
surcoats of violet-colored velvet, while the capari* 
sons of their horses were of cloth of gold. 

60 EARLY DAYS OF rillLir. [Book I 

Philip ran the first course. His antagonist was 
the Count Mansfeldt, a Flemish captain of great 
renown. At the appointed signal, the two knights 
spurred against each other, and met in the centre 
of the lists, with a shock that shivered their lances 
to the very grasp. Both knights reeled in their 
saddles, but neither lost his seat. The arena re- 
sounded with the plaudits of the spectators, not the 
less hearty that one of the combatants was the heir 

The other cavaliers then tilted, with various suc- 
cess. A general tournament followed, in which 
every knight eager to break a lance on this fair 
occasion took part ; and many a feat of arms was 
performed, doubtless long remembered by the citi- 
zens of Brussels. At the end of the seventh hour, 
a flourish of trumpets announced the conclusion 
of the contest ; and the assembly broke up in 
admirable order, the knights retiring to exchange 
their heavy panoplies for the lighter vestments 
of the ball-room. A banquet was prepared by the 
municipality, in a style of magnificence worthy of 
their royal guests. The emperor and his sisters 
honored it with their presence, and witnessed the 
distribution of the prizes. Among these, a brilliant 
ruby, the prize awarded for the lanca de las damas^ 
— the "ladies' lance," in the language of chival- 
ry, — was assigned by the loyal judges to Prince 
Philip of Spain. 

Dancing succeeded to the banquet ; and the 
high-bred courtesy of the prince was as much com- 

Ch. ii.j public festivities. 6^ 

mended in the ball-room as his prowess had been 
in the lists. Maskers mingled with the dancers, 
in Oriental costume, some in the Turkish, others 
in the Albanian fashion. The merry revels were 
not prolonged beyond the hour of midnight, when 
the company broke up, loudly commending, as they 
withdrew, the good cheer afforded them by the 
hospitable burghers of Brussels.^^ 

Philip won the prize on another occasion, when 
he tilted against a valiant knight named Quifiones. 
He was not so fortunate in an encounter with the 
son of his old preceptor, Zufiiga, in which he was 
struck with such force on the head, that, after being 
carried some distance by his horse, he fell senseless 
from the saddle. The alarm was great, but the ac- 
cident passed away without serious consequences.^^ 

There were those who denied him skill in the 
management of his lance. Marillac, the French am- 
bassador at the imperial court, speaking of a tourney 
given by Philip in honor of the princess of Lorraine, 
at Augsburg, says he never saw worse lance-playing 
in his life. At another time, he remarks that the 
Spanish prince could not even hit his antagonist.^ 

18 " Assi fueron a palacio siendo caput armis superlorem corporis 

ya casi la media noche, quando se partem gravius deprimentibus ca- 

viiieron apeado muy contentos de deret. Itaque semianimig pulvere 

la fiesta y Vanquete, que la villa spiritum intercludente jacuit, donee 

les hiziera." Estrella, Viage del a suis sublevatus est." Scpulvedaa 

l-'rincipe Phelipe, p. 73. Opera, vol. II. p. 381. 

^9 " Ictum accepit in capite ga- ^ Raumer, Sixteenth and Sev- 

leaque tam vehementem, ut vecors enteenth Centuries, vol. I. p. 24. 
bc dormienti similis parumper in- Von Raumer's abstract of the 

T2ctus ephippio dolaberetur, et in MSS. in the Royal Library at 

8 F 

1)2 EARLY DAYS OF PHlLir. [Book I 

It must have been a very palpable hit to be noticed 
by a Frenchman. The French regarded the Span- 
iards of that day in much the same manner as they 
regarded the English at an earlier period, or as 
they have continued to regard them at a later. 
The long rivalry of the French and Spanish mon- 
archs had infused into the breasts of their subjects 
such feelings of mutual aversion, that the opinions 
of either nation in reference to the other, in the 
sixteenth century, must be received with the great- 
est distrust. 

But, whatever may have been Philip's success 
in these chivalrous displays, it is quite certain 
they were not to his taste. He took part in them 
only to conform to his father's wishes, and to the 
humor of the age. Though in his youth he some- 
times hunted, he was neither fond of field-sports 
nor of the athletic exercises of chivalry. His con- 
stitution was far from robust. He sought to invig- 
orate it less by exercise than by diet. He confined 
himself almost wholly to meat, as the most nutri- 
tious food ; abstaining even from fish, as well as 
from fruit.^^ Besides his indisposition to active 

Paris contains some very curious molto, fa pero esscrcitio, et i suol 

particulars for the illiKjtration of trattcnimenti domestiei sono tutti 

the reigns both of Charles the quietl ; et benche nell' essercitio. 

Fifth and of Philip. habbi mostrato un poco di pron- 

21 " E S.M.dicomplessIone molto tezza et di vivaclta, pero si vcdo 

delicata, et per questo vive sempre die ha sforzato la natura, la quale 

con regola, usando per 1' ordinarlo inclina piu alia quiete che all' es- 

cibi di gran iiodrimento, lasciando scrcitio, i)Iu al reposo che al tia- 

i pesci, frutti et simili cose che vaglio." Relatione di JMichelo 

gcnerano cattivi humori ; dorme Soriano, !MS. 


exercises, he had no relish for the gaudy spectacles 
so fashionable in that romantic age. The j^^^t 
he had played in the pageants, during his long 
tour, had not been of his own seeking. Though 
ceremonious, and exacting deference from all who 
approached him, he was not fond of the j)omp and 
parade of a court life. He preferred to pass his 
hours in the privacy of his own apartment, where 
he took pleasure in the conversation of a few whom 
he honored with his regard. It was with difficult) 
that the emperor could induce him to leave hiv. 
retirement and present himself in the audience 
chamber, or accompany him on visits of ceremony.^ 
These reserved and quiet tastes of Philip by no 
means recommended him to the Flemings, accus- 
tomed as they were to the pomp and profuse mag- 
nificence of the Burgundian court. Their free and 
social tempers were chilled by his austere demeanor. 
They contrasted it with the affable deportment of 
his father, who could so well conform to the cus- 
toms of the different nations under his sceptre, and 
who seemed perfectly to comprehend their charac- 
ters, — the astute policy of the Italian, the home- 
bred simplicity of the German, and the Castilian 
propriety and point of honor.^ With the latter only 

22 " Rarlssime volte va fuora in 23 " Pare clie la natiira I'liabbia 

Campagna, ha placere di stars! in fatto atto con la famlllanta e do- 

Camcra, co suol favoriti, a ragio- mestichezza a gratificare a Fiam- 

nare di cose private ; et sc tair liora menghi ct Borgognoni, con 1' in- 

r Imperatore lo nianda in visita, si gogno ct prudentia a gl' Italiani, 

gcusa per goderc la solita quiete." con la riputatione et severitii alii 

Relatione di ISIarino Cavallo, IMS. Spagnuoli ; vedendo liora in sue 

64 EARLY DAYS OF rillLIP. [Book 1 

of these had Philip anything in common. He was 
in everything a Spaniard. He talked of nothing, 
seemed to think of nothing, but Spain.^* The Neth- 
erlands were to him a foreign land, with which he 
had little sympathy. His counsellors and compan- 
ions were wholly Spanish. The people of Flanders 
felt, that, under his sway, little favor was to be 
shown to them ; and they looked forward to the 
time when all the offices of trust in their own 
country would be given to Castilians, in the same 
manner as those of Castile, in the early days of 
Charles the Fifth, had been given to Flemings.^^ 

Yet the emperor seemed so little aware of his 
son's unpopularity, that he was at this very time 
making arrangements for securing to him the im- 
perial crown. He had summoned a meeting of 
the electors and great lords of the empire, to be 
held at Augsburg, in August, 1550. There he 
proposed to secure Philip's election as king of the 
Romans, so soon as he had obtained his brother 
Ferdinand's surrender of that dignity. But Charles 
did not show, in all this, his usual knowledge of 
human nature. The lust of power on his son's ac- 
count — ineffectual for happiness as he had found 

figliiilo altrimente sentono non pic- 25 « gj f^ gludlcio, che quando 

ciolo dispiacere di questo cambio." egli succedera al governo dell; 

Ibid. ]\IS. stati suoi debba servlrsi in tutto ei 

24 u Philippus ipse Hlspanias de- per delli ministri Spagnuoli, alia 

Bidcrio magnopere sestuabat, nee qual natione e inclinato piu dj 

aliud quam Hispaniam loqueba- quello, die si convenga a prencipe, 

tur." Se]>ulvediB Opera, vol. II. che voglia dominare a diverse." 

p. 401. Relatione di Marino Cavallo, MS. 



the possession of it in his OAvn case — seems to 
have entirely blinded him. 

He repaired with Philip to Augsburg, where 
they were met by Ferdinand and the members of 
the German diet. But it was in vain that Charles 
solicited his brother to w^aive his claim to the 
iinperial succession in favor of his nephew. Nei- 
ther solicitations nor arguments, backed by the en- 
treaties, even the tears, it is said, of their common 
sister, the Regent Mary, could move Ferdinand to 
forego the splendid inheritance. Charles was not 
more successful when he changed his ground, and 
urged his brother to acquiesce in Philip's election 
as his successor in the dignity of king of the 
Romans ; or, at least, in his being associated in 
that dignity — a thing unprecedented — vv^ith his 
cousin Maximilian, Ferdinand's son, who, it was 
understood, was destined by the electors to succeed 
his father. 

This young prince, w^ho meanwhile had been 
summoned to Augsburg, was as little disposed as 
Ferdinand had been to accede to the proposals of 
his too grasping father-in-law ; though he cour- 
teously alleged, as the ground of his refusal, that 
he had no right to interfere with the decision of 
the electors. He might safely rest his cause on 
their decision. They had no desire to perpetuate 
the imperial sceptre in the line of Castilian mon- 
archs. They had suffered enough from the des- 
potic temper of Charles the Fifth ; and this temper 
they had no reason to think would be mitigated 
VOL. I. 8 9 F* 


in the person of Philip. They desired a German 
to rule over them, — one who would understand 
the German character, and enter heartily into the 
feelings of the people. Maximilian's directness 
of purpose and kindly nature had won largely 
on the affections of his countrymen, and proved 
bim, in their judgment, worthy of the throne.^^ 

Philip, on the other hand, was even more dis- 
tasteful to the Germans than he Avas to the Flem- 
ings. It was in vain that, at their banquets, he 
drank twice or thrice as much as he was accus- 
tomed to do, until the cardinal of Trent assured 
him that he was fast gaining in the good graces 
of the people.^^ The natural haughtiness of his 
temper showed itself on too many occasions to be 
mistaken. When Charles returned to his palace, 
escorted, as he usually w^as, by a train of nobles 
and princes of the empire, he would courteously 
take them by the hand, and raise his hat, as he 
parted from them. But Philip, it was observed, 
on like occasions, walked directly into the pal- 
ace, without so much as turning round, or con- 
descending in any way to notice the courtiers who 
had accompanied him. This was taking higher 
ground even than his father had done. In fact, it 
was said of him, that he considered himself greater 

36 Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. and Seventeenth Centuries, vol. L 

I. cap. 3. — Leti, Vita dl Fillppo p. 28 et seq. 

II, torn. L pp. 195-198. — Sepul- ^7 Marillac, ap. Raumcr, Six- 
vedse Opera, vol. II. pp. 399-401. teenth and Seventeenth Centuries, 
— Marillae, ap. Raumer, Sixteenth vol. I. p. 30. 


than his father, inasmuch as the son of an emperoi 
was greater than the son of a king ! ^^ — a fool- 
ish vaunt, not the less indicative of his character, 
that it was made for him, probably, by the Ger- 
mans. In short, Philip's manners, which, in the 
language of a contemporary, had been little pleas- 
ing to the Italians, and positively displeasing to 
the Flemings, were altogether odious to the Ger- 

Nor w^as the idea of Philip's election at all more 
acceptable to the Spaniards themselves. That nation 
had been long enough regarded as an appendage to 
the empire. Their pride had been wounded by the 
light in which they were held by Charles, who 
seemed to look on Spain as a royal domain, valu- 
able chiefly for the means it afforded him for play- 
ing his part on the great theatre of Europe. The 
haughty Castilian of the sixteenth century, con- 
scious of his superior pretensions, could ill brook 
this abasement. He sighed for a prince born and 
bred in Spain, who would be content to pass his 
life in Spain, and would have no ambition uncon- 
nected with her prosperity and glory. The Sj^an- 
iards were even more tenacious on this head than 
the Germans. Their remote situation made them 

28 Ranke, Ottoman and Spanish Italia et per Germania in Fiandra, 
Empires in the Sixteenth and Sev- laseio impressione da per tutto che 
enteenth Centuries, (Eng. trans., fosse d'animo severo et intrattabile; 
London, 1843,) p. 31. et pero fu poco grato a Italia ni, 

29 '' Da cosi fatta educationc no ingratissimo a Fiamenghi et a T<*- 
3egui quando S. M. usci la prima desehi odioso." Rehitione di Mi' 
rolta da Spagna, et pass6 per chele Soi-iano, MS. 


more exclusive, more strictly national, and less 
tolerant of foreign influence. They required a 
Spaniard to rule over tliem. Such was Philip ; 
and they anticipated the hour when Spain should 
be divorced from the empire, and, under the sway 
of a patriotic prince, rise to her just preeminence 
among the nations. 

Yet Charles, far from yielding, continued to 
press the point with such pertinacity, that it 
seemed likely to lead to an open rupture between 
the different branches of his family. For a time, 
Ferdinand kept his apartment, and had no inter- 
course with Charles or his sister.^^ Yet in the 
end the genius or the obstinacy of Charles so far 
prevailed over his brother, that he acquiesced in a 
private compact, by which, while he was to retain 
possession of the imperial crown, it was agreed that 
Philip should succeed him as king of the Pomans, 
and that Maximilian should succeed Philip.^^ Fer- 
dinand hazarded little by concessions w^hicli could 
never be sanctioned by the electoral college. The 
reverses which befell the emperor's arms in the 
course of the following year destroyed whatever 

^0 Marlllac, ap. Rauiner, Six- -was calculated for the benefit oi 

teentli and Seventeenth Centuries, both parties, — " ce que convenoil 

vol. I. p. 32. j)^^''^ estahlir noz maisons.'* Lanz, 

See also the characteristic letter Correspondenz des Kaisers Karl 

of Charles to his sister, the regent V., (Leipzig, 184G,) B. III. s. 18. 
of the Netherlands, (December IG, ^i A copy of the Instrument 

1550,) full of angry expressions containing this agreement, dated 

against Ferdinand for his IngratI- March 9, 1551, is preserved In tha 

tude and treachery. The schenie, arcliivcs of Belgium. See Mlgnet, 

according to Charles's vIcav of It, Charles-Quint, p. 42, note. 


influence he might have possessed in thai body; 
and he seems never to have revived his schemes 
for aggrandizing his son by securing to him the 
succession to the empire. 

Philip had now accomplished the great object of 
his visit. He had presented himself to the people 
of the Netherlands, and had received their homage 
as heir to the realm. His tour had been, in some 
respects, a profitable one. It was scarcely pos- 
sible that a young man, whose days had hitherto 
been passed within the narrow limits of his own 
country, for ever under the same local influences, 
should not have his ideas greatly enlarged by 
going abroad and mingling with different na- 
tions. It was especially important to Philip to 
make himself familiar, as none but a resident 
can be, with the character and institutions of 
those nations over whom he was one day to pre- 
side. Yet his visit to the Netherlands had not 
been attended with the happiest results. He evi- 
dently did not make a favorable impression on 
the people. The more they saw of him, the less 
they appeared to like him. Such impressions are 
usually reciprocal ; and Philip seems to have part- 
ed from the country with little regret. Thus, in 
the first interview between the future sovereign 
and his subjects, the symptoms might already be 
discerned of that alienation which was afterwards 
to widen into a permanent and irreparable breach. 

Philip, anxious to reach Castile, pushed forward 
his journey, without halting to receive the civilities 


that were everywhere tendered to him on his route. 
He made one exception, at Trent, where the eccle- 
siastical council was holding the memorable session 
that occupies so large a share in Church annals. 
On his approach to the city, the cardinal legate, 
attended by the mitred prelates and other dignita- 
ries of the council, came out in a body to receive 
him. During his stay there, he was entertamed 
with masks, dancing, theatrical exhibitions, and 
jousts, contrived to represent scenes in Ariosto.^ 
These diversions of the reverend fathers formed a 
whimsical contrast, perhaps a welcome relief, to 
their solemn occupation of digesting a creed for 
the Christian world. 

From Trent Philip pursued his way, with all 
expedition, to Genoa, where he embarked, under 
the flag of the veteran Doria, who had brought 
him from Spain. He landed at Barcelona, on the 
twelfth day of July, 1551, and proceeded at once 
to Valladolid, where he resumed the government 
of the kingdom. He was fortified by a letter from 
his father, dated at Augsburg, which contained 
ample instructions as to the policy he was to 
pursue, and freely discussed both the foreign and 
domestic relations of the country. The letter, 
which is very long, shows that the capacious mind 
of Charles, however little time he could personally 
give to the affairs of the monarchy, fully compre- 

32 Leti, Vita dl Filippo IL, torn, escript par le Controleur de Sa 
I. p. 199. — Memorial et Recueil Majeste, MS. 
lies Voyages du Roi des Espagnes, 


liendecl its internal condition and the extent of its 

The following years were years of humiliation to 
Charles ; years marked by the flight from Inns- 
bruck, and the disastrous siegeofMetz, — when, 
beaten by the Protestants, feg^orbyjwrSiJ'rench, the 
reverses of the emperor n^Ss^ea'hegviIy^n^is proud 
heart, and did more, pmfeSblypt^hto homi- 

lies of his ghostly teaclfers, ^llS^VKtu}im -v^ith the 
world and its vanities. \c>. ^ \/ .rxj^- ^ 1/ 

Yet these reverses mjad^^ little imjTOSsion on 
Spain. The sounds of war^N^igi_^^g;^^efore they 
reached the foot of the Pyrenees. Spain, it is true, 
sent forth her sons, from time to time, to serve under 
the banners of Charles ; and it was in that school 
that was perfected the admirable system of disci- 
pline and tactics which, begun by the Great Cap- 
tain, made the Spanish infantry the most redoubtable 
in Europe. But the great body of the people felt 
little interest in the success of these distant enter- 
prises, where success brought them no good. Not 
that the mind of Spain was inactive, or oppressed 
with the lethargy which stole over it in a later age. 
There was, on the contrary, great intellectual ac- 
tivity. She was excluded, by an arbitrary govern- 
ment, from pushing her speculations in the regions 
of theological or political science. But this, to a 

33 The letter, of which I have length by Sandoval, in his Hist, de 

a manuscript copy, taken from Carlos V., where it occupies twelve 

one in the rich collection of Sir pages folio. Tom. II. p. 475 et 

Tl\om'\3 rhilllps, is published at scq. 


considerable extent, was the case with most of the 
neighboring nations ; and she indemnified herself 
for this exclusion by a more diligent cultivation of 
elegant literature. The constellation of genius 
had already begun to show itself above the hori- 
zon, which was to shed a glory over the meridian 
and the close of Philip's reign. The courtly poets 
in the reign of his father had confessed the influ- 
ence of Italian models, derived through the recent 
territorial acquisitions in Italy. But the national 
taste was again asserting its supremacy ; and the 
fashionable tone of composition was becoming 
more and more accommodated to the old Castilian 

It would be impossible that any departure from 
a national standard should be long tolerated in 
Spain, where the language, the manners, the dress, 
the usages of the country, were much the same as 
they had been for generations, — as they continued 
to be for generations, long after Cervantes held up 
the mirror of fiction, to reflect the traits of the 
national existence more vividly than is permitted 
to the page of the chronicler. In the rude ro- 
mances of the fourteenth and the fifteenth century, 
the Castilian of the sixteenth might see his way of 
life depicted with tolerable accuracy. The amor- 
ous cavalier still thrummed his guitar, by moon 
light, under the balcony of his mistress, or worp 
her favors at the Moorish tilt of reeds. The com 
mon people still sung their lively sejuidillas, or 
crowded to the fiestas de toros^ — the cruel bull- 


fights, — or to the more cruel autos de fe. This 
last spectacle, of comparatively recent origin, — 
in the time of Ferdinand and Isabella, — Avas the 
legitimate consequence of the long wars with the 
Moslems, which made the Spaniard intolerant of 
religious infidelity. Atrocious as it seems in a 
more humane and enlightened age, it was regarded 
by the ancient Spaniard as a sacrifice grateful to 
Heaven, at which he was to rekindle the dormant 
embers of his own religious sensibilities. 

The cessation of the long Moorish wars, by the 
fall of Granada, made the most important change 
in the condition of the Spaniards. They, however, 
found a vent for their chivalrous fanaticism, in a 
crusade against the heathen of the New World. 
Those who returned from their wanderings brought 
back to Spain little of foreign usages and manners ; 
for the Spaniard was the only civilized man whom 
they found in the wilds of America. 

Thus passed the domestic life of the Spaniard, 
in the same unvaried circle of habits, opinions, and 
prejudices, to the exclusion, and probably con- 
tempt, of everything foreign. Not that these 
habits did not difier in the difierent provinces, 
where their distinctive peculiarities were handed 
down, with traditional precision, from father to 
son. But, beneath these, there was one com- 
mon basis of the national character. Never was 
there a people, probably, with the exception of the 
Jews, distinguished by so intense a nationality. 

It was among such a people, and under such influ- 
voL. I. 8 10 G 


ences, that Philip was born and educated. His 
temperament and his constitution of mind pecu- 
liarly fitted him for the reception of these influ- 
ences ; and the Spaniards, as he grew in years, 
beheld, with pride and satisfaction, in their future 
sovereign, the most perfect type of the national 




Condition of England. — Character of Mary. — Philip's Proposals cii 
Marriage. — Marriage Articles. — Insurrection in England. 

1553, 1554. 

In the summer of 1553, three years after Philip's 
return to Spain, occurred an event which was to 
exercise a considerable influence on his fortunes. 
This was the death of Edward the Sixth of Eng- 
land, — after a brief but important reign. He 
was succeeded by his sister Mary, that unfortunate 
princess, whose sobriquet of " Bloody " gives her 
a melancholy distinction among the sovereigns of 
the house of Tudor. 

The reign of her father, Henry the Eighth, had 
opened the way to the great revolution in re- 
ligion, the effects of which were destined to 
be permanent. Yet Henry himself showed his 
strength rather in unsettling ancient institutions 
than in establishing new ones. By the abolition of 
the monasteries, he broke up that spiritual militia 
which was a most efficacious instrument for main- 
taining the authority of Rome ; and he completed 
the work of independence by seating himself boldly 

76 ENGLISH ALLIA^^CE. [Book 1 

in the chair of St. Peter, and assuming the au* 
thority of head of the Church. Thus, while the 
supremacy of the pope was rejected, the Roman 
Catholic religion was maintained in its essential 
principles unimpaired. In other words, the na- 
tion remained Catholics, but not Papists. 

The impulse thus given under Henry was fol- 
lowed up to more important consequences under 
his son, Edward the Sixth. The opinions of the 
German Peformers, considerably modified, espe- 
cially in regard to the exterior forms and disci- 
pline of worship, met with a cordial welcome 
from the ministers of the young monarch. Protes- 
tantism became the religion of the land ; and the 
Church of England received, to a great extent, the 
peculiar organization which it has preserved to the 
present day. But Edward's reign was too brief to 
allow the new opinions to take deep root in the 
hearts of the people. The greater part of the 
aristocracy soon showed that, whatever religious 
zeal they had affected, they were not prepared to 
make any sacrifice of their temporal interests. On 
the accession of a Catholic queen to the throne, a 
reaction soon became visible Some embarrass- 
ment to a return to the former faith was found in 
the restitution which it might naturally involve 
of the confiscated property of the monastic orders. 
But the politic concessions of Pome dispensed 
with this severe trial of the sincerity of its new 
proselytes ; and England, after repudiating her 
heresies, was received into the fold of the Poman 


Catholic Church, and placed once more under the 
jurisdiction of its pontiff. 

After the specimens given of the ready ductility 
with which the English of that day accommodated 
their religious creeds to the creed of their sove- 
reign, we shall hardly wonder at the caustic criti« 
cism of the Venetian ambassador, resident at the 
court of London, in Queen Mary's time. " The 
example and authority of the sovereign," he says, 
" are everything with the people of this country, in 
matters of faith. As he believes, they believe ; 
Judaism or Mahometanism, — it is all one to 
them. They conform themselves easily to his 
will, at least so far as the outward show is con- 
cerned ; and most easily of all where it concurs 
with their own pleasure and profit."^ 

The ambassador, Giovanni Micheli, was one of 
that order of merchant-princes employed by Venice 
in her foreign missions ; men whose acquaintance 
with affairs enabled them to comprehend the re- 
sources of the country to which they were sent, as 

1 •' Quanto alia religione, sla ore ; perclie il medesimo faeiano 

certa V'ra Sen'" che ogni cosa della Maumettana o della Giudea, 

puo in loro ressemploet Tautorita pur clie '1 Re mostrasse di credere, 

del Principe, che in tanto gl' In- ct volesse cosi ; et s' accommodari- 

glesi stimano la religione, et si ano a tutte, ma a qiiella piu facil- 

muovono per essa, in quanto sodis- mente dalla quale sperassero o ver' 

fanno all' obligo de' sudditi verso maggior licentia et liberta dl vl- 

il Principe, vivendo com' ei vive, vere, o vero qualche utile." Re- 

credcndo cloche ei crede, et final- latlone del Clarissimo M. Giovanni 

mente facendo tutto quel che co- Micheli, ritornato Amhasciatore 

ixianda conservirsene, piu per mo- alia Reglna d' Inghilterra 1' anna 

stra esceriore, per non incorrere in 1557, MS. 
sua disiiratia, che per zelo interi- 

8 G* 


well as the intrigues of its court. Their observa- 
tions were digested into elaborate reports, which, 
on their return to Venice, were publicly read be- 
fore the doge and the senate. The documents 
thus prepared form some of the most valuable and 
authentic materials for the history of Europe in 
the sixteenth century. Micheli's report is diffuse 
on the condition of England under the reign of 
Queen Mary ; and some of his remarks Avill have 
interest for the reader of the present day, as afford- 
ing a standard of comparison with the past.^ 

London he eulogizes, as one of the noblest capi- 
tals in Europe, containing, with its suburbs, about 
a hundred and eighty thousand souls.^ The great 
lords, as in France and Germany, passed most of 
their time on their estates in the country. 

The kingdom was strong enough, if united, to 
defy any invasion from abroad. Yet its navy 
was small, having dwindled, from neglect and an 
ill-judged economy, to not more than forty vessels 

2 Soriano notices the courteous others, in the collection of the 
bearing and address of his country- Cottonian MSS., and of the Lans- 
man Micheli, as rendering him downe MSS., in the British Muse- 
universally popular at the courts urn; and in the Barberini Library, 
•where he resided. " II Michiel e at Rome. The copy in my posses- 
gratissimo a tutti fino al minore, sion is from the ducal library at 
per la dimestichezza che liavea con Gotha. Sir Henry Ellis, in the 
grandi, et per la dolcezza et cor- Second Series of his " Original 
tesia che usava con gl' altri, et per Letters," has given an abstract of 
il triudicio che mostrava con tutti." the Cottonian MS. 
Relatione di Michele Soriano, MS. 3 This agrees with the Lans- 
Copies of Micheli's interesting Re- downe MS. The Cottonian, as 
lation are to be found in different given by Sir Henry Ellis, puts the 
public libraries of Europe; among population at 150,000. 


of war. But the mercantile marine could furnish 
two thousand more, which, at a short notice, could 
be well equipped and got ready for sea. The 
army was particularly strong in artillery, and 
provided with all the munitions of war. The 
weapon chiefly in repute was the bow, to which 
the English people were trained from early youth. 
In their cavalry they were most defective. Horses 
were abundant, but wanted bottom. They were, 
for the most part, light, weak, and grass-fed.* The 
nation was, above all, to be envied for the light 
ness of the public burdens. There were no taxes 
on wine, beer, salt, cloth, nor, indeed, on any of the 
articles that in other countries furnished the great- 
est sources of revenue.^ The whole revenue did 
not usually exceed two hundred thousand pounds. 
Parliaments were rarely summoned, except to save 
the king trouble or to afford a cloak to his 
designs. No one ventured to resist the royal will ; 
servile the members came there, and servile they 
remained.^ — An Englishman of the nineteenth 
century may smile at the contrast presented by 

4 " Essendo cavalll deboH, et di cina, non dl carne, non di far 

poca lena, nutriti solo d' erba, vl- pane, et cose simili necessarie al 

vendo corao la pecore, et tutti gli vivere, clie in tutti gli altrl luoglii 

altri animali, per la temperie dell' d' Italia specialmente, et in Fian- 

aere da tutti i tempi ne i pascoli a dra, sono di tanto maggior utile, 

la campagna, non possono far' gran' quanto e piii grande il numero dei 

pruove, ne sono tenuti in stima." sudditi ehe le eonsumano." Ibid. 

Relatione di Gio. Micheli, MS. MS. 

s " Non solo non sono in essere, 6 u gj come servi et sudditi son 

ma non pur si considerano gra- quelli clie v' intervengono, cosi 

vezze dl sorte alcuna, non di sale, servi et sudditi son l' attione cbc si 

uon di vino o de bira, non di ma- trattano in essi." Ibid. MS. 


some of these remarks to the condition of the 
nation at the present day ; though in the item of 
taxation the contrast may he rather fitted to pro- 
voke a sigh. 

Tlie portrait of Queen Mary is given by the 
Venetian minister, with a coloring somewhat dif- 
ferent from that in which she is commonly de- 
picted by English historians. She was about 
thirty-six years of age at the time of her acces- 
sion. In stature, she was of rather less than the 
middle size, — not large, as was the case with both 
her father and mother, — and exceedingly well made. 
" The portraits of her," says Micheli, " show that 
in her youth she must have been not only good- 
looking, but even handsome ; — though her coun- 
tenance, when he saw her, exhibited traces of 
early trouble and disease." ^ But whatever she had 
lost in personal attractions was fully made up by 
those of the mind. She was quick of apprehen- 
sion, and, like her younger sister, Elizabeth, was 
mistress of several languages, three of which, the 
French, Spanish, and Latin, she could speak ; the 
last with fluency.^ But in these accomplishments 

7 " E donna di statura piccola, tenuta honesta, ma piil che medio- 

piii presta che mediocre ; e di per- cremente bella ; al presente se li 

sona magra et delicata, dlssimile in scoprono qualche crespe, causate 

tutto al padre, che in grande et plu da gli affanni che dall' eta, che 

grosso ; et alia madre, che se non la mostrano attempata di qualche 

era grande era pero masslccia ; et anni di piu." Ibid. MS. 

ben formata di faccia, per quel che ^ u Quanto se li potesse levare 

mostrano le fattezze et li linea- delle bellezze del corpo, tanto con 

menti che si veggono da i ritratti, verita, et senza adulatione, ?e li 

quando era piu glovane, non pur' puo aggiunger' di quelle del annuo, 

Cu. 111.] CHARACTER OF MARY. 81 

she was surpassed by her sister, who knew the 
Greek well, and could speak Italian with ease 
and elegance. Mary, however, both spoke and 
wrote her own language in a plain, straightfor- 
ward manner, that forms a contrast to the am- 
biguous phrase and cold conceits in which Eliza- 
beth usually conveyed, or rather concealed, her 

Mary had the misfortune to labor under a 
chronic infirmity, which confined her for weeks, 
and indeed months, of every year to her chamber, 
and which, with her domestic troubles, gave her 
an air of melancholy, that in later years settled 
into a repulsive austerity. The tones of her voice 
were masculine, says the Venetian, and her eyes 
inspired a feeling, not merely of reverence, but 
of fear, wherever she turned them. Her spirit, 
he adds, was lofty and magnanimous, never dis- 
composed by danger, showing in all things a 
blood truly royal.^ 

perche oltra la feliclta et accortez- si sla ritrovata, non ha mai pur 

za del Ingegno, atto in capir tutto mostrato, non die commesso atto 

quel che possa ciascun altro, dico alcuno di vllta ne di pusillanimita ; 

fuor del sesso suo, quel che in ha sempre tenuta una grandezza 

una donna parera maraviglioso, c et dignita mirabile, cosi ben cono- 

instrutta di cinque lingue, le quali scendo quel che si convenga al dc- 

non solo intende, ma quattro ne coro del Re, come il piu consum- 

parla speditamente ; questi sono mato consigliero che ella habbia ; 

oltre la sua materna et naturale in tanto che dal procedere, et dalle 

inglese, la franzese, la spagnola, et maniere che ha tenuto, et tieno 

r italiana." Ibid. MS. tuttavia, non si puo negarc, che 

9 " E in tutto coragiosa, et cosi non mostri d' esscr nata di sangue 

resoluta, che per nessuna advcrsita, vcramcntc real." Ibid. MS. 
ne per ncssun pericolo nel qual 

VOL. I. 11 


Her piety, he continues, and her patience under 
affliction, cannot be too greatly admired. Sus- 
tained, as she was, by a lively faith and conscious 
innocence, he compares her to a light which the 
fierce winds have no power to extinguish, but 
which still shines on with increasing lustre.-^^ She 
waited her time, and was plainly reserved by 
Providence for a great destiny. — We are read- 
ing the language of the loyal Catholic, grateful for 
the services which Mary had rendered to the faith. 

Yet it would be uncharitable not to believe that 
Mary was devout, and most earnest in her devotion. 
The daughter of Katharine of Aragon, the grand- 
daughter of Isabella of Castile, could hardly have 
been otherwise. The women of that royal line 
were uniformly conspicuous for their piety, though 
this was too often tinctured with bigotry. In 
Mary, bigotry degenerated into fanaticism, and 
fanaticism into the spirit of persecution. The 
worst evils are probably those that have flowed 
from fanaticism. Yet the amount of the mischief 
does not necessarily furnish us with the measure 
of guilt in the author of it. The introduction 
of the Inquisition into Spain must be mainly 
charged on Isabella. Yet the student of her reign 

'0 " Delia qital humillta, pleta, da gran venti per estinguerlo del 

et religion sua, non occorre ra- tutto, ma sempre tenuto vivo, et 

gionare, ne renderne testimonio, difeso della sua innocentia et viva 

perche son da tutti non solo co- fede, accioche havesse a risplender 

nosciute, ma sommamente predi- nel modo clic hora fa." Ibid. 

cate con le prove Fosse MS. 

come un dcbol lame combattuto 


will not refuse to this great queen the praise of 
tenderness of conscience and a sincere desire to do 
the right. Unhappily, the faith in which she, as 
well as her royal granddaughter, was nurtured, 
taught her to place her conscience in the keeping 
of ministers less scrupulous than herself; and on 
those ministers may fairly rest much of the re- 
sponsibility of measures on which they only were 
deemed competent to determine. 

Mary's sincerity in her religious professions was 
placed beyond a doubt by the readiness with which 
she submitted to the sacrifice of her personal inter- 
ests whenever the interests of religion seemed to 
demand it. She burned her translation of a por- 
tion of Erasmus, prepared with great labor, at 
the suggestion of her confessor. An author will 
readily estimate the value of such a sacrifice. One 
more important, and intelligible to all, was the 
resolute manner in which she persisted in re- 
storing the Church property which had been con- 
fiscated to the use of the crown. " The crown 
is too much impoverished to admit of it," remon- 
strated her ministers. " I would rather lose ten 
crowns," replied the high-minded queen, " than 
place my soul in peril." -^^ 

Yet it cannot be denied, that Mary had inherit- 
ed, in full measure, some of the sterner qualities of 
her father, and that she was wanting in that sym- 
pathy for human suffering which is so graceful in 

^1 Burnet, History of the Reformation, (Oxford, 181 G,) vol. II. part 
ii. p 557. 


a woman. After a rebellion, the reprisals were 
terrible. London was converted into a charnel- 
house ; and the squares and principal streets, were 
garnished with the unsightly trophies of the heads 
and limbs of numerous victims who had fallen 
by the hand of the executioner.^^ This was in 
accordance with the spirit of the age. But the 
execution of the unfortunate Lady Jane Grey — 
the young, the beautiful, and the good — leaves a 
blot on the fame of Mary, which finds no parallel 
but in the treatment of the ill-fated queen of Scots 
by Elizabeth. 

Mary's treatment of Elizabeth has formed an- 
other subject of reproach, though the grounds of 
it are not sufficiently made out ; and, at all events, 
many circumstances may be alleged in extenuation 
of her conduct. She had seen her mother, the 
noble-minded Katharine, exposed to the most cruel 
indignities, and compelled to surrender her bed 
and her throne to an artful rival, the mother of 
Elizabeth. She had heard herself declared illegiti- 
mate, and her right to the succession set aside in 
favor of her younger sister. Even after her in- 
trepid conduct had secured to her the crown, she 
was still haunted by the same gloomy apparition. 
Elizabeth's pretensions were constantly brought 
before the public ; and Mary might well be alarmed 
by the disclosure of conspiracy after conspiracy, 
the object of which, it was rumored, was to seat 

12 Strype, Memorials, (London, 1721,) vol. Ill p 93. 


her sister on the throne. As she advanced in 
years, Mary had the further mortification of seeing 
her rival gain on those affections of the people 
which had grown cool to her. Was it wonderful 
that she should regard her sister, under these cir- 
cumstances, with feelings of distrust and aversion 1 
That she did so regard her is asserted by the Vene- 
tian minister ; and it is plain that, during the first 
years of Mary's reign, Elizabeth's life hung upon a 
thread. Yet Mary had strength of principle suffi- 
cient to resist the importunities of Charles the Fifth 
and his ambassador, to take the life of Elizabeth, 
as a thing indispensable to her own safety and that 
of Philip. Although her sister was shown to be 
privy, though not openly accessory, to the grand 
rebellion under Wyatt, Mary would not constrain 
the law from its course to do her violence. This 
was something, under the existing circumstances, 
in an age so unscrupulous. After this storm had 
passed over, Mary, whatever restraint she imposed 
on her real feelings, treated Elizabeth, for the most 
part, with a show of kindness, though her name 
still continued to be mingled, whether with or 
without cause, with more than one treasonable 
plot.^^ Mary's last act — perhaps the only one in 
which she openly resisted the will of her husband 
— was to refuse to compel her sister to accept the 

13 " Non si scopri mai conglura in publico con ogni sorte d' huma- 

alcuna, nella quale, o giusta o nita et d* honore, ne mai gli parla, 

mgiustamente, ella non sia nomi- se non di cose piacevolc." Rela- 

nata Ma la Regina sf'orza tionc di Gio. Micheli, MS. 

fj'iando sono insiemc di riccverU 

8 II 


hand of Philibert of Savoy. Yet this act would 
have relieved her of the presence of her rival; 
and by it Elizabeth would have forfeited her inde- 
pendent possession of the crown, — perhaps the 
possession of it altogether. It may be doubted 
whether Elizabeth, under similar circumstances, 
would have shown the like tenderness to the inter- 
ests of her successor. 

But, however we may be disposed to extenuate 
the conduct of Mary, and in spiritual matters, more 
especially, to transfer the responsibility of her acts 
from herself to her advisers, it is not possible to 
dwell on this reign of religious persecution without 
feelings of profound sadness. Not that the num- 
ber of victims compares with what is recorded of 
many similar periods of persecution. The whole 
amount, falling probably short of three hundred 
who perished at the stake, was less than the num- 
ber who fell by the hand of the executioner, or by 
violence, during the same length of time under 
Henry the Eighth. It was not much greater than 
might be sometimes found at a single Spanish 
auto de fe. But Spain was the land in which this 
might be regarded as the national spectacle, — as 
much so as the fiesta de toros, or any other of the 
popular exhibitions of the country. In England, 
a few examples had not sufficed to steel the hearts 
of men against these horrors. The heroic company 
of martyrs, condemned to the most agonizing of 
deaths for asserting the rights of conscience, was 
a sight strange and shocking to Englishmen. The 


feelings of that day have been perpetuated to the 
present. The reign of religious persecution stands 
out by itself, as something distinct from the nat- 
ural course of events ; and the fires of Smithfield 
shed a melancholy radiance over this page of the 
national history, from which the eye of humanity 
turns away in pity and disgust. — But it is time to 
take up the narrative of events which connected 
for a brief space the political interests of Spain 
with those of England. 

Charles the Fifth had always taken a lively in- 
terest in the fortunes of his royal kinswoman. 
When a young man he had paid a visit to Eng- 
land, and while there had been induced by his 
aunt, Queen Katharine, to contract a marriage 
with the Princess Mary, — then only six years old, 
— to be solemnized on her arriving at the suitable 
age. But the term was too remote for the con- 
stancy of Charles, or, as it is said, for the patience 
of his subjects, who earnestly wished to see their 
sovereign wedded to a princess who might present 
him with an heir to the monarchy. The Eng- 
lish match was, accordingly, broken off, and the 
young emperor gave his hand to Isabella of Por- 

Mary, who, since her betrothal, had been taught 
to consider herself as the future bride of the em- 

14 Hall, Chronicle, (London, mitted this portion of his history 

1809,) pp. 692, 711. — Sepulvedae to the revision of Cardinal Pole, aa 

Opera, vol. II. pp. 46-48. we learn from one of his epistles 

Sepulveda's account of the reign to that prelate. Opera, tcm. Ill 

)f Mary becomes of the more au- p. 309. 
thority from the fact that he sub- 



[Book 1 

peror, was at the time but eleven years old. She 
was old enough, however, to feel somethmg like 
jealousy, it is said, and to show some pique at this 
desertion by her imperial lover. Yet this circum- 
stance did not prevent the most friendly relations 
from subsisting between the parties in after years ; 
and Charles continued to watch over the interests 
of his kinswoman, and interposed, with good ef- 
fect, in her behalf, on more than one occasion, both 
during the reign of Henry the Eighth and of his 
son, Edward the Sixth. On the death of the latter 
monarch, he declared himself ready to assist Mary 
in maintaining her right to the succession ; ^^ and, 
when this was finally established, the wary em- 
peror took the necessary measures for turning it to 
his own account.^^ 

^5 Yet the emperor seems to 
nave written in a somewhat differ- 
ent style to his ambassador at the 
English court. " Desfaillant la 
force pour donner assistance a 
nostre-dicte cousine comme aussy 
vous scavez qu'elle deffault pour 
I'empeschement que Ton nous 
donne du coustel de France, nous 
ne veons aulcun apparent moyen 
pour assheurer la personne de no- 
Btre-dicte cousine." L'Empereur 
a ses Ambassadeurs en Angleterre, 
11 juillet, 1553, Papiers d'Etat 
de Granvelle, tom. IV. p. 25. 

^6 Charles, in a letter to his am- 
bassador in London, dated July 
22, 1553, after much good counsel 
which he was to give Queen Mary, 
ill the emperor's name, respecting 
the government of her kingdom. 

directs him to hint to her that the 
time had come when it would be 
well for the queen to provide her- 
self with a husband, and if his ad- 
vice could be of any use in the 
affair, she was entirely welcome to 
it. " Et aussy lul direz-vous qu'il 
sera besoin que pour etre sous- 
tenue audit royaulme, emparee et 
deffendue, mesmes en choses que 
ne sont de la profession de dames, 
il sera tres-requis que tost elle 
prenne party de mariaige avec qui 
il luy semblera estre plus convena- 
ble, tenant regard a ce que dessus ; 
ct que s'il lui plait nous faire part 
avant que s'y determiner, nous 
ne fauldrons de, avec la sinceritd 
de I'affection que lui portons, luy 
faire entendre hberalement, SMr < e 
qu'elle voudra metti-e en av ini. 


He formed a scheme for uniting Philip with 
Mary, and thus securing to his son the possession 
of the English crown, in the same manner as that 
of Scotland had been secured by marriage to the 
son of his rival, Henry the Second of France. It 
was, doubtless, a great error to attempt to bring 
under one rule nations so dissimilar in every par- 
ticular, and having interests so incompatible as the 
Spaniards and the English. Historians have re- 
garded it as passing strange, that a prince, who 
had had such large experience of the difficulties at- 
tending the government of kingdoms remote from 
each other, should seek so to multiply these diffi- 
culties on the head of his inexperienced son. But 
the love of acquisition is a universal principle ; 
nor is it often found that the appetite for more is 
abated by the consideration that the party is al 
ready possessed of more than he can manage. 

It was a common opinion, that Mary intended 
to bestow her hand on her young and handsome 
kinsman, Courtenay, earl of Devonshire, whom 
she had withdrawn from the prison in which he 
had languished for many years, and afterwards 
treated with distinguished favor. Charles, aware 
of this, instructed Renard, his minister at the 
court of London, a crafty, intriguing politician, ^^ 

nostre ad vis, et de I'ayder et favo- ^^ Granvelle, who owed no good- 
riser en ce qu'elle se determinera." will to the minister for the part 
L'Empereur k ses Ambassadeurs which he afterwards took in the 
en Angleterre, 22 juillet, 1553, troubles of Flanders, frequently 
Ibid., p. 56. puns on Renard's name, which he 
\oi. I. 8 12 H* 


to sound the queen's inclinations on the subject, 
but so as not to alarm her. He Avas to dwell, par- 
ticularly, on the advantages Mary would derive 
from a connection with some powerful foreign 
prince, and to offer his master's counsel, in this 
or any other matter in which she might desire it. 
The minister was to approach the subject of the 
earl of Devonshire with the greatest caution ; re- 
membering that, if the queen had a fancy for her 
cousin, and was like other women, she would not 
be turned from it by anything that he might say, 
nor would she readily forgive any reflection upon 
it.^^ Charles seems to have been as well read in 
the characters of women as of men ; and, as a nat- 
ural consequence, it may be added, had formed a 
high estimate of the capacity of the sex. In proof 
of which, he not only repeatedly committed the 
government of his states to women, but intrusted 
them with some of his most delicate political ne- 

Mary, if she had ever entertained the views 
imputed to her in respect to Courtenay, must 
have soon been convinced that his frivolous dis- 

eeems to have thought altogether naturel des aultres femmes) de 

significant of his character. passer oultre, et si se ressentiroit k 

18 " Quant a Cortenay, vous jamais de ce que vous luy en pour- 

pourriez bien dire, pour ^viter au ries avoir dit. Bien luy pourries- 

propoz mencionne en voz lettres, vous toucher des commoditez plus 

que Ton en parle, pour veoir ce grandes que pourroit recepvoir de 

qu'elle dira ; mais gardez-vous de mariaige estrangier, sans trop tou- 

luy tout desfaire et mesmes qu'elle cher a la personne oii elle pour« 

n'aye descouvert plus avant son roit avoir affection." L'Eveque 

intention ; car si elle y avoit fan- d' Arras k Renard, 14 nou"-, 1553, 

tasie, elle ne layroit (si elle est du Ibid., p. 77. 


position would ill suit the seriousness of hers. 
However this may be, she w^as greatly pleased 
when Renard hinted at her marriage, — " laugh- 
ing," says the envoy, " not once, but several times, 
and giving me a significant look, which showed 
that the idea was very agreeable to her, plainly in- 
timating at the same time that she had no desire 
to marry an Englishman." ^^ In a subsequent con- 
versation, when E-enard ventured to suggest that 
the prince of Spain was a suitable match, Mary 
broke in upon him, saying that " she had never 
felt the smart of what people called love, nor had 
ever so much as thought of being married, until 
Providence had raised her to the throne ; and that, 
if she now consented to it, it would be in opposi- 
tion to her own feelings, from a regard to the public 
good"; but she begged the envoy to assure the 
emperor of her wish to obey and to please him 
in everything, as she would her own father; inti- 
mating, however, that she could not broach the 
subject of her marriage to her council ; the ques- 
tion could only be opened by a communication 
from him.^^ 

19 " Quant je luy fiz Touverture ces propoz, elle jura que jamaig 

de mariaige, elle se print a rire, elle n'avolt senti esguillon de ce 

non une foys ains plusieurs foys, que Ton appelle amor, ny entre en 

me regardant d'un ceiI signifiant pensement de volupte, et qu'elle 

I'ouverture luy estre fort aggrea- n'avoit jamais pense k mariaige 

ble, me donnant assez h. cognoistre sinon depuys que a pleu a Dieu la 

qu'elle ne talchoit ou desiroit ma- promovoir a la couronne, et que 

riaige d'Angleterre." Renard 'k celluy qu'elle fera sera contre sa 

I'Eveque d' Arras, 15 aout, 1553, propre affection, pour le respect 

Ibid,, p. 78. de la chose publicque ; qu'elle se 

^ " Et, sans attendre la fin de tient toute assuree sa majeste aura 



[Book L 

Charles, who readily saw through Maiy's co- 
quetry, no longer hesitated to prefer the suit of 
Philip. After commending the queen's course in 
regard to Courtenay, he presented to her the 
advantages that must arise from such a foreign 
alliance as would strengthen her on the throne. 
He declared, in a tone of gallantry rather amus- 
ing, that, if it were not for his age and increasing 
infirmities, he should not hesitate to propose him- 
self as her suitor.^^ The next best thing was to 
offer her the person dearest to his heart, — his 
son, the prince of Asturias. He concluded by 
deprecating the idea that any recommendation of 
his should interfere, in the least degree, with the 
exercise of her better judgment.^ 

consldi' ration a ce qu'elle m'a diet 
et qu'elle desire I'obeir et com- 
plaire en tout et par tout corame 
son propre pere ; qu'elle n'oseroit 
entrer en prop dz de mariaige avec 
ceulx de son conseil, que fault, le 
cas advenant, que vienne de la 
meute de sa majeste." Renard a 
I'Eveque d'Arras, 8 septembre, 
1553, Ibid., p. 98. 

21 " Yous la pourrez asseurer 
que, si nous estions en eaige et dis- 
position telle qu'il conviendroit, et 
que jugissions que de ce pent re- 
donder le bien de ses affaires, nous 
ne vouldrions choysir aultre party- 
en ce monde plus tost que de nous 
alier nous-mesmes avec elle, et 
leroit bien celle que nous pourroit 
donner austant de satisfaction." 
L'Empereur h. Renard, 20 septe^*- 
bre, 1553, Ibid., p. 112. 

22 Ibid., pp. 108-116. 

Simon Renard, the imperial am- 
bassador at this time at the Eng- 
lish court, was a native of Franche 
Conite, and held the office of 
mailre aux requetes in the house- 
hold of the emperor. Renard, 
though a man of a factious turn, 
was what Granvelle's correspond- 
ent, Morillon, calls " un hon 'poli- 
tique" and in many respects well 
suited to the mission on which he 
was employed. His correspond- 
ence is of infinite value, as show- 
ing the Spanish moves in this com- 
plicated game, which ended in the 
marriage of Mary with the heir of 
the Castilian monarchy. It is pre- 
served in the archives of Brussels. 
Copies of these MSS., amounting 
to five volumes folio, were to be 
found in the collection of Cardinal 


Renard was further to intimate to the queen the 
importance of secrecy in regard to this negotiation. 
If she were disinclined to the proposed match, it 
would be obviously of no advantage to give it 
publicity. If, on the other hand, as the emperor 
had little doubt, she looked on it favorably, but 
desired to advise with her council before deciding, 
Renard was to dissuade her from the latter step, 
and advise her to confide in him.^^ The wary 
emperor had a twofold motive for these instruc- 
tions. There was a negotiation on foot at this 
very time for a marriage of Philip to the infanta 
of Portugal, and Charles wished to be entirely 
assured of Mary's acquiescence, before giving such 
publicity to the affair as might defeat the Portu- 

Granvelle at BesarKjon. A part 23 " Car si, quant a soy, il luy 

of them was lent to GrlfTet for semble estre chose que ne luy con- 

the compilation of his " Nouveaux vint ou ne fut falsable, il ne seroit 

Eelaircissemens sur I'Histoire de a propoz, comme elle I'entend tres- 

Marie Reine d'Angleterre." Un- bien, d'en faire declaracion h qui 

fortunately, Gritfet omitted to re- que ce soit ; mais, en cas aussi 

store the MSS. ; and an hiatus is qu'elle jugea le party luy estre 

thus occasioned in the series of the convenable et qu'elle y print incli- 

Renard correspondence embraced nacion, si, a son advis, la difficulte 

in the Granvelle Papers now in tumba sur les moyens, et que en 

process of publication by the French icculx elle ne se pent resoldre sans 

government. It were to be wished la participation d'aulcuns de son 

that this hiatus had been supplied conseil, vous la pourriez en ce caa 

from the originals, in the archives requerir qu'elle voulsit prendre de 

of Brussels. Mr. Tytler has done vous confiance pour vous decliirer 

good service by giving to the world a qui elle en vouldroit tenir pro- 

a selection from the latter part of poz, et ce qu'elle en vouldroit com- 

Renard's correspondence, which municquer et par quelz moyens." 

had been transcribed by order of L'Empercur a Renard, 20 septem- 

t^ ^ Record Commission from the bre, 1.553, Ibid., p. 114. 
MSS. in Brussels. 



[Book L 

guese match, which would still remain for Philip, 
should he not succeed with the English queen.^ 
In case Mary proved favorable to his son's suit, 
Charles, who knew the abhorrence in which for- 
eigners were held by the English beyond all other 
nations,^^ wished to gain time before communicat- 
ing with Mary's council. With some delay, he 
had no doubt that he had the means of winning 
over a sufficient number of that body to support 
Philip's pretensions.^^ 

These communications could not be carried on 
so secretly but that some rumor of them reached 
the ears of Mary's ministers, and of Noailles, the 
French ambassador at the court of London.^^ 

24 The Spanish match seems to 
have been as distasteful to the Por- 
tuguese as it was to the EngUsh, and 
probably for much the same rea- 
sons. See the letter of Granvelle, 
of August 14, 1553, Ibid., p. 77. 

^^ " Les estrangiers, qu'ilz ab- 
horrissent plus que nulle aultre 
nacion." L'Empereur a Renard, 
20 septembre, 1553, Ibid., p. 113. 

26 " Et si la difficulte se treuvoit 
aux conseillers pour leur interetz 
particulier, comme plus ilz sont in- 
teressez, il pourroit estre que Ton 
auroit meilleur moyen de les gai- 
gner, assheurant ceulx par le moyen 
desquelz la chose se pourroit con- 
diiyre, des principaulx offices et 
charges dudict royaulme, voyre et 
'eur oflfrant appart sommes notables 
de deniers ou accroissance de ren- 
tes, privileges et prerogatives." 

L'Empereur a Renard, 20 septem- 
bre, 1553, Ibid., p. 113. 

27 In order to carry on the ne- 
gotiation with greater secrecy, Re- 
nard's colleagues at the Enjxlish 
court, who were found to intermed- 
dle somewhat unnecessarily with 
the business, were recalled ; and 
the whole affair was intrusted ex- 
clusively to that envoy, and to 
Granvelle, the bishop of Arras, 
who communicated to him the views 
of the emperor from Brussels. — 
" Et s'est resolu tant plus I'empe- 
reur rappeler voz collegues, afin 
que aulcung d'iceulx ne vous y 
traversa ou bien empescha, s'y 
estans montrez peu affectionnez,et 
pour non si bien entendre le cours 
de ceste negociation, et pour aussi 
que vous garderez mieulx le secrel 
qu'est tant rcquis et ne se pourroil 


This person was a busy and unscrupulous politi- 
cian, who saw Avith alarm the prospect of Spain 
strengthening herself by this alliance with Eng- 
land, and determined, accordingly, in obedience to 
instructions from home, to use every effort to de- 
feat it. The queen's ministers, with the chan- 
cellor, Gardiner, bishop of Winchester, at their 
head, felt a similar repugnance to the Spanish 
match. The name of the Spaniards had become 
terrible from the remorseless manner in which 
their wars had been conducted during the present 
reign, especially in the New World. The ambi- 
tion and the widely-extended dominions of Charles 
the Fifth made him the most formidable sovereign 
in Europe. The English looked with apprehen 
sion on so close an alliance with a prince who had 
shown too little regard for the liberties of his own 
land to make it probable that he or his son would 
respect those of another. Above all, they dreaded 
the fanaticism of the Spaniards ; and the gloomy 
spectre of the Inquisition moving in their train 
made even the good Catholic shudder at the 
thought of the miseries that might ensue from 
this ill-omened union. 

It was not difficult for Noailles and the chan- 
cellor to communicate their own distrust to the 
members of the parliament, then in session. A 
petition to the queen was voted in the lower 
house, in which the commons preferred an humble 

feiire, passant ceste negociation par ras a Renard, 13 scptembre, 1553, 
plusieurs mains." L'Eveque d'Ar- Ibid., p. 103. 


request that she would marry for the good of the 
realm, but besought her, at the same time, not to 
go abroad for her husband, but to select him 
among her own subjects.^^ 

Mary's ministers did not understand her char- 
acter so well as Charles the Fifth did, when he 
cautioned his agent not openly to thwart her. 
Opposition only fixed her more strongly in her 
original purpose. In a private interview with 
Renard, she told him that she was apprised of 
Gardiner's intrigues, and that Noailles, too, was 
doing the impossible to prevent her union with 
Philip. " But I will be a match for them," she 
added. Soon after, taking the ambassador, at 
midnight, into her oratory, she knelt before the 
host, and, having repeated the hymn Veni Creator^ 
solemnly pledged herself to take no other man for 
her husband than the prince of Spain.^ 

This proceeding took place on the thirtieth of 
October. On the seventeenth of the month fol- 
lowing, the commons waited on the queen at her 
palace of Whitehall, to which she was confined 

28 " Pour la requerlr et supplier apres avoir dit le Veni creator^ lui 
d'eslire ung seigneur de son pays dit qu'elle lui donnoit en face du- 
pour estre son mary, et ne vouloir dit sacrement sa promesse d'epou- 
prendre personnaige en mariaige, ser le prince d'Espagne, laquelle 
ny leur donner prince qui leur elle ne cliangeroit jamais ; qu'elle 
puisse commander aultre que de sa avoit feint d'etre malade les deux 
nation." Ambassades de Noailles, jours precedents, mais que sa ma- 
(Leyde, 1763,) tom. II. p. 234. ladie avoit ete causee par le travail 

29 " Le soir du 30 octobre, la qu'elle avoit eu pour prendre cette 
rcine fit venir en sa chambre, oQ resolution." MS. in the Belgian 
etoit expose le saint sacrement, archives, cited by Mignet, Charles- 
Tanibassadcur de I'cmpereur, et, Quint, p. 78, note. 


by indisposition, and presented their address. 
Mary, instead of replying by her chancellor, as 
was usual, answered them in person. She told 
them, that from God she held her crown, and thai 
to him alone should she turn for counsel in a mat- 
ter so important ; ^ she had not yet made up her 
mind to marry ; but since they considered it so 
necessary for the weal of the kingdom, she would 
take it into consideration. It was a matter in 
which no one was so much interested as herself. 
But they might be assured that, in her choice, she 
would have regard to the happiness of her people, 
full as much as to her own. The commons, who 
had rarely the courage to withstand the frown 
of their Tudor princes, professed themselves con- 
tented with this assurance ; and, from this mo- 
ment, opposition ceased from that quarter. 

Mary's arguments were reinforced by more con- 
ciliatory, but not less efficacious persuasives, in 
the form of gold crowns, gold chains, and other 
compliments of the like nature, which were dis- 
tributed pretty liberally by the Spanish ambassa- 
dor among the members of her council.^^ 

In the following December, a solemn embassy 
left Brussels, to wait on Mary and tender her the 
hand of Philip. It was headed by Lamoral, Count 

30 " Qu'elle tenoit de dieu la dre quatre mil escuz pour cliaines, 

couronne de son royaulme, et que et les autres mil so repartiront en 

en luy seul esperoit se conseiller argent, comme Ton trouvera mieulx 

de chose si im[)ortante." Ambas- convenir" Renard, ap. Tytler, 

sades de Noailles, torn. II. p. 269. Edward VI. and Mary, vol. 11. p. 

^1 " Le dit Lieutenant a tait fon- 325. 

VOL. I. 8 13 I 


Egmont, til 3 Flemish noble so distinguished in 
later years by his military achievements, and still 
more by his misfortunes. lie was attended by a 
number of Flemish lords and a splendid body of 
retainers. He landed in Kent, where the rumor 
went abroad that it was Philip himself; and so 
general was the detestation of the Spanish match 
among the people, that it might have gone hard 
with the envoy, had the mistake not been discov- 
ered. Egmont sailed up the Thames, and went 
ashore at Tower Wharf, on the second of January, 
1554. He was received with all honor by Lord 
William Howard and several of the great English 
nobles, and escorted in much state to Westminster, 
where his table was supplied at the charge of the 
city. Gardiner entertained the embassy at a sump- 
tuous banquet ; and the next day Egmont and his 
retinue proceeded to Hampton Court, " where they 
had great cheer," says an old chronicler, " and 
hunted the deer, and were so greedy of their de- 
struction, that they gave them not fair play foi 
their lives ; for," as he peevishly complains, " the}? 
killed rag and tag, with hands and swords."^ 

On the twelfth, the Flemish count was pre- 
sented to the queen, and tendered her proposal? 
of marriage in behalf of Prince Philip. Mary, 
who probably thought she had made advances 
enough, now assumed a more reserved air. " It 
was not for a maiden queen," she said, " thus pub- 

32 Strypc, Memorials, vol. III. clcs, (London, 1808,) v< 1. IV. pp 
pp. 58, 59. — Ilolinslica, Chroni- 10,34,41. 


licly to enter on so delicate a subject as her own 
marriage. This would be better done by her min- 
isters, to whom she would refer him. But this 
she would have him understand," she added, as 
she cast her eyes on the ring on her finger, " her 
realm w^as her first husband, and none other 
should induce her to violate the oath which she 
had pledged at her coronation." 

Notwithstanding this prudery of Mary, she had 
already manifested such a prepossession for her 
intended lord as to attract the notice of her cour- 
tiers, one of whom refers it to the influence of 
a portrait of Philip, of which she had become 
" greatly enamored." ^ That such a picture was 
sent to her appears from a letter of Philip's aunt, 
the regent of the Netherlands, in which she tells 
the English queen that she has sent her a por- 
trait of the prince, from the pencil of Titian, which 
she was to return so soon as she was in possession 
of the living original. It had been taken some 
three years before, she said, and was esteemed a 
good likeness, though it would be necessary, as 
in the case of other portraits by this master, to 
look at it from a distance in order to see the re- 

33 Strype, (IVIemorials, Vol. III. ant k son jour et de loing, comme 

p. 196,) who quotes a passage from sont toutes poinctures dudict Titian 

a MS. of Sir Thomas Smith, the que de pres ne se recongnoissent." 

application of which, though the Marie, Reine de Ilongrie, a I'Am- 

queen's name Is omitted, cannot be bassadeur Renard, novembre 19, 

mistaken. 3D53, Papiers d'Etat de Granvelle, 

^ " Si est-ce qu'elle verra assez tom. IV. p. 150. 
yar icelle sa ressemblance, la voy- It may be from a copy of this 


The marriage treaty was drawn up with great 
circumspection, under the chancellor's direction. It 
will be necessary to notice only the most important 
provisions. It was stipulated that Philip should 
respect the laws of England, and leave every man 
in the full enjoyment of his rights and immunities. 
The power of conferring titles, honors, emolu- 
ments, and offices of every description, was to be 
reserved to the queen. Foreigners were to be 
excluded from office. The issue of the marriage, 
if a son, was to succeed to the English crown and 
to the Spanish possessions in Burgundy and the 
Low Countries. But in case of the death of Don 
Carlos, Philip's son, the issue of the present mar- 
riage was to receive, in addition to the former 
inheritance, Spain and her dependencies. The 
queen was never to leave her own kingdom with- 
out her express desire. Her children were not to 
be taken out of it without the consent of the 
nobles. In case of Mary's death, Philip was not 
to claim the right of taking part in the govern- 
ment of the country. Further, it was provided 
that Philip should not entangle the nation in his 
wars with France, but should strive to maintain 
the same amicable relations that now subsisted 
between the two countries.^^ 

Such were the cautious stipulations of this 
treaty, which had more the aspect of a treaty for 
defence against an enemy than a marriage con- 
portrait that tlip. engraving was 35 See the treaty in Rymer 
made wliith is prefixed to this work. Foedera, vol. XV. p. 377. 


tract. The instrument was worded with a care 
that reflected credit on the sagacity of its framers. 
All was done that parchment could do t(^ secure 
the independence of the crown, as well as the 
liberties of the people. " But if the bond be vio- 
lated," asked one of the parliamentary speakers on 
the occasion, " who is there to sue the bond ] " 
Every reflecting Englishman must have felt the 
ineflicacy of any guaranty that could be extorted 
from Philip, who, once united to Mary, would 
find little difliculty in persuading a fond and obe- 
dient wife to sanction his own policy, prejudicial 
though it might be to the true interests of the 

No sooner was the marriage treaty made public, 
than the popular discontent, before partially dis- 
closed, showed itself openly throughout the coun- 
try. Placards were put up, lampoons were writ- 
ten, reviling the queen's ministers and ridiculing 
the Spaniards ; ominous voices were heard from 
old, dilapidated buildings, boding the ruin of the 
monarchy. Even the children became infected 
with the passions of their fathers. Games were 
played in which the English were represented 
contending with the Spaniards ; and in one of 
these an unlucky urchin, who played the part of 
Philip, narrowly escaped with his life from the 
hands of his exasperated comrades.^ 

* " Par 1^," adds Noailles, who enfans le logent au glbet." Am- 

tells the story, " vous pouvez veolr bassades de Noailles, torn. III. p. 

i;ojnme le prince d'Espagne sera le 130. 
hien venu en ce pavs, pulsque les ^ ^ 

8 ^ ^ 


But something more serious than child's play 
showed itself, in three several insurrections which 
broke out in different quarters of the kingdom. 
The most formidable of them was the one led by 
Sir Thomas Wyatt, son of the celebrated poet of 
that name. It soon gathered head, and the num- 
ber of the insurgents was greatly augmented by 
the accession of a considerable body of the royal 
forces, who deserted their colors, and joined the 
Tery men against whom they had been sent. Thus 
strengthened, Wyatt marched on London. All 
there were filled with consternation, — all but 
their intrepid queen, who showed as much self- 
possession and indifference to danger as if it were 
only an ordinary riot. 

Proceeding at once into the city, she met the 
people at Guildhall, and made them a spirited 
address, which has been preserved in the pages 
of Holinshed. It concludes in the following bold 
strain, containing an allusion to the cause of the 
difficulties: — "And certainly, if I did either know 
or think that this marriage should either turn to 
the danger or loss of any of you, my loving sub- 
jects, or to the detriment or impairing of any part 
or parcel of the royal estate of this realm of Eng- 
land, I would never consent thereunto, neither 
would I ever marry while I lived. And on the 
word of a queen, I promise and assure you, that, 
if it shall not probably ap^^ear before the nobility 
and commons, in the high court of parliament, 
that this marriage shall be for the singular benefit 


11 >-i.^ ,, realm, that then I 
marriage, but also 
V ensue to this 
^ as good and 
3arts, and like 
. prince against 
y^ours, and fear 
Dar them noth- 
spirit of their 
audience, and 
tizens enrolled 

lued its march, 
tt was on the 
then, that he 
; presence was 
)od number of 
yourtenay, who 
ed that did lit- 
now confusion 
ttendance gath- 
11, as if to seek 
e nature. Her 
i, to implore her 
e only place of 
safety. Mary smiled with contempt at the pusil- 
lanimous proposal, and resolved to remain whera 
she was, and abide the issue. 

^7 Holinsbed, vol. IV. p. 16. — as given, at more or less length, is 
The accounts of this insurrection every history of the period. 
«,re familiar to the English reader, 



[Book 1 

But something 
showed itself, in 
broke out in 
The most foi 
Sir Thomas 
that name. 1 
ber of the in 
the accession 
forces, who d 
Tory men agai 
there were fi 
their intrepid 
possession and 
only an ordine 

people at Gu 
address, which 
of Holinshed. 
strain, containi 
difficulties : — ' 
or think that 
the danger or 
jects, or to the 
or parcel of th 

land, I would 'lieveT'consenrTl^^ neither 

would I ever marry while I lived. And on the 
word of a queen, I promise and assure you, that, 
if it shall not probably apj^ear before the nobility 
and commons, in the high court of parliament, 
that this marriage shall be for the singular benefit 


and commodity of all the whole realm, that then I 
will abstain, not only from this marriage, but also 
from any other whereof peril may ensue to this 
most noble realm. Wherefore now as good and 
faithful subjects pluck up your hearts, and like 
true men stand fast with your lawful prince against 
these rebels, both our enemies and yours, and fear 
them not ; for I assure you that I fear them noth- 
ing at all ! " ^^ Tht courageous spirit of their 
queen communicated itself to her audience, and 
in a few hours twenty thousand citizens enrolled 
themselves under the royal banner. 

Meanwhile, the rebel force continued its march, 
and reports soon came that AVyatt was on the 
opposite bank of the Thames ; then, that he 
had crossed the river. Soon his presence was 
announced by the flight of a good number of 
the royalists, among whom was Courtenay, who 
rode oif before the enemy at a speed that did lit- 
tle credit to his valor. All was now confusion 
again. The lords and ladies in attendance gath- 
ered round the queen at Whitehall, as if to seek 
support from her more masculine nature. Her 
ministers went down on their knees, to implore her 
to take refuge in the Tower, as the only place of 
safety. Mary smiled with contempt at the pusil- 
lanimous proposal, and resolved to remain whera 
she was, and abide the issue. 

^7 Holinshed, vol. IV. p. 16. — as given, at more or less length, in 
The accounts of this insurrection every history of the period. 
*re familiar to the EnMish reader, 



[Book 1 

It was no. long in coming. Wyatt penetrated 
as far as Ludgate, with desperate courage, but was 
not well seconded by his followers. The few who 
proved faithful were surrounded and overwhelmed 
by numbers. Wyatt was made prisoner, and the 
whole rebel rout discomfited and dispersed. By 
this triumph over her enemies, Mary was seated 
more strongly than ever on the throne. Hence- 
forward the Spanish match did not meet with op- 
position from the people, any more than from the 

Still the emperor, after this serious demonstra- 
tion of hostility to his son, felt a natural dis- 
quietude in regard to his personal safety, which 
made him desirous of obtaining some positive 
guaranty before trusting him among the turbulent 
islanders. He wrote to his ambassador to require 
such security from the government. But no bet- 
ter could be given than the royal promise that 
everything should be done to insure the prince's 
safety. Kenard was much perplexed. He felt the 
responsibility of his own position. He declined to 
pledge himself for the quiet deportment of the 
English ; but he thought matters had already 
gone too far to leave it in the power of Spain to 
recede. He wrote, moreover, both to Charles and 
to Philip, recommending that the prince should 
not bring over with him a larger retinue of 
Spaniards than was necessary, and that the wives 
of his nobles — for he seems to have regarded 
the sex as the source of evil — should not accom- 

Ch. III.] 



pany them.^ Above all, he urged Philip and 
his followers to lay aside the Castilian hauteur^ 
and to substitute the conciliatory manners which 
might disarm the jealousy of the English.^ 

33 " L'on a escript d'Espaigne 
que plusieurs sieurs deliberolent 
anicner leurs femmes avec eulx 
parde^a. Si ainsi est, vostre Ma- 
jcste pourra preveoir ung grand 
desordre en ceste court." Renard, 
ap. Tytler, Edward VI. and Mary, 
vol. 11. p. 351. 

39 " Seullement sera requls que 
les Espaignolez qui suy vront vostre 
Alteze comportent les fa^ons do 
faire des Angloys, et soient mo- 
destes, confians que vostre Alteze 
les aicarasscra par son humanity 
costumiere." Ibid., p. 335. 

VOL. I. 




Mary's Betrotlial. — Joanna Regent of Castile. — Philip embarks foi 
England. — His splendid Reception. — Marriage of Philip and Ma- 
ry. — Royal Entertainments. — Philip's Influence. — The Catholic 
Church restored. — Philip's Departure. 

1554, 1555. 

In the month of March, 1554, Count Egmont 
arrived in England, on a second embassy, for the 
purpose of exchanging the ratifications of the 
marriage treaty. He came in the same state as 
before, and was received by the queen in the pres- 
ence of her council. The ceremony was conducted 
with great solemnity. Mary, kneeling down, called 
God to witness, that, in contracting this marriage, 
she had been influenced by no motive of a carnal 
or worldly nature, but by the desire of securing 
the welfare and tranquillity of the kingdom. To 
her kingdom her faith had first been plighted; 
and she hoped that Heaven would give her strength 
to maintain inviolate the oath she had taken at 
her coronation. 

This she said with so much grace, that the by- 
standers, says E-enard, — who was one of them, — 


were all moved to tears. The ratifications were 
then exchanged, and the oaths taken, in presence 
of the host, by the representatives of Spain and 
England ; when Mary, again kneeling, called on 
those present to unite with her in prayer to the 
Almighty, that he would enable her faithfully to 
keep the articles of the treaty, and would make 
her marriage a happy one. 

Count Egmont then presented to the queen a 
diamond ring which the emperor had sent her. 
Mary, putting it on her finger, showed it to the 
company ; " and assuredly," exclaims the Spanish 
minister, " the jewel was a precious one, and well 
worthy of admiration." Egmont, before depart- 
ing for Spain, inquired of Mary whether she 
would intrust him with any message to Prince 
Philip. The queen replied, that "he might ten- 
der to the prince her most affectionate regards, and 
assure him that she should be always ready to vie 
with him in such offices of kindness as became a 
loving and obedient wife." When asked if she 
would write to him, she answered, "Not till he 
had begun the correspondence."^ 

This lets us into the knowledge of a little fact, 
very significant. Up to this time Philip had nei- 
ther written, nor so much as sent a single token 

I The particulars of this inter- 326-329,) — a work in which the 
view are taken from one of Re- author, by the publication of origi- 
nard's despatches to the emperor, nal documents, and his own saga- 
dated March 8, 1554, ap. Tytlcr, cious commentary, has done much 
England under the Reigns of Ed- for the illusti-atlon of this portion 
ward VJ. and Mary, (vol. II. pp. of English history. 


of regard, to his mistress. All this had been left 
to his father. Charles had arranged the marriage, 
had wooed the bride, had won over her principal 
advisers, — in short, h^ad done all the courtship. 
Indeed, the inclinations of Philip, it is said, had 
taken another direction, and he would have pre- 
ferred the hand of his royal kinswoman, Mary of 
Portugal.^ HoAvever this may be, it is not probable 
that he felt any great satisfaction in the prospect of 
being united to a woman who was eleven years 
older than himself, and whose personal charms, 
whatever they might once have been, had long since 
faded, under the effects of disease and a constitu- 
tional melancholy. But he loved power ; and what- 
ever scruples he might have entertained on his own 
account were silenced before the wishes of his 
father.^ " Like another Isaac," exclaims Sando- 
val, in admiration of his conduct, " he sacrificed 
himself on the altar of filial duty."* The same 

3 Florcz, Reynas Catholicas, torn, su matrimonio con Vuestra Mage- 

II. p. 890. stad, hallandose en disposicion para 

3 Philip would have preferred ello, esto seria lo mas acertado. 
that Charles should carry out his Pero en caso que Vuestra Mage- 
original design, by taking Mary stad esta en lo que me escribe y le 
for his own wife. But he acqui- pareciere tratar de lo que a mi toca, 
esced, without a murmur, in the ya Vuestra Magestad sabe que, co- 
choice his father made for him. mo tan obediente hijo, no he tcner 
Mignet quotes a passage from a mas voluntad que la suya ; cuanto 
letter of Philip to the emperor on mas siendo este negocio de impor- 
this subject, which shows him to tancia y calidad que es. "Y asi me 
have been a pattern of filial obe- ha parecido remitirlo a Vuestra 
dience. The letter is copied by Magestad para que en todo haya 
Gonzales in his unpublished work, lo que le pareciera, y fuere servi- 
Retiro y Estancia de Carlos Quinto. do." Mignet, Charles-Quint, p. 76. 
^ " Y que pues piensan proponer * " Higo en esto lo que un Isaac 


implicit deference which. Philip showed his fathex 
in this delicate matter, he afterwards, under similar 
circumstances, received from his own son. 

After the marriage articles had been ratified, 
Philip sent a present of a magnificent jewel to the 
English queen, by a Spanish noble of high rank, 
the Marquis de las Navas.^ The marquis, who 
crossed from Biscay with a squadron of four ships, 
landed at Plymouth, and, as he journeyed towards 
London, was met by the young Lord Herbert, son 
of the earl of Pembroke, who conducted him, with 
an escort of four hundred mounted gentlemen, to 
his family seat in Wiltshire. " And as they rode 
together to Wilton," says Lord Edmund Dudley, 
one of the party, " there were certain courses at 
the hare, which was so pleasant that the marquis 
much delighted in finding the course so readily 
appointed. As for the marquis's great cheer, as 
well that night at supper as otherwise at his 
breakfast the next day, surely it was so abundant, 
that it was not a little marvel to consider that so 
great a preparation could be made in so small a 

warning Surely it was not a little comfort to 

my heart to see all things so honorably used for 
the honor and service of the queen's majesty."^ 

dexandose sacrlficar por hazer la crowns. — "Una joya que don Fi- 

voluntad de sii padre, y por el bien lipe le enbiaba, en que avia un 

de la Iglesla." Sandoval, Ilist. de diamante de valor de ochenta mil 

Carlos v., tom. II. p. 557. escudos." Cabrera, Filipc Segun- 

5 A single diamond In the orna- do, lib. I. cap. 4. 
ment which Philip sent his queen ^ Letter of Lord Edmund Dud- 
was valued at eighty thousand ley to the Lords of the Council; 
8 K 


Meanwliile, Philip was making his arrangements 
for leaving Spain, and providing a government for 
the country during his absence. It was decided 
by the emperor to intrust the regency to his daugh- 
ter, the Princess Joanna. She was eight years 
younger than Philip. About eighteen months 
before, she had gone to Portugal as the bride of 
the heir of that kingdom. But the fair promise 
afforded by this union was blasted by the untimely 
death of her consort, which took place on the sec- 
ond of January, 1554. Three weeks afterwards, 
the unhappy widow gave birth to a son, the famous 
Don Sebastian, whose Quixotic adventures have 
given him a wider celebrity than is enjoyed by many 
a wiser sovereign. After the cruel calamity which 
had befallen her, it was not without an effort that 
Joanna resigned herself to her father's wishes, and 
consented to enter on the duties of public life. In 
July, she qaitted Lisbon, — the scene of early joys, 
and of hopes for ever blighted, — and, amidst the 
regrets of the whole court, returned, under a 
princely escort, to Castile. She was received on 
the borders by the king, her brother, who con- 
ducted her to Valladolid. Here she was installed, 

MS. This document, with otlier married, for his second wife, the 
MSS. relating to this period, was celebrated sister of Sir Philip Sid- 
kindly furnished to me by the late ney, to whom he dedicated the 
lamented Mr. Tytler, who copied "Arcadia," — less celebrated, per- 
them from the originals in the State haps, from this dedication, than 
Paper Office. from the epitaph on her monu- 
Thc young Lord Herbert men- ment, by Ben Jonson, in Salisbury 
tioned in the text became after- Cathedral. 
»vards that carl of Pembroke who 


with due solemnity, in her office of regent. A 
council of state was associated with her in the 
government. It consisted of persons of the high- 
est consideration, with the archbishop of Seville 
at their head. By this body Joanna was to be 
advised, and indeed to be guided in all matters of 
moment. Philip, on his departure, left his sister 
an ample letter of instructions as to the policy to 
be pursued by the administration, especially in 
affairs of religion."^ 

Joanna seems to have been a woman of discre- 
tion and virtue, — qualities which belonged to the 
females of her line. She was liberal in her bene- 
factions to convents and colleges ; and their clois- 
tered inmates showed their gratitude by the most 
lavish testimony to her deserts. She had one rather 
singular practice. She was in the habit of drop- 
ping her veil, when giving audience to foreign am- 
bassadors. To prevent all doubts as to her personal 
identity, she began the audience by raising her 
veil, saying, " Am I not the princess '? " She then 
again covered her face, and the conference was con- 
tinued without her further exposing her features. 
" It was not necessary," says her biographer, in an 
accommodating spirit, "to have the face uncovered 
in order to hear."® Perhaps Joanna considered 

7 Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. bajadores se quejaban, pretextando 
I. cap. 4. — Florez, Reynas Catlio- que no sabian si hablaban con la 
licas, torn. II. p. 873. — Memorial Prlncesa ; levantaba el nianto al 
ies Voyages du Roi, MS. empezar la Audiencia, preguntan- 

8 " Y prevenida de que los Em- do ^ Soy la Prlncesa ? y en o} f u- 


this reserve as suited to the season of her moum 
ing, intending it as a mark of respect to the mem- 
ory of her deceased lord. In any other view, we 
might suspect that there entered into her constitu- 
tion a vein of the same madness which darkened 
so large a part of the life of her grandmother and 
namesake, Joanna of Castile. 

Before leaving Valladolid, Philip formed a sep- 
arate establishment for his son, Don Carlos, and 
placed his education under the care of a preceptor, 
Luis de Vivos, a scholar not to be confounded with 
his namesake, the learned tutor of Mary of Eng- 
land. Having completed his arrangements, Philip 
set out for the place of his embarkation in the north. 
At Compostella he passed some days, offering up 
his devotions to the tutelar saint of Spain, whose 
shrine, throughout the Middle Ages, had been the 
most popular resort of pilgrims from the western 
parts of Christendom. 

While at Compostella, Philip subscribed the 
marriage treaty, which had been brought over 
from England by the earl of Bedford. He then 
proceeded to Corunna, where a fleet of more than 
a hundred sail was riding at anchor, in readi- 
ness to receive him. It was commanded by the 
admiral of Castile, and had on board, besides its 
complement of seamen, four thousand of the best 

do responder que si ; volvia k necessltaba tener la cara desciibl- 

echarse el velo, como que ya cessa- erta." Florez, Reynas Catholioas, 

bael inconveniente de ignorar eon torn. II. p. 873. 
quien hablaban, y que para ver no 


troops of Spain. On the eleventh of July, Philip 
embarked, with his numerous retinue, in which, 
together with the Flemish Counts Egmont and 
Hoorne, were to be seen the dukes of Alva and Me- 
dina Coeli, the prince of Eboli, — in short, the flower 
of the Castilian nobility. They came attended by 
their wives and vassals, minstrels and mummers, 
and a host of idle followers, to add to the splendor 
of the pageant and do honor to their royal master. 
Yet the Spanish ambassador at London had ex- 
pressly recommended to Philip that his courtiers 
should leave their ladies at home, and should come 
in as simple guise as possible, so as not to arouse 
the jealousy of the English.^ 

After a pleasant run of a few days, the Spanish 
squadron came in sight of the combined fleets of 
England and Flanders, under the command of the 
Lord Admiral Howard, who was cruising in the 
channel in order to meet the prince and convoy 
him to the English shore. The admiral seems to 
have been a blunt sort of man, who spoke his mind 
with more candor than courtesy. Fie greatly of- 
fended the Flemings by comparing their ships to 
muscle-shells.-^^ He is even said to have fired a 
gun as he approached Philip's squadron, in order to 
compel it to lower its topsails in acknowledgment 

9 Letter of Bedford and Fitz- ^0 " II appelle les navires de la 

waters to the Council, ap. Tytler, flotte de vostre Majeste coqnillea 

Edward VI. and Mary, vol. II. p. de monies, et plusleurs semblablcs 

410. — Cabrera, Filipe Scgundo, particularltez." Letter of Renard, 

Jib. I. cap. 4, 5. — Sepulvedae ap. Tytler, Edward VI. and Mary, 

Opera, vol. IL pp. 49G, 497. vol. IL p. 414. 

VOL. I. 8 15 K* 


of the supremacy of the English in the " narrow 
seas." But this is probably the patriotic vaunt of 
an English writer, since it is scarcely possible that 
the haughty Spaniard of that clay would have made 
such a concession, and still less so that the British 
commander would have been so discourteous as 
to exact it on this occasion. 

On the nineteenth of July, the fleets came to 
anchor in the port of Southampton. A number of 
barges were soon seen pushing off from the shore ; 
one of w^hich, protected by a rich awning and 
superbly lined with cloth of gold, was manned by 
sailors whose dress of white and green intimated 
the royal livery. It w^as the queen's barge, in- 
tended for Philip ; while the other boats, all 
gaily ornamented, received his nobles and their 

The Spanish prince w^as welcomed, on landing, by 
a goodly company of English lords, assembled to 
pay him their obeisance. The earl of Arundel pre- 
sented him, in the queen's name, with the splendid 
insignia of the order of the Garter.^^ Philip's 
dress, as usual, was of plain black velvet, with a 
berret cap, ornamented, after the fashion of the 
time, with gold chains. By Mary's orders, a 
spirited Andalusian jennet had been provided for 
him, which the prince instantly mounted. He was 

1^ " L'ordre de la Jarctiere, que ou hiiict mil escuz, et joinctement 

la Royne et les Chevaliers ont con- fait faire pliisieiirs riches habllle- 

eludz luy donner; et en a fait faire mens pour son Altese." Ibid., p. 

line la Royne, qu'est estimee sept 416. 


a good rider, and pleased the people by his cour- 
teous bearing, and the graceful manner in which ho 
managed his horse. 

The royal procession then moved forward to the 
ancient church of the Holy Eood, where mass was 
said, and thanks were offered up for their pros- 
perous voyage. Philip, after this, repaired to the 
quarters assigned to him during his stay in the 
town. They v/ere sumptuously fitted up, and the 
walls of the principal apartment hung with arras, 
commemorating the doings of that royal polemic, 
Henry the Eighth. Among other inscriptions in 
honor of him might be seen one proclaiming him 
" Head of the Church," and " Defender of the 
Faith " ; — words w^hich, as they were probably in 
Latin, could not have been lost on the Spaniards.^ 

The news of Philip's landing was received in 
London with every demonstration of joy. Guns 
were fired, bells were rung, processions were made 
to the churches, bonfires were lighted in all the 
principal streets, tables were spread in the squares, 
laden with good cheer, and wine and ale flowed 
freely as water for all comers.^^ In short, the city 
gave itself up to a general jubilee, as if it were 
celebrating some victorious monarch returned to 
his dominions, and not the man whose name had 

12 Salazar (le Mendoza, Monar- I. cap. 5. — Led, Vita di Flllppo 

quia de Espaila, (IMadrid, 1770,) 11. , torn. I. p. 231. — HoUnshed, 

!;om. II. p. 118. — Ambassades de vol. IV. p. 57. — Memorial dea 

Noailles, torn. III. pp. 283 - 28G. — Voyajres du Roi, MS. 
Scpulvedae Opera, vol. II. p. 498. 13 Strype, Memorials, vol. lU 

— Cabrera, Eilipe Sogundo, lib. pp. 127,128. 


lately been the object of such, general execration. 
Mary gave instant orders that the nobles of het 
court should hold themselves in readiness to ac- 
company her to Winchester, where she was to re- 
ceive the prince ; and on the twenty-first of July 
she made her entry, in great state, into that capi- 
tal, and established her residence at the episcopal 

During the few days that Philip stayed at South- 
ampton, he rode constantly abroad, and showed 
himself frequently to the people. The information 
he had received, before his voyage, of the state of 
public feeling, had suggested to him some nat- 
ural apprehensions for his safety. He seems to 
have resolved, from the first, therefore, to adopt 
such a condescending, and indeed afi'able demean 
or, as would disarm the jealousy of the English, 
and if possible conciliate their good- will. In this 
he appears to have been very successful, although 
some of the more haughty of the aristocracy did 
take exception at his neglecting to raise his cap 
to them. That he should have imposed the de- 
gree of restraint which he seems to have done on 
the indulgence of his natural disposition, is good 
proof of the strength of his apprehensions.-^* 

The favor which Philip showed the English 
gave umbrage to his own nobles. They were 

14 The change in Philip's man- speaking, in one of his letters, of 

ners seems to have attracted gen- the report of it, as having reached 

eral attention. We find Wotton, his ears in Paris. AVotton to Sir 

flie ambassador at the French court, AV. Petre, August 10, 1554. MS. 


still more disgusted by the rigid interpretation 
of one of the marriage articles, by which seme 
hundreds of their attendants were prohibited, as 
foreigners, from landing, or, after landing, were 
compelled to reembark, and return to Spain.-^^ 
Whenever Philip went abroad he was accompanied 
by Englishmen. He was served by Englishmen at 
his meals. He breakfasted and dined in public, — 
a thing but little to his taste. He drank healths, 
after the manner of the English, and encouraged 
his Spanish followers to imitate his example, as he 
quaiFed the strong ale of the country. ^^ 

On the twenty-third of the month, the earl 
of Pembroke arrived, with a brilliant company of 
two hundred mounted gentlemen, to escort the 
prince to Winchester. He was attended, more- 
over, by a body of English archers, whose tunics 
of yellow cloth, striped with bars of red velvet, dis- 
played the gaudy-colored livery of the house of 
Aragon. The day was unpropitious. The rain 
fell heavily, in such torrents as might have cooled 

'5 According to Noailles, Philip 16 Leti, Vita di Filippo II., torn, 

forbade the Spaniards to leave their I. pp. 231, 232. 
ships, on pain of being hanged " Lors il appella les seigneurs 

when they set foot on shore. This Espaignols qui estoient pres de luy 

was enforcing the provisions of the et leur diet qu'il falloit desormais 

marriage treaty en r'ujeur. " Apres oublier toutes les coustumes d'Es- 

que ledict prince fust descendu, il paigne, et vifvre de tous poincts a 

fict crier et commanda aux Espai- I'Angloise, a quoy il voulloit bien 

gnols que chascun se retirast en son commancer et leur monstrer le 

navire et que sur la peyne d'estre chcniin, puis se fist apporter de la 

pendu, nul ne descendist a terre." biere de laquelle il beut." Am- 

Ambassades de Noailles, torn. III. bassades de Noailles, torn. III. p 

p. 287. 287. 


the enthusiasm of a more ardent lover than Philip, 
But he was too gallant a cavalier to be daunted by 
the elements. The distance, not great in itself^ 
was to be travelled on horseback, — the usual 
mode of conveyance at a time when roads were 
scarcely practicable for carriages. 

Philip and his retinue had not proceeded far, 
when they were encountered by a cavalier, riding 
at full speed, and bringing with him a ring which 
Mary had sent her lover, with the request that 
he would not expose himself to the weather, but 
postpone his departure to the following day. 
The prince, not understanding the messenger, who 
spoke in English, and suspecting that it was in- 
tended by Mary to warn him of some danger in 
his path, instantly drew up by the road-side, and 
took counsel with Alva and Egmont as to what 
was to be done. One of the courtiers, who per- 
ceived his embarrassment, rode up and acquainted 
the prince with the real purport of the message. 
Relieved of his alarm, Philip no longer hesitated, 
but, with his red felt cloak wrapped closely about 
him and a broad beaver slouched over his eyes, 
manfully pushed forward, in spite of the tempest. 

As he advanced, his retinue received continual 
accessions from the neighboring gentry and yeo- 
manry, until it amounted to some thousands before 
he reached Winchester. It was late in the after- 
noon when the cavalcade, soiled with travel and 
thoroughly drenched with rain, arrived before the 
gates of the city. The mayor and aldermen 


dressed in their robes of scarlet, came to welcome 
the prince, and, joresenting the keys of the city, 
conducted him to his quarters. 

That evening Philip had his first interview with 
Mary. It was private, and he was taken to her 
residence by the chancellor, Gardiner, bishop of 
Winchester. The royal pair passed an hour or 
more together; and, as Mary spoke the Castilian 
fluently, the interview must have been spared 
much of the embarrassment that would other- 
wise have attended it.^^ 

On the following day the parties met in public. 
Philip was attended by the principal persons of his 
suite, of both sexes ; and as the procession, making 
a goodly show, passed through the streets on foot, 
the minstrelsy played before them till they reached 
the royal residence. The reception-room was the 
great hall of the palace. Mary, stepping forward 
to receive her betrothed, saluted him with a loving 
kiss before all the company. She then conducted 
him to a sort of throne, where she took her seat 
by his side, under a stately canopy. They re- 
mained there for an hour or more, conversing 
together, while their courtiers had leisure to be- 
come acquainted with one another, and to find 

17 According to Sepulveda, Phil- Britannico more suaviavit ; habi- 

ip gave a most liberal construction toque longiore et jucundissimo col- 

to the English custom of salutation, loquio, Philippus matronas etianj 

kissing not only his betrothed, but et Regias virgines sigillatim salutat 

all the ladies in waiting, matrons osculaturque." Sepulvedaa Ope- 

and maidens, without distinction, ra, vol. II. p. 499. 
' Intra ajdcs progressam salutans 



[Book I 

ample food, doubtless, for future criticism, in the 
peculiarities of national costume and manners. 
Notwithstanding the Spanish blood in Mary*s 
veins, the higher circles of Spain and England 
had personally almost as little intercourse with 
one another at that period, as England and Japan 
have at the present. 

The ensuing day, the festival of St. James, the 
patron saint of Spain, was the one appointed for 
the marriage. Philip exchanged his usual simple 
dress for the bridal vestments provided for him by 
his mistress. They were of spotless white, as 
the reporter is careful to inform us, satin and 
cloth of gold, thickly powdered with pearls and 
precious stones. Round his neck he wore the su- 
perb collar of the Golden Fleece, the famous Bur- 
gundian order ; while the brilliant riband below 
his knee served as the badge of the no less illus- 
trious order of the Garter. He went on foot to 
the cathedral, attended by all his nobles, vying 
with one another in the ostentatious splendor of 
their retinues. 

Half an hour elapsed before Philip was joined 
by the queen at the entrance of the cathedral. 
Mary was surrounded by the lords and ladies of 
her court. Her dress, of white satin and cloth of 
gold, like his own, was studded and fringed with 
diamonds of inestimable price, some of them, 
doubtless, the gift of Philip, which he had sent 
to her by the hands of the prince of Eboli, soon 
after his landing. Her bright-red slippers, and 


her mantle of black velvet, formed a contrast to 
the rest of her apparel, and, for a bridal costume, 
would hardly suit the taste of the present day. 
The royal party then moved up the nave of the 
cathedral, and were received in the choir by the 
bishop of Winchester, supported by the great prel- 
ates of the English Church. The greatest of all, 
Cranmer, the primate of all England, who should 
have performed the ceremony, was absent, — in 
disgrace and a prisoner. 

Philip and Mary took their seats under a royal 
canopy, with an altar between them. The queen 
was surrounded by the ladies of her court ; whose 
beauty, says an Italian writer, acquired additional 
lustre by contrast with the shadowy complexions 
of the south.^^ The aisles and spacious galleries 
were crowded with spectators of every degree, 
drawn together from the most distant quarters to 
witness the ceremony. 

The silence was broken by Figueroa, one of the 
imperial council, who read aloud an instrument of 
the emperor, Charles the Fifth. It stated that 
this marriage had been of his own seeking ; and 
he was desirous that his beloved son should enter 
into it in a manner suitable to his own expecta- 
tions and the dignity of his illustrious consort. 

18 " Poco dopo comparve ancora bellezza del mondo, onde gli Spa- 
la Regina pomposamente vestlta, gnoli servivano con il loro Oliva- 
rilucendo da tutte le parti pretio- stro, tra tanti soli, come ombre.** 
sissime gemme, accompagnata da Leti, Vita di Filippo IL, tom. L 
tante e cosi belle Principesse, che p. 232. 
•^areva ivi ridotta quasi tutta la 

VOL. I. 8 16 Jj 


He tlierefore resigned to him his entire right and 
sovereignty over the kingdom of Naples and the 
duchy of Milan. The rank of the parties would 
thus be equal, and Mary, instead of giving her 
hand to a subject, would wed a sovereign like 

Some embarrassment occurred as to the person 
who should give the queen away, — a part of the 
ceremony not provided for. After a brief confer- 
ence, it was removed by the marquis of Winches- 
ter and the earls of Pembroke and Derby, who took 
it on themselves to give her away in the name of 
the whole realm ; at which the multitude raised 
a shout that made the old walls of the cathedral 
ring again. The marriage service was then con- 
cluded by the bishop of Winchester. Philip and 
Mary resumed their seats, and mass was performed, 
when the bridegroom, rising, gave his consort the 
" kiss of peace," according to the custom of the 
time. The whole ceremony occupied nearly four 
hours. At the close of it, Philip, taking Mary 
by the hand, led her from the church. The royal 
couple were followed by the long train of prelates 
and nobles, and were preceded by the earls of 
Pembroke and Derby, each bearing aloft a naked 
sword, the symbol of sovereignty. The effect of 
ihe spectacle was heightened by the various cos- 
tumes of the two nations, — the richly tinted and 
picturcisque dresses of the Spaniards, and the solid 
magnificence of the English and Flemings, min- 
gling together in gay confusion. The glittering 


procession moved slowly on, to the blithe sounds 
of festal music, while the air was rent with the 
loyal acclamations of the populace, delighted, as 
usual, with the splendor of the pageant. 

In the great hall of the episcopal palace, a 
sumptuous banquet was prepared for the whole 
company. At one end of the apartment was a 
dais, on which, under a superb canopy, a table 
was set for the king and queen ; and a third seat 
was added for Bishop Gardiner, the only one of 
the great lords w^ho was admitted to the distinction 
of dining with royalty. 

Below the dais, the tables were set on either 
side through the whole length of the hall, for the 
English and Spanish nobles, all arranged — a per- 
ilous point of etiquette — with due regard to theii 
relative rank. The royal table was covered with 
dishes of gold. A spacious beaufet, rising to the 
height of eight stages, or shelves, and filled with 
a profusion of gold and silver vessels, somewhat 
ostentatiously displayed the magnificence of the 
prelate, or of his sovereign. Yet this ostentation 
was rather Spanish than English ; and was one 
of the forms in which the Castilian grandee loved 
to display his opulence.^^ 

At the bottom of the hall was an orchestra, oc- 

19 The sideboard of the duke of inventory of the gold and silver 

Albuquerque, who died about the vessels. See Dunlop's Memoirs ol 

vniddle of the seventeenth century, Spain during the Reigns of Philip 

was mounted by forty silver lad- IV. and Charles IL, (Edinburgh, 

cers! And, when he died, six weeks 1834,) vol. I. p. 384. 
were occupied ir making out the 

124 p:NGLTSir alliance. [Book 1 

cupied by a band of excellent performers, who 
enlivened the repast by their music. But the 
most interesting part of the show was that of the 
Winchester boys, some of whom were permitted to 
enter the presence, and recite in Latin their epi- 
thalamiums in honor of the royal nuptials, for 
which they received a handsome guerdon from the 

After the banquet came the ball, at which, if 
we are to take an old English authority, " the 
Spaniards were greatly out of countenance when 
they saw the English so far excel them."^^ This 
seems somewhat strange, considering that dancing 
is, and always has been, the national pastime of 
Spain. Dancing is to the Spaniard what music is 
to the Italian, — the very condition of his social 
existence.^^ It did not continue late on the pres- 
ent occasion, and, at the temperate hour of nine, 
the bridal festivities closed for the evening.^^ 

20 Strype, Memorials, vol. IIL our Prince with the Most Serene 
p. 130. Queen of England," — from the 

21 Some interesting particulars original at Louvain, ap. Tytler, 
respecting the ancient national dan- Edward VI. and Mary, vol. II. p. 
ces of the Peninsula are given by 430. — Salazar de Mendoza, Mo- 
Ticknor, In his History of Spanish narqula de Espafla, torn. II. p. 1 1 7. 
Literature, (New York, 1849,) vol. — Sandoval, HistorIa de Carlos V., 
IL pp. 445-448; a writer who, tom. IL pp. 560- 563. — Leti, Vi- 
under the title of a History of Lit- ta dl Fllippo IL, tom. I. pp. 231 - 
erature, has thrown a flood of light 233. — Sepulvedae Opera, vol. IL 
on the social and political institu- p. 500. — Cabrera, Fllipe Segun- 
tlons of the nation, whose cliarac- do, lib. I. cap. 5. — Memorial de 
ter he has evidently studied under Voyages, MS. — Miss Strickland, 
all its aspects. Lives of the Queens of England, 

22 « Relation of what passed at vol. V. pp. 389 - 39G. 

the Celebration of the Marriage of To the last writer I am especiall} 

Ch. iv.j royal entertainments. 125 

Philip and Mary passed a few days in this 
merry way of life, at Winchester, whence they 
removed, with their court, to AVindsor. Here a 
chapter of the order of the Garter was held, for 
the purpose of installing King Philip. The her- 
ald, on this occasion, ventured to take down the 
arms of England, and substitute those of Spain, in 
honor of the new sovereign, — an act of deference 
which roused the indignation of the English lords, 
who straightway compelled the functionary to re- 
store the national escutcheon to its proper place.^'* 

On the twenty-eighth of August, Philip and 
Mary made their public entry into London. They 
rode in on horseback, passing through the borough 
of Southwark, across London Bridge. Every prep- 
aration was made by the loyal citizens to give 
them a suitable reception. The columns of the 
buildings were festooned with flowers, triumphal 
arches spanned the streets, the walls were hung 
with pictures or emblazoned with legends in com- 
memoration of the illustrious pair, and a geneal- 
ogy was traced for Philip, setting forth his descent 

indebted for several particulars esting volumes are particularly val- 

in the account of processions and uable to the historian for the copi- 

]):igeants which occupies the pre- ous extracts they contain from cu- 

ceding pages. Ilcr information is rious unpublished documents, wlilch 

chiefly derived from two works, nei- had escaped the notice of writers 

ther of which is in my possession ; — too exclusively occupied with po- 

the Book of Precedents of Ralph litical events to give much heed to 

Brook, York herald, and the nar- details of a domestic and personal 

rative of an Italian, Baoardo, an nature. 

eyewitness of the scenes he de- su HoHnshed, vol. IV. p. 62. 
scribes. Miss Strickland's inter- 

8 L* 


from John of Gaunt, — making liim out, in short, 
as much of an Englishman as possible. 

Among the paintings was one in which Henry 
the Eighth was seen holding in his hand a Bible. 
This device gave great scandal to the chancellor, 
Gardiner, who called the painter sundry hard 
names, rating him roundly for putting into King 
Harry's hand the sacred volume, which should 
rather have been given to his daughter. Queen 
Mary, for her zeal to restore the primitive w^orship 
of the Church. The unlucky artist lost no time 
in repairing his error by brushing out the oifend- 
ing volume, and did it so effectually, that he 
brushed out the royal fingers with it, leaving the 
old monarch's mutilated stump held up, like some 
poor mendicant's, to excite the compassion of the 

But the sight which, more than all these pa- 
geants, gave joy to the hearts of the Londoners, 
was an immense quantity of bullion, which Phil- 
ip caused to be paraded through the city on its 
way to the Tower, where it was deposited in the 
royal treasury. The quantity w^as said to be so 
great, that, on one occasion, the chests containing 
it filled twenty carts. On another, two wagons 
w^ere so heavily laden with the precious metal as to 
require to be drawn by nearly a hundred horses.^ 

24 Tbld., p. 63. amount of gold and silver in the 

25 The Spaniards must have been coffers of their king, — a sight that 
quite as much astonished as the rarely rejoiced the eyes of elthe? 
English at the sight of such an Charles or Philip, though lords ol 


The good people, who had looked to the coming of 
the Spaniards as that of a swarm of locusts which 
was to consume their substance, were greatly pleased 
to see their exhausted coffers so well replenished 
from the American mines. 

From London the royal pair proceeded to the 
shady solitudes of Hampton Court, and Philip, 
weary of the mummeries in which he had beeii 
compelled to take part, availed himself of the in- 
disposition of his wife to indulge in that retire- 
ment and repose which were more congenial to his 
taste. This way of life in his pleasant retreat, 
however, does not appear to have been so well 
suited to the taste of his English subjects. At 
least, an old chronicler peevishly complains that 
" the hall-door within the court was continually 
shut, so that no man might enter unless his errand 
were first known ; which seemed strange to Eng- 
lishmen that had not been used' thereto." ^^ 

Yet Philip, although his apprehensions for his 
safety had doubtless subsided, was wise enough to 
affect the same conciliatory manners as on his first 
landing, — and not altogether in vain. " He dis- 
covered," says the Venetian ambassador, in his 
report to the senate, " none of that sosiego — the 
haughty indifference of the Spaniards — which dis- 
tinguished him when he first left home for Italy 

the Indies. A hundred horses what heavily, and not the less that 

might well have drawn as many only two wagons were employed 

tons of gold and silver, — an amount, to carry it. 

considering the value of money in 26 Ilolinshed, ubi supra, 
that day, that taxes our faith some- 


and Flanders.^^ He was, indeed, as accessible as 
any one could desire, and gave patient audience 
to all who asked it. He was solicitous," continues 
Micheli, " to instruct himself in affairs, and showed 
a taste for application to business," — which, it 
may be added, grew stronger with years. " He 
spoke little. But his remarks, though brief, were 
pertinent. In short," he concludes, " he is a prince 
of an excellent genius, a lively apprehension, and 
a judgment ripe beyond his age." 

Philip's love of business, however, was not such 
as to lead him to take part prematurely in the 
management of affairs. He discreetly left this to 
the queen and her ministers, to whose judgment 
he affected to pay the greatest deference. He par- 
ticularly avoided all appearance of an attempt to 
interfere with the administration of justice, unless 
it were to obtain some act of grace. Such inter- 
ference only served to gain him the more credit 
with the people.^^ 

27 Relatione dl Gio. MIchell, in modo chc passando 1' altra volta 

MS. di Spagna per an(]ar in Ingliiltcrra, 

Mlcliele Soriano, who represent- ha mostrato sempre una dolcezza 

ed Venice at Madrid, in 1559, bears et humanita cosi grande che non e 

similar testimony, in still strong- superato da Prencipe alcuno in 

er language, to Philip's altered questa parte, et benche servi in 

deportment while in England, tutte 1' attioni sue riputatione et 

" Essendo avvertito prima dal gravita regie alle quali e per natu- 

Cardinale di Trento, poi dalla Re- ra inclinato et per costume, non ^ 

gina Maria, et con plii eflicaccia pero manco grato anzi fano parere 

dal padre, che quella riputatione la cortesia maggiore chc S. M. usa 

et severita non si conveniva a lui, con tutti." Relatione dl Michele 

che dovea dominar nationi varie et Soriano, MS. 
popoH di co§tumi diversi, si mutj ^^ " Lasciando Y essecution delie 


That he gained largely on their good-will may 
be inferred from the casual remarks of more than 
one contemporary writer. They bear emphatic 
testimony to the affability of his manners, so little 
to have been expected from the popular reports 
of his character. " Among other things," writes 
Wotton, the English minister at the French court, 
" one I have been right glad to hear of is, that the 
king's highness useth himself so gently and lov- 
ingly to all men. For, to tell you truth, I have 
heard some say, that, when he came out of Spain 
into Italy, it was by some men wished that he had 
showed a somewhat more benign countenance to 
the people than it was said he then did." ^^ Another 
contemporary, in a private letter, written soon after 
the king's entrance into London, after describing 
his person as "so well proportioned that Nature 
cannot work a more perfect pattern," concludes 
with commending him for his " pregnant wit and 
most gentle nature."^ 

Philip, from the hour of his landing, had been 
constant in all his religious observances. " He 
was as punctual," says Micheli, " in his attendance 
at mass, and his observance of all the forms of 

cose dl glustitia alia Reglna, et a i ma anco desiderato." Relatione 

Ministri quand' occorre dl condan- dl Gio. Micheli, MS. 

nare alcuno, o nella robba, o nella ^9 Letter of Nicholas Wotton 

vita, perpoter poi usarli impetran- to Sir William Petre, MS. 

do, come fa, le gratie, et le mercedi 30 g^e the remarks of John El- 

tutte ; le quai cose fanno, che quan- der, ap. Tytler, Edward VI. and 

to alia persona sua, non solo sia Mary, vol. II. p. 258. 

ben voluto, et amato da ciascnno, 

VOL. I. 17 


devotion, as any monk ; — more so, as some people 
thought, than became his age and station. The 
ecclesiastics," he adds, " with whom Philip had 
constant intercourse, talk loudly of his piety." ^^ 

Yet there was no hypocrisy in this. However 
willing Philip may have been that his concern for 
the interests of religion might be seen of men, it is 
no less true that, as far as he understood these 
interests, his concern was perfectly sincere. The ac- 
tual state of England may have even operated as an 
inducement with him to overcome his scruples as 
to the connection with Mary. " Better not reign at 
all," he often remarked, " than reign over heretics." 
But what triumph more glorious than that of con- 
verting these heretics, and bringing them back 
again into the bosom of the Church? He was 
most anxious to prepare the minds of his new 
subjects for an honorable reception of the papal 
legate. Cardinal Pole, who was armed with full 
authority to receive the submission of England to 
the Holy See. He employed his personal influence 
with the great nobles, and enforced it occasionally 
by liberal drafts on those Peruvian ingots which he 
liad sent to the Tower. At least, it is asserted that 

31 "Nellareliglone, per quel riscono dell' intrlnseco oltra certi 

i he dair esterior si vede, non si frati Theologi suol prcdicatori liu- 

potria giudicar mcgllo, et piu as- omini certo di stima, et anco altri 

siduo, et attcntissiino allc Messc, a clie ogni dl trattano con lui, che 

i Vesperl, et alle Prediclie, come nelle cose della consclentia non 

un rellgioso, molto pITi clie a lo deslderano ne piu pia, ne niigllor 

Ktato, et eta sua, a molte pare clic intentione." Relatione dl Gio. Mi- 

bi convenira. 11 medislmo confe- clieli, MS. 


he gave away yearly pensions, to the large amount 
of between fifty and sixty thousand gold crowns, to 
sundry . of the queen's ministers. It was done on 
the general plea of recompensing their loyalty to 
their mistress.^ 

Early in November, tidings arrived of the land- 
inof of Pole. He had been detained some weeks 
in Germany, by the emperor, who felt some dis- 
trust — not ill-founded, as it seems — of the cardi 
nal's disposition in regard to the Spanish match. 
Now that this difficulty was obviated, he was 
allowed to resume his journey. He came up the 
Thames in a magnificent barge, with a large silver 
cross, the emblem of his legatine authority, dis- 
played on the prow. The legate, on landing, was 
received by the king, the queen, and the whole 
court, with a reverential deference which augured 
well for the success of his mission. 

He was the man, of all others, best qualified 
to execute it. To a natural kindness of temper 
he united an urbanity and a refinement of man- 
ners, derived from familiar intercourse with the 
most polished society of Europe. His royal de- 
scent entitled him to mix on terms of equality 
with persons of the highest rank, and made him 
feel as much at ease in the court as in the cloistei. 
His long exile had opened to him an acquaintance 
with man as he is found in various climes, while, 
as a native-born Englishman, he perfectly under 

32 Ibid. 


stood the prejudices and peculiar temper of his 
own countrymen. " Cardinal Pole," says the Ve- 
netian minister, " is a man of unblemished nobility, 
and so strict in his integrity, that he grants noth- 
ing to the importunity of friends. He is so much 
beloved, both by prince and people, that he may 
well be styled the king where all is done by his 
authority." ^^ An English cardinal was not of too 
frequent occurrence in the sacred college. That 
one should have been found at the present junc- 
ture, with personal qualities, moreover, so well 
suited to the delicate mission to England, was a 
coincidence so remarkable, that Philip and Mary 
might well be excused for discerning in it the 
finger of Providence. 

On the seventeenth of the month, parliament, 
owing to the queen's indisposition, met at White- 
hall; and Pole made that celebrated speech in 
which he recapitulated some of the leading events 
of his own life, and the persecutions he had en- 
dured for conscience' sake. He reviewed the 
changes in religion which had taken place in 

33 Ibid. tion. Such is his conversation 

Mason, the English minister at adorned with infinite godly qual- 

the imperial court, who had had ities, above the ordinary sort of 

much intercourse with Pole, speaks men. And whosoever within the 

of him in terms of unqualified ad- realm liketh him worst, I would he 

miration. " Such a one as, for his might have with him the talk of 

wisdom, joined with learning, vir- one half-hour. It were a right 

tue, and godliness, all the world stony heart that in a small time 

eeeketh and adore th. In whom it he could not soften." Letter ol 

is to be thought that God hath Sir John Mason to the Queen, 

rhoseu a special place of hablta- MS. 


Engiand, and implored his audience to abjure their 
spiritual errors, and to seek a reconciliation with 
the Catholic Church. He assured them of his 
plenary power to grant absolution for the past ; 
and — what was no less important — to authorize 
the present proprietors to retain possession of the 
abbey lands which had been confiscated under King 
Henry. This last concession, which had been ex- 
torted with difficulty from the pope, reconciling, as 
it did, temporal with spiritual interests, seems to 
have dispelled whatever scruples yet lingered in 
the breasts of the legislature. There were few, 
probably, in that goodly company, whose zeal 
would have aspired to the crown of martyrdom. 
The ensuing day, parliament, in obedience to 
the royal summons, again assembled at Whitehall. 
Philip took his seat on the left of Mary, under 
the same canopy, while Cardinal Pole sat at a 
greater distance on her right.^ The chancellor, 
Gardiner, then presented a petition in. the name 
of the lords and commons, praying for reconcilia- 
tion with the papal see. Absolution was sol- 
emnly pronounced by the legate, and the whole 
assembly received his benediction on their bended 

^^ If we are to credit Cabrera, have been understood only by a 

Philip not only took his seat in miracle. For Philip could not 

parliament, but on one occasion, speak English, and of his audience 

the better to conciliate the good- not one in a hundred, probably, 

will of the legislature to the leg- could understand Spanish. But to 

ate, delivered a speech, which the the Castilian historian the occasion 

historian gives in extenso. If he might seem worthy of a miracle. — 

ever made the speech, it could dignus vhuiice nodas. 
8 iM 


knees. England, purified from her heresy, was 
once more restored to the communion of the 
Roman Catholic Church. 

Philip instantly despatched couriers, with the 
glad tidings, to Rome, Brussels, and other capi- 
tals of Christendom. Everywhere the event was 
celebrated with public rejoicings, as if it had 
been some great victory over the Saracens. As 
Philip's zeal for the faith was well known, and as 
the great change had taken place soon after his 
arrival in England, much of the credit of it was 
ascribed to him.^ Thus, before ascending the 
throne of Spain, he had vindicated his claim to the 
title of Catholic, so much prized by the Spanish 
monarchs. He had won a triumph greater than 
that which his father had been able to win, after 
years of war, over the Protestants of Germany ; 
greater than any which had been won by the arms 
of Cortes or Pizarro in the New World. Their 
contest had been with the barbarian ; the field of 
Philip's labors was one of the most potent and 
civilized countries of Europe. 

The work of conversion was speedily followed 
by that of persecution. To what extent Philip's 
influence was exerted in this is not manifest. In- 
deed, from anything that appears, it would not 

35 « Obraron de suerte Don Fe- encia de la Iglesia Catolica Roma- 

lipe con prudencia, agrado, honras, na, y se abjuraron los errores y 

y mercedes, y su familia con la lieregias que corrian en aqucl Rey- 

tortesia natural de Espaila, que sc no," says Vanderhammen, Felipe 

reduxo Inglaterra toda a la obedi- el Prudente, p. 4. 


be easy to decide whether his influence was em- 
ployed to promote or to prevent it. One fact is 
certain, that, immediately after the first mart}rs 
suffered at Smithfield, Alfonso de Castro, a Spanish 
friar, preached a sermon in which he bitterly in- 
veighed against these proceedings. He denounced 
them as repugnant to the true spirit of Chris- 
tianity, which was that of charity and forgiveness, 
and which enjoined its ministers not to take ven- 
geance on the sinner, but to enlighten him as to 
his errors, and bring him to repentance.^^ This 
bold appeal had its effect, even in that season of 
excitement. For a few weeks the arm of persecu- 
tion seemed to be palsied. But it was only for a 
few weeks. Toleration was not the virtue of the 
sixteenth century. The charitable doctrines of the 
good friar fell on hearts withered by fanaticism ; 
and the spirit of intolerance soon rekindled the 
fires of Smithfield into a fiercer glow than before. 

Yet men wondered at the source whence these 
strange doctrines had proceeded. The friar was 
Philip's confessor. It was argued that he would 
not have dared to speak thus boldly, had it not 
been by the command of Philip, or, at least, by his 
consent. That De Castro should have thus acted at 
the suggestion of his master is contradicted by the 
whole tenor of Philip's life. Hardly four years 
elapsed before he countenanced by his presence an 
auto de ft in Valladolid, where fourteen persons 

36 Strype, Memorials, vol. III. p. 209. 



[Book L 

perished at the stake ; and the burnmg of heretics 
in England could have done no greater violence 
to his feelings than the burning of heretics in 
Spain. If the friar did indeed act in obedience to 
Philip, we may well suspect that the latter was 
influenced less by motives of humanity than of 
policy ; and that the disgust manifested by the 
people at the spectacle of these executions may 
have led him to employ this expedient to relieve 
himself of any share in the odium which attached 
to them.^^ 

What was the real amount of Philip's influence, 
in this or other matters, it is not possible to deter- 
mine. It is clear that he was careful not to arouse 
the jealousy of the English by any parade of it.^ 
One obvious channel of it lay in the queen, who 

^7 Philip, in a letter to the Re- 
gent Joanna, dated Brussels, 1557, 
seems to claim for himself the merit 
of having extirpated heresy in 
England by the destruction of the 
heretics. " Aviendo apartado deste 
Reyno las sectas, i reduzldole a la 
obediencia de la Iglesia, i aviendo 
ido sempre en acrecentamlento con 
el castijTO de los Ereges tan sin 
contradiclones como se haze en 
Inglaterra." (Cabrera, Filipe Se- 
gundo, lib. II. cap. 6.) The em- 
peror, in a letter from Yuste, in- 
dorses this claim of his son to the 
full extent. " Pues en Ynglaterra 
se han hecho y hacen tantas y tan 
crudas justicias hasta obispos, por 
la orden que alii ha dado, como si 
fuera su R^y natural, y se lo per- 

mlten." Carta del Emperador a 
la Princesa, Mayo 25, 1558, MS. 

3S Micheli, whose testimony is of 
the more value, as he was known 
to have joined Noailles in his op- 
position to the Spanish match, tells 
us that Philip was scrupulous in his 
observance of every article of the 
marriage treaty. " Che non ha- 
vendo alterato cosa alcuna dello 
stile, et forma del governo, non 
essendo uscito un pelo della capi- 
tolatione del matrimonio, ha in 
tutto tolta via quella paura die da 
principio fu grandissima, che egli 
non volesse con Imperio, et con la 
potentia, disporre, et comandare 
delle cose a modo suo." Relatione 
di Gio. Micheli, MS. 


seems to have doatecl on liim with a fondness that 
one would hardly have thought a temper cold and 
repulsive, like that of Philip, capable of exciting. 
But he was young and good-looking. His man- 
ners had always been found to please the sex, even 
where he had not been so solicitous to please as he 
was in England. He was Mary's first and only 
love ; for the emperor was too old to have touched 
aught but her vanity, and Courtenay was too frivo- 
lous to have excited any other than a temporary 
feeling. This devotion to Philip, according to 
some accounts, was ill requited by his gallantries. 
The Venetian ambassador says of him, that " he 
well deserved the tenderness of his wife, for he 
was the most loving and the best of husbands." 
But it seems probable that the Italian, in nis esti- 
mate of the best of husbands, adopted the liberal 
standard of his own country.^^ 

About the middle of November, parliament was 
advised that the queen was in a state of preg- 
nancy. The intelligence was received with ihe joy 
usually manifested by loyal subjects on like occa- 
sions. The emperor seems to have been particu- 

39 '' D' amor nasce r esser inamo- ne migliore ne piii amorevol ma- 

rata come e et giustamente del ma- rito Se appresso al martello 

rito per quel che s'lia potuto cono- s' aggiungesse la gelosia, della qual 

seer nel tempo die e stata seco fin hora non si sa che patisca, per- 

dalla natura et modi suoi, certo da che se non ha il Re per casto, al- 

innamorar ognuno, non che chi manco dice ella so clie e libero dell' 

havesse havuto la buona compa- amor d' altra donna ; se fosse dico 

gnia et il buon trattamento ch' ell' gelosa, sarebbe veramente misera." 

ha havuto. Tale in verita che nes- Relatione di Gio. Micheli, MS. 
gun' altro potrebbc essergli stato 

VOL I 8 18 M* 


laiiy pleased with this prospect of an heir, who, by 
the terms of the marriage treaty, would make a 
division of that great empire which it had been 
the object of its master's life to build up and con- 
solidate under one sceptre. The commons, soon 
after, passed an act empowering Philip, in case it 
should go otherwise than well with the queen at 
the time of her confinement, to assume the re- 
gency, and take charge of the education of her 
child during its minority. The regency was to be 
limited by the provisions of the marriage treaty. 
But the act may be deemed evidence that Philip 
had gained on the confidence of his new subjects. 

The symptoms continued to be favorable ; and, 
as the time approached for Mary's confinement, 
messengers Avere held in readiness to bear the ti- 
dings to the different courts. The loyal wishes of 
the people ran so far ahead of reality, that the rumor 
went abroad of the actual birth of a prince. Bells 
were rung, bonfires lighted ; Te Deum was sung in 
some of the churches ; and one of the preachers 
" took upon him to describe the proportions of the 
child, how fair, how beautiful and great a prince it 
was, as the like had not been seen ! " ^ " But for 
all this great labor," says the caustic chronicler, 
" for their yoong maister long looked for coming 
so surely into the world, in the end appeared nei- 
ther yoong maister nor yoong maistress, that any 
man to this day can hear of."^^ I 

4U Holir.shed, vol. IV. pp. 70, 82. 


The queen's disorder proved to be a dropsy 
But, notwithstanding the mortifying results of so 
many prognostics and preparations, and the ridi- 
cule which attached to it, Mary still cherished the 
illusion of one day giving an heir to the crown. 
Her husband did not share in this illusion ; and, 
as he became convinced that she had no longer 
prospect of issue, he found less inducement to pro- 
tract his residence in a country which, on many 
accounts, was most distasteful to him. Whatever 
show^ of deference might be paid to him, his haugh- 
ty spirit could not be pleased by the subordinate 
part which he was compelled to play, in public, to 
the queen. The parliament had never so far ac- 
ceded to Mary's wishes as to consent to his corona- 
tion as king of England. Whatever weight he 
may have had in the cabinet, it had not been such 
as to enable him to make the politics of England 
subservient to his own interests, or, what was the 
same thing, to those of his father. Parliament 
would not consent to swerve so far from the ex- 
press provisions of the marriage treaty as to become 
a party in the emperor's contest with France.^^ 

41 Soriano notices the little au- trov6 tant' impedimenti et tante 

thority that Philip seemed to pos- difficolta che mi ricordo havere in- 

sess in England, and the disgust teso da un personaggio che S. ^i^- 

which it occasioned both to him si trova ogni giorno piil mal con- 

and his father. tenta d' haver atteso a quella prat- 

" L' Imperatore, che dissegnava tica perche non haver nel regno ne 

sempre cose grandi, penso potersi autorita ne obedicnza, ne pure la 

acquistare il regno con occasione corona, ma solo un certo nome che 

di matrimonio di quella regina nel serviva piii in apparenza che m 

figliuolo ; ma non gli successe quel efletto." Relatione di Michele So- 

che desidcrava, perche questo Ke riano, MS. 


Nor could the restraint constantly imposed on 
Philip, by his desire to accommodate himself to 
the tastes and habits of the English, be otherwise 
than irksome to him. If he had been more suc- 
cessful in this than might have been expected, yet 
it was not possible to overcome the prejudices, the 
settled antipathy, with which the Spaniards were 
regarded by the great mass of the people, as was 
evident from the satirical shafts, which, from time 
to time, were launched by pamphleteers and ballad- 
makers, both against the king and his followers. 

These latter were even more impatient than their 
master of their stay in a country where they met 
with so many subjects of annoyance. If a Span- 
iard bought anything, complains one of the na- 
tion, he was sure to be charged an exorbitant 
price for it.*^ If he had a quarrel with an English- 
man, says another writer, he was to be tried by 
English law, and was very certain to come off the 
worst.*^ Whether right or wrong, the Span- 
iards could hardly fail to find abundant cause 

42 " Hispani parum humane pa- il forestiero soccumba; ne bisogna 

rumque hospitaliter a Brltannis pensar die mal si sottomettessero 

tractabantur, Ita ut res necessarlas 1' Jnglesi come I'altre nationi ad imo 

longe carius commiini pretio emere che chiamano I'Alcalde della Corte, 

cogerentur." Sepulvedae Opera, spagnuole dl natione, clie precede 

vol. II. p. 501. sommariamente contra ogn' uno, 

4^ " Quandooccorre dispareretra per vie pero, et termini Spagnuoli ; 

un Inglese et alcun di qiiesti, la havendo gl' Inglesi la lor legge, 

giustitia non precede in quel modo dalla quale non solo non si partiri- 

clie dovria Son tanti le ca- ano, ma vogliano obligar a quella 

villationi, le lunghezze, et le spese tutti gl' altre." Re^ati[>ne di Gi'> 

senza fine di quel lor' giuditii, che Micheli, MS. 
%l torto, o al dirlt.o, convicne ch' 


of irritation and disgust. The two nations were 
too dissimilar for either of them to comprehend the 
other. It was with no little satisfaction, therefore, 
that Philip's followers learned that their master 
had received a summons from his father to leave 
England, and jom him in Flanders. 

The cause of this sudden movement was one 
that filled the Castilians, as it did all Europe, with 
astonishment, — the proposed abdication of Charles 
the Fifth. It was one that might seem to admit of 
neither doubt nor delay on Philip's part. But Mary, 
distressed by the prospect of separation, prevailed 
on her husband to postpone his departure for sev- 
eral weeks. She yielded, at length, to the necessity 
of the case. Preparations were made for Philip's 
journey; and Mary, with a heavy heart, accompanied 
her royal consort down the Thames to Greenwich. 
Here they parted ; and Philip, taking an aifection- 
ate farewell, and commending the queen and her 
concerns to the care of Cardinal Pole, took the 
road to Dover. 

After a short detention there by contrary winds, 
he crossed over to Calais, and on the fourth of 
September made his entry into that strong place, 
the last remnant of all their continental acquisi- 
tions that still belonged to the English. 

Philip was received by the authorities of the 
city with the honors due to his rank. He passed 
some days there receiving the respectful courtesies 
of the inhabitants, and, on his departure, rejoiced 
the hearts of the garrison by distributing among 


them a thousand croAvns of gold. He resumed his 
journey, with his splendid train of Castilian and 
English nobles, among whom were the earls of 
Arundel, Pembroke, Huntington, and others of the 
highest station in the realm. On the road, he was 
met by a military escort sent by his father ; and 
towards the latter part of September, 1555, Philip, 
with his gallant retinue, made his entry into the 
Flemish capital, where the emperor and his court 
were eagerly awaiting his arrival.** 

44 Hollnshed, vol. IV. p. 80. — Leti, Vita di Filippo 11., torn. I. p. 
Btrype, Memorials, vol. lU. p. 227. 236. 
— Memorial de Voyages, MS. — 



Empire of Philip. — Paul the Fourth. — Court of France. — League 
against Spain. — The Duke of Alva. — Preparations for War.— 
Victorious Campaign. 

1555, 1556. 

Soon after Philip's arrival in Brussels took place 
that memorable scene of the abdication of Charles 
the Fifth, which occupies the introductory pages of 
our narrative. By this event, Philip saw himself 
master of the most widely extended and powerful 
monarchy in Europe. He was king of Spain, 
comprehending under that name Castile, Aragon, 
and Granada, which, after surviving as independent 
states for centuries, had been first brought under one 
sceptre in the reign of his father, Charles the Fifth. 
He was king of Naples and Sicily, and duke of 
Milan, which important possessions enabled him 
to control, to a great extent, the nicely balanced 
scales of Italian politics. He was lord of Franche 
Comte, and of the Low Countries, comprehending 
the most flourishing and populous provinces in 
Christendom, whose people had made the greatest 
progress in commerce, husbandry, and the various 


mechanic arts. As titular king of England, he 
eventually obtained an influence, which, as we shall 
see, enabled him to direct the counsels of that 
country to his own purposes. In Africa he pos- 
sessed the Cape de Verd Islands and the Canaries, 
as well as Tunis, Oran, and some other impor- 
tant places on the Barbary coast. He owned the 
Philippines and the Spice Islands in Asia. In 
America, besides his possessions in the West In- 
dies, he was master of the rich empires of Mexico 
and Peru, and claimed a right to a boundless extent 
of country, that offered an inexhaustible field to the 
cupidity and enterprise of the Spanish adventurer. 
Thus the dominions of Philip stretched over every 
quarter of the globe. The flag of Castile was seen 
in the remotest latitudes, — on the Atlantic, the 
Pacific, and the far-off Indian seas, — passing from 
port to port, and uniting by commercial intercourse 
the widely scattered members of her vast colonial 

The Spanish army consisted of the most formi- 
dable infantry in Europe ; veterans who had been 
formed under the eye of Charles the Fifth and of 
his generals, who had fought on the fields of Pa- 
via and of Muhlberg, or who, in the New AVorld, 
had climbed the Andes with Almagro and Pizarro, 
and helped these bold chiefs to overthrow the dy- 
nasty of the Incas. The navy of Spain and Flanders 
combined far exceeded that of any other power in 
the number and size of its vessels ; and if its su- 
premacy might be contested by England on the 

Ch. v.] empire of PHILIP. 145 

"narrow seas," it rode the undisputed mistress of 
the ocean. To supply the means for mamtaining 
this costly establishment, as well as the general 
machinery of government, Philip had at his com- 
mand the treasures of the New World; and if the 
incessant enterprises of his father had drained 
the exchequer, it was soon replenished by the silver 
streams that flowed in from the inexhaustible mines 
of Zacatecas and Potosi. 

All this vast empire, with its magnificent re- 
sources, was placed at the disposal of a single 
man. Philip ruled over it with an authority more 
absolute than that possessed by any European 
prince since the days of the Caesars. The Nether- 
lands, indeed, maintained a show of independence 
under the shadow of their ancient institutions. 
But they consented to supply the necessities of 
the crown by a tax larger than the revenues of 
America. Naples and Milan were ruled by Span- 
ish viceroys. Viceroys, with delegated powers 
scarcely less than those of their sovereign, presid- 
ed over the American colonies, which received their 
laws from the parent country. In Spain itself, 
the authority of the nobles was gone. First as- 
sailed under Ferdinand and Isabella, it was com- 
pletely broken down under Charles the Fifth. 
The liberties of the commons were crushed at the 
fatal battle of Villalar, in the beginning of that 
monarch's reign. Without nobles, without com 
mons, the ancient cortes had faded into a mere 

legislative pageant, with hardly any other right 
VOL. I. 8 rj N 

1 16 WAR WITH THE POPE. [Book 1 

than that of presenting petitions, and of occasion 
ally raising an ineffectual note of remonstrance 
against abuses. It had lost the power to redress 
them. Thus all authority vested in the sovereign. 
His will was the law of the land. From his pal- 
ace at Madrid he sent forth the edicts which be- 
came the law of Spain and of her remotest colo- 
nies. It may well be believed that foreign nations 
watched with interest the first movements of a 
prince who seemed to hold in his hands the des- 
tinies of Europe ; and that they regarded with no 
little apprehension the growth of that colossal 
power which had already risen to a height that 
cast a shadow over every other monarchy. 

From his position, Philip stood at the head of 
the Iloman Catholic princes. He was in temporal 
matters what the pope was in spiritual. In the 
existing state of Christendom, he had the same 
interest as the pope in putting down that spirit 
of religious reform which had begun to show it- 
self, in public or in private, in every corner of 
Europe. He was the natural ally of the pope. He 
understood this well, and would have acted on it. 
Yet, strange to say, his very first war, after his 
accession, was with the pope himself. It was a 
war not of Philip's seeking. 

The papal throne was at that time filled by 
Paul the Fourth, one of those remarkable men, 
who, amidst the shadowy personages that have 
reigned in the Vatican, and been forgotten, have 
vindicated to themselves a permanent place m his- 

Uh. v.] PAUL THE FOURTH. 147 

tory. He was a Neapolitan by birth, of the noble 
family of the CarafFas. He was bred to the re* 
ligious profession, and early attracted notice by his 
diligent application and the fruits he gathered from 
it. His memory was prodigious. He was not 
only deeply read m theological science, but skilled 
in various languages, ancient and modern, several 
of which he spoke with fluency. His rank, sus- 
tained by his scholarship, raised him speedily to 
high preferment in the Church. In 1513, when 
thirty-six years of age, he went as nuncio to Eng- 
land. In 1525, he resigned his benefices, and, 
with a small number of his noble friends, he insti- 
tuted a new religious order, called the Theatins.^ 
The object of the society was, to combine, to some 
extent, the contemplative habits of the monk with 
the more active duties of the secular clergy. The 
members visited the sick, buried the dead, and 
preached frequently in public, thus performing 

^ Relazlone di Roma di Bernar- vata, aliena da ognl sorte di pub- 
do Navagero, 1558, published in lico affare, anzi, lasciata dopo il 
Relazioni degli Ambasciatori Ve saco Roma stessa, passo a Verona 
neti, Firenze, 1846,vol.VII. p. 378. e poi a Venezia, quivi trattenen- 

Navagero, in his report to the dosi lungo tempo in compagnia di 
senate, dwells minutely on the per- alcuni buoni Religiosi della mede- 
sonal qualities as well as the policy sima inclinazione, che poi crescen- 
of Paul the Fourth, whose charac- do di numero, ed in santita di cos- 
ter seems to have been regarded tumi, fondarono la Congregazione, 
as a curious study by the sagacious che oggi, dal Titolo che aveva Pa- 
Venetian, olo allora di Vescovo Teatino, de 

" Ritornato a Roma, rinuncio la Teatini tuttavia ritiene il nome." 
Chiesa di Chieti, che aveva prima, See also Relazione della Guerra 

e quella di Brindisi, ritirandosi fra Paolo Quarto e Filippo Secon- 

iffatto, e menando sempre vita pri- do, di Pietro Nores, MS. 

I4d WAR WITH THE POPE. [Book 1. 

the most important functions of the priesthood. 
For this last vocation, of public speaking, CarafFa 
was peculiarly qualified by a flow of natural elo- 
quence, which, if it did not always convince, 
was sure to carry away the audience by its irre- 
sistible fervor.^ The new order showed itself par- 
ticularly zealous in enforcing reform in the Catho 
lie clergy, and in stemming the tide of heresy 
which now threatened to inundate the Church. 
Carafta and his associates were earnest to intro- 
duce the Inquisition. A life of asceticism and 
penance too often extinguishes sympathy with 
human suffering, and leads its votaries to regard 
the sharpest remedies as the most effectual for the 
cure of spiritual error. 

From this austere way of life Caraffa was called, 
in 1536, to a situation which engaged him more 
directly in worldly concerns. He was made car- 
dinal by Paul the Third. He had, as far back 
as the time of Ferdinand the Catholic, been one 
of the royal council of Naples. The family of 
Caraffa, however, was of the Angevine party, and 
regarded the house of Aragon in the light of 
usurpers. The cardinal had been educated in 
this political creed, and, even after his elevation 
to his new dignity, he strongly urged Paul the 
Third to assert the claims of the holy see to the 
sovereignty of Naples. This conduct, which came 
to the ears of Charles the Fifth, so displeased that 

' Relazlone di Bernardo Navagero. 


monarcli that he dismissed CarafFa from the coun 
cil. Afterwards, when the cardinal was named by 
the pope, his unfailing patron, to the archbishopric 
of Naples, Charles resisted the nomination, and 
opposed all the obstacles in his power to the col- 
lection of the episcopal revenues. These indigni- 
ties sank deep into the cardinal's mind, naturally 
tenacious of affronts ; and what, at first, had been 
only a political animosity, was now sharpened into 
personal hatred of the most implacable character.^ 

Such was the state of feeling when, on the 
death of Marcellus the Second, in 1555, Cardinal 
Caraffa was raised to the papal throne. His elec- 
tion, as was natural, greatly disgusted the emper- 
or, and caused astonishment throughout Europe ; 
for he had not the conciliatory manners which win 
the favor and the suffrages of mankind. But the 
Catholic Church stood itself in need of a reformer, 
to enable it to resist the encroaching spirit of Prot- 
estantism. This was well understood, not only 
by the highest, but by the humblest ecclesiastics ; 
and in CarafFa they saw the man whose qualities 
precisely fitted him to effect such a reform. He 
was, moreover, at the time of his election, in his 
eightieth year ; and age and infirmity have always 
proved powerful arguments with the sacred col- 
lege, as affording the numerous competitors the 
oest guaranties for a speedy vacancy. Yet it has 

2 Ibid. — Nores, Guerra fra Pa- Regno dl Napoli, (Mllano, 1823,) 

olo Quarto e Flllppo Secondo, MS. torn. X. pp. 11-13. 
— Giannone, Istoria Civile del 

8 N* 


more than once happened that the fortunate can 
didate, who has owed his election mainly to his 
infirmities, has been miraculously restored by the 
touch of the tiara. 

Paul the Fourth — for such was the name as- 
sumed by the new pope, in gratitude to the memory 
of his patron — adopted a way of life, on his acces- 
sion, for which his brethren of the college were not 
at all prepared. The austerity and self-denial of 
earlier days formed a strong contrast to the pomp 
of his present establishment and the profuse luxury 
of his table. When asked how he would be served, 
" How but as a great prince '? " he answered. He 
usually passed three hours at his dinner, which 
consisted of numerous courses of the most refined 
and epicurean dishes. No one dined with him, 
though one or more of the cardinals were usually 
present, with whom he freely conversed ; and as he 
accompanied his meals with large draughts of the 
thick, black wine of Naples, it no doubt gave addi- 
tional animation to his discourse.* At such times, 
his favorite theme was the Spaniards, whom he 
denounced as the scum of the earth, a race ac- 
cursed of God, heretics and schismatics, the spawn 
of Jews and of Moors. He bewailed the humilia- 
tion of Italy, galled by the yoke of a nation so 
abject. But the day had come, he would thunder 

4 " Vuol essere servito molto sente e gagliardo, nero e tanto spes- 

delicatamente ; e nel principle del so, die si potria quasi tagliare, e 

Buo pontificato non bastavano ven- dimandasi mangiaguerra, il qualo 

ticinque piatti ; beve molto piu di si conduce dal regno di Napoli.' 

quello die mangia ; il vino e pos- Rclazione di Bernardo Navagero. 


out., when Charles and Philip were to be called to 
a reckoning for their ill-gotten possessions, and by 
driven from the land ! ^ 

Yet Paul did not waste all his hours in this idle 
vaporing, nor in the pleasures of the table. He 
showed the same activity as ever in the labors ot 
the closet, and in attention to business. He was 
irregular in his hours, sometimes prolonging his 
studies through the greater part of the night, and 
at others rising long before the dawn. AVhen thus 
engaged, it would not have been well for any one 
of his household to venture into his presence, with- 
out a summons. 

Paul seemed to be always in a state of nervous 
tension. " He is all nerve," the Venetian minis- 
ter, Navagero, writes of him ; " and when he 
walks, it is with a free, elastic step, as if he hard- 
ly touched the ground." ^ His natural arrogance 
was greatly mcreased by his elevation to the first 
dignity m Christendom. He had always enter 
tained the highest ideas of the authority of the sa- 

5 " Nazlone Spagnuola, odlata declaiming against the Spaniards, 
da lui, e che egli soleva cliiamar now tlie masters of Italy, who had 
vile, ed abieta, seme di Giudei, e once been known there only as its 
ieccia del Mondo." Nores, Guerra cooks. " Dice di sentire in- 
fra Paolo Quarto e Filippo Secon- fmito dispiacere, che quelli che 
do, MS. solevano essere cuochi o mozzi 

" Dicendo in presenza di molti : di stalla in Italia, ora eomandi- 

che era venuto il tempo, che sarab- no." Relazione di Bernardo Na- 

bero castigati dei loro peccati ; che vagero. 

perderebbero li stati, e che 1' Italia ^ " Cammina che non pare che 

Baria liberata." Relazione di Ber- toechi terra ; e tutto nervo con po- 

cxrdo Navagero. ca came." Relazione di Bernardo 

At another time we find the pope Navagero. 

152 WAR WITH TIffi POrE. [Book 1 

cerdotal office; and now that he was in the chair 
of St. Peter, he seemed to have entire confidence in 
his own infallibility. He looked on the princes ol 
Europe, not so much as his sons — the language 
of the Church — as his servants, bound to do his 
bidding. Paul's way of thinking would have better 
suited the twelfth century than the sixteenth. He 
came into the world at least three centuries too 
late. In all his acts, he relied solely on himself 
He was impatient of counsel from any one, and 
woe to the man who ventured to oppose any remon- 
strance, still more any impediment to the execution 
of his plans. He had no misgivmgs as to the 
wisdom of these plans. An idea that had once 
taken possession of his mind lay there, to borrow a 
cant phrase of the day, like "a fixed fact," — not 
to be disturbed by argument or persuasion. We 
occasionally meet with such characters, in which 
strength of will and unconquerable energy in 
action pass for genius with the world. They, m 
fact, serve as the best substitute for genius, by the 
ascendency which such qualities secure their pos- 
sessors over ordinary minds. Yet there were ways 
of approaching the pontifi*, for those who under- 
stood his character, and who, by condescendmg to 
flatter his humors, could turn them to their own 
account. Such was the policy pursued by some of 
Paul's kindred, who, cheered by his patronage, now 
came forth from their obscurity to glitter in the 
rays of the meridian sun. 

Paul had all his life declaimed against nep')ti8m 


as an opprobrious sin in the head of the Church. 
Yet no sooner did he put on the tiara than he gave 
a glaring example of the sin he had denounced, in 
the favors which he lavished on three of his own 
nephews. This was the more remarkable, as they 
were men whose way of life had given scandal 
even to the Italians, not used to be too scrupulous 
in their judgments. 

The eldest, who represented the family, he raised 
to the rank of a duke, providing him with an 
ample fortune from the confiscated property of the 
Colonnas, — which illustrious house was bitterly 
persecuted by Paul, for its attachment to the Span- 
ish interests. 

Another of his nephews he made a cardinal, — a 
dignity for which he was indifferently qualified by 
his former profession, which was that of a soldier, 
and still less fitted by his life, which was that of 
a libertine. He was a person of a busy, intriguing 
disposition, and stimulated his uncle's vindictive 
feelings agamst the Spaniards, whom he himself 
hated, for some affront which he conceived had 
been put upon him while in the emperor's service.^ 

But Paul needed no prompter in this matter. 
He very soon showed that, instead of ecclesiastical 
reform, he was bent on a project much nearer to 

7 " Servi lungo tempore 1' Im- nuti, se non spese, danni, dlsfavore, 

peratore, macon infelicissimo even- esllio ed ultiinamente un inglustls- 

to, non avendo potuto avere alcuna slma priglonia." Nores, Guerra fra 

ncompensa, come egll stesso diceva, Paolo Quarto e Filippo Secondo, 

*\n premio della sua miglior eta, e MS. — Kelazione di Bernardo Na- 

iJi mete fatiche, e pericoli soste- vagero. 

Vf»L. 7 20 

15 i WAU WITH THE POPE. [Book 1 

his heart, — the subversion of the Spanish power in 
Naples. Like Julius the Second, of warlike mem- 
ory, he swore to drive out the harharians from 
Italy. He seemed to think that the thunders of 
the Vatican were more than a match for all the 
strength of the empire and of Spain. But he was 
not weak enough to rely wholly on his spiritual 
artillery in such a contest. Through the French 
ambassador at his court, he opened negotiations 
with France, and entered into a secret treaty with 
that power, by which each of the parties agreed 
to furnish a certain contingent of men and money 
to carry on the war for the recovery of Naples. 
The treaty was executed on the sixteenth of 
December, 1555.^ 

In less than two months after this event, on 
the fifth of February, 1556, the fickle monarch of 
France, seduced by the advantageous offers of 
Charles, backed, moreover, by the rumous state of 
his own finances, deserted his new ally, and signed 
the treaty of Vaucelles, which secured a truce for 
five years between his dominions and those of 

Paul received the news of this treaty while 
surrounded by his courtiers. He treated the whole 
with scepticism, but expressed the pious hope, that 
such a peace might be in store for the nations oi 
Christendom. In private he was not so temperate. 

8 Nores, Guerra fra Paolo Quarto di Napoli, (Napoli, 1675,) torn. IV. 
e Filippo Secondo, MS — Sum- p. 278. — Giannone, Istoria di Na* 
moiite, Historia della Citta e Regno poli, torn. X. p. 20. 

Ch. v.] court of FRANCE. 155 

But without expending his wrath in empty men- 
aces, he took eftectual means to bring things back 
to their former state, — to mduce the French king 
to renew the treaty with himself, and at once to 
begin hostilities. He knew the vacillating tem- 
per of the monarch he had to deal with. Car- 
dinal CaraiFa was accordingly despatched on a mis- 
sion to Paris, fortified with ample powers for the 
arrangement of a new treaty, and with such 
tempting promises on the part of his holiness as 
might insure its acceptance by the monarch and his 

The French monarchy was, at that time, under 
the sceptre of Henry the Second, the son of Fran- 
cis the First, to whose character his own bore no 
resemblance; or rather the resemblance consisted 
in those showy qualities which lie too near the 
surface to enter into what may be called character. 
He affected a chivalrous vein, excelled in the 
exercises of the tourney, and mdulged in vague 
aspirations after military renown. In short, he 
fancied hunself a hero, and seems to have imposed 
on some of his own courtiers so far as to persuade 
them that he was designed for one. But he had 
few of the qualities which enter into the character 
of a hero. He w^as as far from being a hero as 
he was from being a good Christian, though he 
thought to prove his orthodoxy by persecuting 
the Protestants, who were now rising into a for- 
midable sect in the southern parts of his kingdom. 
He had little reliance on his own resources, leading 


a life of easy indulgence, and trusting the dii'ection 
of his affairs to his favorites and his mistresses. 

The most celebrated of these was Diana of 
Poictiers, created by Henry duchess of Valenti- 
nois, who preserved her personal charms and her 
influence over her royal lover to a much later 
period than usually happens. The persons of 
his court in whom the king most confided were 
the Constable Montmorency and the duke of 

Anne de Montmorency, constable of France, was 
one of the proudest of the French nobility, — proud 
alike of his great name, his rank, and his authority 
with his sovereign. He had grown gray in the 
service of the court, and Henry, accustomed to his 
society from boyhood, had learned to lean on him 
for the execution of his measures. Yet his judg- 
ments, though confidently given, were not always 
sound. His views were far from being enlarged ; 
and though full of courage, he showed little 
capacity for military afiairs. A consciousness of 
this, perhaps, may have led him to recommend a 
pacific policy, suited to his own genius. He was a 
stanch Catholic, extremely punctilious m all the 
ceremonies of devotion, and, if we may credit Bran- 
tome, would strangely mingle together the military 
and the religious. He repeated his Pater-Noster 
at certain fixed hours, whatever might be his occu- 
pation at the time. He would occasionally break 
oft' to give his orders, calling out, " Cut me down 
such a man! " " Hang up another! " "Eun those 

Cu. v.] COURT OF FRAXCE. 157 

fellows through with your lances ! " " Set fire to 
that village!" — and so on; when, having thus re- 
lieved the military part of his conscience, he would 
go on with his Pater-Nosters as before.^ 

A very different character was that of his young- 
er rival, Francis, duke of Guise, uncle to Mary, 
queen of Scots, and brother to the regent. Of a 
bold, aspiring temper, filled Avith the love of glory, 
brilliant and popular in his address, he charmed 
the people by his manners and the splendor of his 
equipage and dress. He came to court, attended 
usually by three or four hundred cavaliers, who 
formed themselves on Guise as their model. His 
fine person was set off by the showy costume of the 
time, — a crimson doublet and cloak of spotless 
ermine, and a cap ornamented with a scarlet 
plume. In this dress he might often be seen, 
mounted on his splendid charger and followed by 
a gay retinue of gentlemen, riding at full gallop 
through the streets of Paris, and attracting the ad- 
miration of the people. 

But his character was not altogether made up of 
such vanities. He was sagacious in counsel, and 
had proved himself the best captain of France. It 

9 Brantome, who has introduced sordres y arrlvent maintenant, il dl- 

the constable into his gallery of soit : Allez moy prendre un tel ; 

portraits, has not omitted this char- attachez celuy la a cet arbro ; 

acteristic anecdote. " On disait faictes passer cestuy la par les 

qu'il se falloit garder des pate- picques tout a ceste heure, ou les 

nostres de M. le connestable, car hanjuebuses tout devant moy ; 

en les disant et marmottant lors taillez moy en pieces tous ces ma- 

que les ocasions se presentoient, rauts,** etc. Brantome, CEuvreS; 

Rommc force desbordcmons et dc- (Paris, 1822,) tom. II. p. 372. 

8 O 


was he who commanded at the memoiable siege oi 
Metz, and foiled the efforts of the imperial forces 
under Charles and the duke of Alva. Caraffa found 
little difficulty in winning him over to his cause, 
as he opened to the ambitious chief the brilliant 
perspective of the conquest of Naples. The argu- 
ments of the wily Italian were supported by the 
duchess of Yalentinois. It was in vain that the 
veteran Montmorency reminded the kmg of the 
ruinous state of the finances, which had driven him 
to the shameful expedient of putting up public 
offices to sale. The other party represented that 
the condition of Spain, after her long struggle, was 
little better ; that the reins of government had now 
been transferred from the wise Charles to the hands 
of his inexperienced son ; and that the cooperation 
of Home afforded a favorable conjunction of circum- 
stances, not to be neglected. Henry was further 
allured by Caraffa' s assurance that his uncle would 
grant to the French monarch the investiture of 
Naples for one of his younger sons, and bestow 
Milan on another. The offer was too tempting to 
be resisted. 

One objection occurred, in certain conscientious 
scruples as to the violation of the recent treaty of 
Vaucelles. But for this the pope, who had antici- 
pated the objection, readily promised absolution. 
As the king also intimated some distrust lest the 
successor of Paul, whose advanced age made his 
life precarious, might not be inclined to carry out 
'he treaty, Caraffa was authorized to assure him 


Ch. v.] league against SPAIN. 159 

that this danger should be obviated by the creation 
of a batch of French cardinals, or of cardinals in 
the French interest. 

All the difficulties being thus happily disposed 
of, the treaty was executed in the month of July, 
1556. The parties agreed each to furnish about 
twelve thousand infantry, ^ye hundred men-at- 
arms, and the same number of light horse. France 
was to contribute three hundred and fifty thou- 
sand ducats to the expenses of the war, and Rome 
one hundred and fifty thousand. The French 
troops were to be supplied with provisions by the 
pope, for Avhich they were to reimburse his holi- 
ness. It was moreover agreed, that the crown of 
Naples should be settled on a younger son ot 
Henry, that a considerable tract on the northern 
frontier should be transferred to the papal terri- 
tory, and that ample estates should be provided 
from the new conquests for the three nephews of 
his holiness. In short, the system of partition was 
as nicely adjusted as if the quarry were actually in 
their possession, ready to be cut up and divided 
among the parties.^^ 

Finally, it was arranged that Henry should invite 
the Sultan Solyman to renew his former alliance 
with France, and make a descent with his galleys 
on the coast of Calabria. Thus did his most 
Christian majesty, with the pope for one of his 

10 Nores, Guerra fra Paolo Quar- NapoH, torn. X. p. 21. — De 

to e Fillppo Secondo, MS. — Sum- Thou, Ilistoire Universelle, torn, 

inonte, Historia di Napoli, torn. III. p. 23 et seq. 
IV. p. 280. — Giannone, Istoria di 


160 WAR WITH THE POrE. [Book I. 

allies and the Grand Turk for the other, prepare to 
make war on the most Catholic prince in Chris- 
tendom ! ^^ 

Meanwhile, Paul the Fourth, elated by the pros- 
pect of a successful negotiation, threw off the little 
decency he had hitherto preserved in his deport- 
ment. He launched out into invectives more 
bitter than ever agamst Philip, and in a tone of 
defiance told such of the Spanish cardinals as were 
present that they might repeat his sayings to their 
master. He talked of mstituting a legal process 
against the king for the recovery of Naples, which 
he had forfeited by omitting to pay the yearly 
tribute to the holy see. The pretext was ill- 
founded, as the pope well knew. But the process 
went on with suitable gravity, and a sentence of 
forfeiture w^as ultimately pronounced against the 
Spanish monarch. 

With these impotent insults, Paul employed 
more effectual means of annoyance. He perse- 
cuted all who showed any leaning to the Spanish 
interest. He set about repairing the walls of 
Rome, and strengthening the garrisons on the 
frontier. His movements raised great alarm among 
the Komans, who had too vivid a recollection of 
their last war with Spain, under Clement the Sev- 
enth, to wish for another. Garcilasso de la Vega, 
who had represented Philip, during his father's 
reign, at the papal court, wrote a full account of 
these doings to the viceroy of Naples. Garcilasso 

11 Glannone, Istoria di Napoii, torn. X. p. 19. 


was instantly thrown into prison. Taxis, the 
Spanish director of the posts, was both thrown 
into prison and put to the torture. Saria, the 
imperial ambassador, after in vain remonstrating 
agamst these outrages, waited on the pope to de- 
mand his passport, and was kept standing a full 
hour at the gate of the Vatican, before he was 

Philip had full intelligence of all these proceed- 
ings. He had long since descried the dark storm 
that was mustermg beyond the Alps. He had 
provided for it at the close of the preceding year, 
by committing the government of Naples to the 
man most competent to such a crisis. This was 
the duke of Alva, at that time governor of Milan, 
and commander-in-chief of the army in Italy. As 
this remarkable person is to occujDy a large space 
in the subsequent pages of this narrative, it may 
be well to give some account of his earlier life. 

Fernando Alvarez de Toledo was descended 
from an illustrious house in Castile, whose name 
is associated with some of the most memorable 
events in the national history. He was born in 
1508, and while a child had the misfortune to lose 
Ids father, who perished in Africa, at the siege 
of Gelves. The care of the orphan devolved on 
his grandfather, th^ celebrated conqueror of Na- 
varre. Under this veteran teacher the young Fer- 

12 Nores,Guerrafra Paolo Quarto 28 de Julio, 1556, MS. — Glan- 

eFilippo Secondo,MS. — Carta del none, Istoria di Napoli, torn. X 

Quque de Alba k la Gobernadora, pp. 15, 16. 

VOL. I. 8 21 O* 


nando received his first lessons in war, being pres 
ent at more than one skirmish when quite a boy. 
This seems to have sharpened his appetite for a 
soldier's life, for we find him, at the age of sixteen, 
secretly leaving his home and taking service under 
the banner of the Constable Velasco, at the siege 
of Fontarabia. He w^as subsequently made gov- 
ernor of that place. In 1527, when not twenty 
years of age, he came, by his grandfather's death, 
mto jDOssession of the titles and large patrimonial 
estates of the house of Toledo. 

The capacity which he displayed, as well as his 
high rank, soon made him an object of attention ; 
and as Philip grew in years, the duke of Alva 
was placed near his person, formed one of his coun- 
cil, and took part in the regency of Castile. He 
accompanied Philip on his journeys from Spain, 
and, as we have seen, made one of his retinue both 
m Flanders and in England. The duke was of 
too haughty and imperious a temper to condescend 
to those arts which are thought to open the most 
ready avenues to the favor of the sovereign. He 
met with rivals of a finer policy and more accom 
modating disposition. Yet Philip perfectly com- 
prehended his character. He knew the strength 
Df his understanding, and did full justice to his 
loyalty; and he showed his confidence in his in- 
tegrity by placing him in offices of the highest 

The emperor, with his usual insight into char- 
actor, had early discerned the military talents of 


the young nobleman. He took Alva along \vlth 
him on his campaigns in Germany, where from a 
subordmate station he rapidly rose to the first 
command in the army. Such was his position at 
the unfortunate siege of Metz, where the Spanish 
infantry had nearly been sacrificed to the obstinacy 
of Charles. 

In his military career the duke displayed some 
of the qualities most characteristic of his country- 
men. But they were those qualities which belong 
to a riper period of life. He showed little of that 
romantic and adventurous spuit of the Spanish 
cavalier, which seemed to court peril for its own 
sake, and would hazard all on a single cast. Cau- 
tion was his prominent trait, in which he was a 
match for any graybeard in the army ; — a caution 
carried to such a length as sometimes to put a 
curb on the enterprising spirit of the emperor. 
Men Avere amazed to see so old a head on so 
young shoulders. 

Yet this caution was attended by a courage 
which dangers could not daunt, and by a constancy 
which toil, however severe, could not tu'e. He 
preferred the surest, even though the slowest, 
means to attain his object. He was not ambi- 
tious of efiect ; never sought to startle by a bril- 
liant coup-de-main. He would not have compro- 
mised a smgle chance in his own favor by appeal- 
ing to the issue of a battle. He looked steadily to 
the end, and he moved surely towards it by a 
system of operations planned with the nicest fore- 

164 WAR WITH THE POPE. [Book 1. 

cast. The result of these operations was almost 
always success. Few great commanders have been 
more uniformly successful in their campaigns. 
Yet it was rare that these campaigns were marked 
by what is so dazzling to the imagination of the 
young aspirant for glory, — a great and decisive 
victory. — Such were some of the more obvious 
traits in the military character of the chief to 
whom Philip, at this crisis, confided the post of 
viceroy of Naples.^^ 

Before commencing hostilities against the Church, 
the Spanish monarch determined to ease his con- 
science, by obtaining, if possible, a warrant for his 
proceedings from the Church itself. He assem- 
bled a body composed of theologians from Sala- 

13 I have three bio^^raphies of the of the great champion of Cathol- 

duke of Alva, which give a view of icism. 

his whole career. The most impor- A French life of the duke, 
tant is one in Latin, by a Spanish printed some thirty years later, is 
Jesuit named Ossorio, and entitled only a translation of the preceding, 
Ferdinandi Toletani Albae Ducis Ilistoire de Ferdinand- Alvarez de 
Vita et Res Gestae ( Salman ticaa, Tolede, Due d'Albe (Paris, 1699). 
1669). The author wrote nearly a A work of more pretension is en- 
century after the time of his hero, titled Resultas de la Vida de Fer- 
But as he seems to have had access nando Alvarez tercero Duque de 
to the best sources of information, Alva, escrita por Don Juan Anto- 
his narrative may be said to rest nio de Vera y Figueroa, Conde de 
on a good foundation. He writes la Roca (1643). It belongs, ap- 
in a sensible and business-like man- parently, to a class of works not un- 
ner, more often found among the common in Spain, in which vague 
Jesuits than among the members of and uncertain statements take the 
the other orders. It is not surpris- place of simple narrative, and the 
ing that the harsher features of the writer covers up his stilted pane- 
portrait should be smoothed down gyric with the solemn garb of mor- 
under the friendly hand of the al philosophy. 
Jesuit commemoratins the deeds 

ch. v.] preparations for war. 165 

manca, Alcala, Valladolid, and some other places, 
and of jurists from his several councils, to resolve 
certain queries which he propounded. Among 
the rest, he inquired whether, in case of a defen- 
sive war with the pope, it would not be lawful 
to sequestrate the revenues of those persons, na- 
tives or foreigners, who had benefices in Spain, 
but who refused obedience to the orders of its sov- 
ereign ; — whether he might not lay an embargo 
on all revenues of the Church, and prohibit any 
remittance of moneys to Rome ; — whether a coun- 
cil might not be convoked to determine the valid- 
ity of Paul's election, which, in some particulars, 
was supposed to have been irregular ; — whether 
inquiry might not be made into the gross abuses 
of ecclesiastical patronage by the Roman see, and 
effectual measures taken to redress them. The 
suggestion of an ecclesiastical council was a men- 
ace that grated unpleasantly on the pontifical ear, 
and w^as used by European princes as a sort of 
counterblast to the threat of excommunication. 
The particular objects for which this council was 
to be summoned were not of a kind to soothe the 
irritable nerves of his holiness. The conclave of 
theologians and jurists made as favorable responses 
as the king had anticipated to his several interrog- 
atories ; and Philip, under so respectable a sanc- 
tion, sent orders to his viceroy to take effectual 
measures for the protection of Naples.^* 

1'* Giannone, Istoria dl Napoli, varlos letrados y t^ologos relativa* 
torn. X. p. 27. — Consulta hecha a mente a lag desavenencias con el 

166 WAR WITH THE POPE. [Book 1 

Alva had not waited for these orders, but had 
busily employed himself in mustering his resources, 
and in collecting troops from the Abruzzi and other 
parts of his territory. As hostilities were inevita- 
ble, he determined to strike the first blow, and 
carry the war into the enemy's country, before he 
had time to cross the Neapolitan frontier. Like 
his master, however, the duke was willing to re- 
lease himself, as far as possible, from personal re- 
sponsibility before taking up arms against the head 
of the Church. He accordingly addressed a mani- 
festo to the pope and the cardinals, setting forth 
in glowing terms the manifold grievances of his 
sovereign ; the opprobrious and insulting language 
of Paul ; the indignities offered to Philip's agents, 
and to the imperial ambassador ; the process insti- 
tuted for depriving his master of Naples ; and, 
lastly, the warlike demonstrations of the pope 
along the frontier, which left no doubt as to his 
designs. He conjured his holiness to pause before 
he plunged his country into war. As the head of 
the Church, it was his duty to preserve peace, not 
to bring war into Christendom. He painted the 
inevitable evils of war, and the ruin and devasta- 
tion which it must bring on the fair fields of Italy. 
If this were clone, it would be the pope's doing, 
and his would be the responsibility. On the part M 
of Naples, the war would be a war of defence. For 
himself, he had no alternative. He was placed 

Papa, MS. This document is preserved in the arclii>"es of Siman 


there to maintain the possessions of his sovereign ; 
and, by the blessing of God, he would maintain 
them to the last drop of his blood.^^ 

Alva, while making this appeal to the pope, 
invoked the good offices of the Venetian gov- 
ernment in bringing about a reconciliation be- 
tween Philip and the Vatican. His spirited 
manifesto to the pope was intrusted to a special 
messenger, a person of some consideration in 
Naples. The only reply which the hot-headed 
pontiif made to it was to throw the envoy into 
prison, and, as some state, to put him to the 'tor- 

Meanwhile, Alva, who had not placed much 
reliance on the success of his appeal, had mus- 
tered a force, amounting in all to twelve thou- 
sand infantry, fifteen hundred horse, and a train 
of twelve pieces of artillery. His infantry was 
chiefly made up of Neapolitans, some of whom 
had seen but little service. The strength of his 
army lay in his Spanish veterans, forming one 

1^ Nores, Guerra fra Paolo Quar- at Madrid. Andrea was a soldier 
to e Filippo Secondo, MS. — An- of some experience, and his ac- 
drea, Guerra de Campana de Ro- count of these transactions is de- 
ma, (Madrid, 1589,) p. 14. — rived partly from personal obscr- 
Summonte, Historia di Napoli, vation, and partly, as he tells us, 
tom. IV. p. 270. from the most accredited witnesses. 

The most circumstantial printed The Spanish version was made at 

account of this war is to be found the suggestion of one of Philip's 

in the work of Alessandro Andrea, ministers, — pretty good evidence 

a Neapolitan. It was first pub- that the writer, in his narrative 

lished in Italian, at Venice, and had demeaned himself like a \oyal 

subsequently translated by the subject, 
iuthor into Castilian, and printed 


third of his force. The place of rendezvous was 
San Germano, a town on the northern frontier of 
the kingdom. On the first of September, 1556, 
Alva, attended by a gallant band of cavaliers, left 
the capital, and on the fourth arrived at the place 
appointed. The following day he crossed the bor- 
ders at the head of his troops, and marched on 
Pontecorvo. He met with no resistance from the 
inhabitants, who at once threw open their gates 
to him. Several other places followed the exam- 
ple of Pontecorvo ; and Alva, taking possession of 
them, caused a scutcheon displaying the arms of 
the sacred college to be hung up in the principal 
church of each town, with a placard announcing 
that he held it only for the college, until the 
election of a new pontiff. By this act he pro- 
claimed to the Christian world that the object of 
the war, as far as Spain was concerned, was not 
conquest, but defence. Some historians find in it 
a deeper policy, — that of exciting feelings of dis- 
trust between the pope and the cardinals.^^ 

Anagni, a place of some strength, refused the 
duke's summons to surrender. He was detained 
three days before his guns had opened a practicable 
breach in the walls. He then ordered an assault. 

'6 Giannone, Istoria dl Napoli, eccleslastico, ma veniva a sparger 

torn. X. p. 25. — Carta del Duque semi di discordia, e di sisma, fra li 

de Alba a la Gobernadora, 8 de Se- Cardinali, ed il Papa, teiitando 

tiembre, 1556, MS. d' alienarli da liil, e mostrargH verso 

"In tal mode, non solo veniva di loro riverenza, e rispetto." No- 

a mitigar 1' asprezze, che portava res, Guerra fra Paolo Quarto e Fi- 

seco r occupar le Tcrrc dello stato lippo Secondo, MS. 


The town was stormed and delivered up to sack, — 
by which phrase is to be understood the perpetra 
tion of all those outrages which the ruthless code 
of war allowed, in that age, on the persons and 
property of the defenceless inhabitants, without 
regard to sex or age.^^ 

One or two other places which made resistance 
shared the fate of Anagni; and the duke of 
Alva, having garrisoned his new conquests with 
such forces as he could spare, led his victorious 
legions against Tivoli, — a town strongly situated 
on elevated ground, commanding the eastern ap- 
proaches to the capital. The place surrendered 
without attempting a defence ; and Alva, willing 
to give his men some repose, made Tivoli his head- 
quarters, while his army spread over the suburbs 
and adjacent country, which afforded good forage 
for his cavalry. 

The rapid succession of these events, the fall of 
town after town, and, above all, the dismal fate 
of Anagni, filled the people of Rome with terror. 
The women began to hurry out of the city ; many 
of the men would have followed but for the inter- 
ference of Cardinal CarafFa. The panic was as 
great as if the enemy had been already at the 
gates of the capital. Amidst this general conster- 
nation, Paul seemed to be almost the only person 
who retained his self-possession. Navagero, the 
Venetian minister, was present when he received 

17 Nores, Guerra fra Paolo Quarto e Filippo Secondo, MS 
VOL. I. 8 22 P 

170 WAR WITH THE POPE. [Book 1. 

tidings of the storming of Anagni, and bears 
witness to the composure with which he went 
through the official business of the morning, as 
if nothing had happened.^^ This was in public ; 
but the shock was sufficiently strong to strike out 
some sparkles of his fiery temper, as those found 
Avho met him that day in private. To the Vene- 
tian agent who had come to Rome to mediate a 
peace, and who pressed him to enter into some 
terms of accommodation with the Spaniards, he 
haughtily replied, that Alva must first recross the 
frontier, and then, if he had aught to solicit, pre- 
fer his petition like a dutiful son of the Church. 
This course was not one very likely to be adopted 
by the victorious general.^^ 

In an mterview with two French gentlemen, 
who, as he had reason to suppose, were inter- 
esting themselves in the affair of a peace, he ex- 
claimed : " Whoever would bring me into a peace 
with heretics is a servant of the Devil. Heaven 
will take vengeance on him. I will pray that 
God's curse may fall on him. If I find that you 
mtermeddle in any such matter, I will cut your 
heads off your shoulders. Do not think this an 
empty threat. I have an eye in my back on 

18 " Stava intrepido, parlando ad se relatam aspernatus in eo per- 
delle cose appartenenti a quel' uffi- sistebat, ut Albanus copias domum 
zio, come se non vi fusse alcuna reduceret, deinde quod vellet, a se 
sospczione di guerra, non che gl' supplicibus precibus postularet.** 
inimici fussero vicini alle portc." Sepulveda, Dc Rebus Gestis Phi- 
llelazionc di Bernardo Navagero. lippi H., lib. T. cap. 17. 

19 ' Poutil'ex earn conditionem 


you," — quoting an Italian proverb, — " and if I 
find you playing me false, or attempting to entan- 
gle me a second time in an accursed truce, I swear 
to you by the eternal God, I will make your heads 
fly from your shoulders, come what may come of 
it ! " " In this way," concludes the narrator, one 
of the parties, " his holiness continued for nearly 
an hour, walking up and down the apartment, and 
talking all the while of his own grievances and of 
cutting off our heads, until he had talked himself 
quite out of breath." ^^ 

But the valor of the pope did not expend itself 
in words. He instantly set about putting the 
capital in the best state of defence. He taxed the 
people to raise funds for his troops, drew in the 
garrisons from the neighboring places, formed a 
body-guard of six or seven hundred horse, and 
soon had the satisfaction of seeing his Roman 
levies, amounting to six thousand infantry, well 
equipped for the war. They made a brave 
show, with their handsome uniforms and their 
banners richly emblazoned with the pontifical 
arms. As they passed in review before his holi- 
ness, who stood at one of the windows of his 
palace, he gave them his benediction. But the 
edge of the Homan sword, according to an old 
proverb, was apt to be blunt; and these holiday 
troops were soon found to be no match for the 
hardy veterans of Spain. 

30 Sismondi, Hlstoire des Francais, torn. XVIII. p. 17 

1 72 WAR WITH THE pope. [Book I. 

Among the soldiers at the pope's disposal was a 
body of German mercenaries, who followed war as 
a trade, and let themselves out to the highest 
bidder. They were Lutherans, with little knowl- 
edge of the Koman Catholic religion, and less 
respect for it. They stared at its rites as mummer- 
ies, and made a jest of its most solemn ceremonies, 
directly under the eyes of the pope. But Paul, 
who, at other times, would have punished offences 
like these with the gibbet and the stake, could not 
quarrel with his defenders, and was obliged to 
digest his mortification as he best might. It 
was remarked that the times were sadly out of 
joint, when the head of the Church had heretics 
for his allies and Catholics for his enemies.^^ 

Meanwhile the duke of Alva was lying at 
Tivoli. If he had taken advantage of the j)anic 
caused by his successes, he might, it was thought, 
without much difficulty, have made himself master 
of the capital. But this did not suit his policy, 
which was rather to bring the pope to terms than 
to ruin him. He was desirous to reduce the city 
by cutting off its supplies. The possession of Tiv- 
oli, as already noticed, enabled him to command 
the eastern approaches to Rome, and he now pro- 
posed to make himself master of Ostia, and thus 
destroy the communications with the coast. 

21 " Quel Pontefice, che per cia- fuoco, le tollerava in quest!, come 

scuna di queste cose che fosse ca- in suoi defensori." Relazione di 

Bcata in un process©, avrebbe con- Bernardo Navagero, 
dannato o^nuno alia morte ed al 


Accordingly, drawing together his forces, he 
quitted Tivoli, and directed his march across the 
Cam23agna, south of the Roman capital. On his 
way he made himself master of some places be- 
longing to the holy see, and in the early part of 
November arrived before Ostia, and took up a po- 
sition on the banks of the Tiber, where it spread 
into two branches, the northern one of which was 
called the Fiumicino, or little river. The town, or 
rather village, consisted of only a few straggling 
houses, very different from the proud Ostia, whose 
capacious harbor was once filled with the com- 
merce of the world. It was protected by a citadel 
of some strength, garrisoned by a small but picked 
body of troops, so indifferently provided with mil- 
itary stores, that it was clear the government had 
not anticipated an attack in this quarter. 

The duke ordered a number of boats to be sent 
round from Nettuno, a place on the coast, of which 
he had got possession. By means of these he 
formed a bridge, over which he passed a small de- 
tachment of his army, together with his battering 
train of artillery. The hamlet was easily taken, 
but, as the citadel refused to surrender, Alva laid 
regular siege to it. He constructed two batteries, 
on which he planted his heavy guns, commanding 
opposite quarters of the fortress. He then opened 
xa lively cannonade on the outworks, which was 
returned with great spirit by the garrison. 

Meanwhile he detached a considerable body of 
horse, under Colonna, who swept the country to 
8 P* 

174 WAR WITH THE POPE. [Book 1. 

the very walls of Rome. A squadron of cavalry, 
whc^'Se gallant bearing had filled the heart of the 
old pope with exultation, sallied out against the 
marauders. An encounter took place not far from 
the city. The Romans bore themselves up bravely 
to the shock ; but, after splintering their lances, 
they wheeled about, and, without striking another 
blow, abandoned the field to the enemy, who fol- 
lowed them up to the gates of the capital. They 
were so roughly handled in their flight, that the 
valiant troopers could not be induced again to 
leave their walls, although Cardinal CarafFa — who 
had a narrow escape from the enemy — sallied 
out with a handful of his followers, to give them 

During this time Alva was vigorously pressing 
the siege of Ostia; but though more than a week 
had elapsed, the besieged showed no disposition to 
surrender. At length, the Spanish commander, on 
the seventeenth of November, finding his ammu- 
nition nearly expended and his army short of pro- 
visions, determined on a general assault. Early 
on the following morning, after hearing mass as 
usual, the duke mounted his horse, and, riding 
among the ranks to animate the spirits of his 
soldiers, gave orders for the attack. A corps 
of Italians was first detached, to scale the works; 
but they were repulsed with considerabLe loss. 
It was found impossible for their officers to rally 

22 Nores, Guerra fra Paolo Quarto e Filippo Secondo, MS. 


ch v.] victorious campaign. 175 

them, and biing them back to the assault. A 
picked body of Spanish infantry was then de- 
spatched on this dangerous service. With incred- 
ible difficulty they succeeded in scaling the ram- 
parts, under a storm of combustibles and other 
missiles hurled down by the garrison, and effected 
an entrance into the place. But here they were 
met with a courage as dauntless as their own. The 
struggle was long and desperate. There had been 
no such fighting in the course of the campaign. 
At length, the duke, made aware of the severe 
loss sustained by his men, and of the impractica- 
bility of the attempt, as darkness was setting in, 
gave the signal for retreat. The assailants had 
doubtless the worst of it in the conflict; but the 
besieged, worn out with fatigue, with their am- 
munition nearly exhausted, and almost without 
food, did not feel themselves in condition to 
sustain another assault, on the following day. 
On the nineteenth of November, therefore, the 
morning after the conflict, the brave garrison ca- 
pitulated, and were treated with honor as prisoners 
of war.^ 

The fate of the campaign seemed now to be 
decided. The pope, with his principal towns in 
the hands of the enemy, his communications cut 

^^ The details of the siege of Catholico Don FIHppo Seeondo, 

Ostia are given with more or less ccn le Guerre de suoi Tempi, (Vi- 

minuteness by Nores, Guerra fra cenza, 1605,) torn. 11. fol. 146, 147; 

Paolo Quarto e Filippo Seeondo, Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. II 

MS.; Andrea, Guerra de Roma, cap. 15. 
p. 72 et seq.; Campana, Vita del 


off both with the country and the coast, may well 
have felt his inability to contend thus single- 
handed against the power of Spain. At all events, 
his subjects felt it, and they were not deterred 
by his arrogant bearing from clamoring loudly 
against the continuance of this ruinous war. But 
Paul would not hear of a peace. However crip- 
pled by his late reverses, he felt confident of re- 
pairing them all on the arrival of the French, 
who, as he now learned with joy, were in full 
march across the territory of Milan. He was 
not so disinclined to a truce, which might give 
time for their coming. 

Cardinal Caraffa, accordingly, had a conference 
with the duke of Alva, and entered into negotia- 
tions with him for a suspension of arms. The 
proposal was not unwelcome to the duke, who, 
w^eakened by losses of every kind, was by no 
means in condition at the end of an active cam- 
paign to contend with a fresh army under the 
command of so practised a leader as the duke of 
Guise. He did not care to expose himself a sec- 
ond time to an encounter with the French general, 
under disadvantages nearly as great as those which 
had foiled him at Metz. 

With these amiable dispositions, a truce was 
soon arranged between the parties, to continue 
forty days. The terms were honorable to Alva, 
since they left him in possession of all his con- 
quests. Having completed these arrangements, 
the Spanish commander broke up his camp on the 

Ch. v.] 



southern bank of the Tiber, recrossed the fron- 
tier, and in a few days made his triumphant entry, 
at the head of his battalions, into the city ot 

So ended the first campaign of the war with 
E-ome. It had given a severe lesson, that might 
have shaken the confidence and humbled the pride 
of a pontiff less arrogant than Paul the Fourth. 
But it served only to deepen his hatred of the 
Spaniards, and to stimulate his desire for ven- 

24 Nores, Guerra fra Paolo Quar- 
to e Filippo Secondo. MS. — An- 
drea, Guerra de Roma, p. 86 et seq. 

The Emperor Charles the Fifth, 
when on his way to Yuste, took a 
very different view from Alva's of 
the truce, rating the duke roundly 
for not having followed up the cap- 
ture of Ostia by a decisive blow, 
instead of allowing the French 
time to enter Italy and combine 
with the pope. — " El emperador 
oyo todo lo que v. m«l. dize del 
duque y de Italia, y ha tornado 
muy mal el haver dado el duque 

oldos a suspension de armas, y mu- 
cho mas de haver prorrogado el 
plazo, por parecelle que serd in- 
strumento para que la gente del 
Rey que baxava a Piamonte se 
juntasse con la del Papa, 6 questa 
dilacion sera necessitar al duque, y 
estorvalle cl etlecto que pudiera 
hazer, si prosiguiera su vitoria des- 
pues de haber ganado a Ostia, y 
entre dientes dixo otras cosas que 
no pude comprehender." Carta 
de Martin de Gaztelu a Juan Vajp 
quez, Enero 10, 1557, MS. 





Guise enters Italy. — Operations in the Abruzzi. — Siege of Civitella. 

— Alva drives out the French. — Rome menaced by the Spaniaitb. 

— Paul consents to Peace. — Paul's subsequent Career. 


While the events recorded in the preceding 
pages were passing in Italy, the French army, 
under the duke of Guise, had arrived on the bor- 
ders of Piedmont. That commander, on leaving 
Paris, found himself at the head of a force consist- 
ing of twelve thousand infantry, of which five 
thousand were Swiss, and the rest French, in- 
cluding a considerable number of Gascons. His 
cavalry amounted to two thousand, and he was 
provided with twelve pieces of artillery. In ad- 
dition to this. Guise was attended by a gallant 
body of French gentlemen, young for the most 
part, and eager to win laurels under the renowned 
defender of Metz. 

The French army met with no opposition in its 
passage through Piedmont. The king of Spain 
had ordered the government of Milan lo strengtlien 
the garrisons of the fortresses, but to oppose no 


resistance to the French, unless the latter hegan 
hostilities.-^ Some of the duke's counsellors wouli 
have persuaded him to do so. His father-in-law, 
the duke of Ferrara, in particular, who had brought 
him a reinforcement of six thousand troops, strongly 
pressed the French general to make sure of the 
Milanese before penetrating to the south ; other- 
wise he would leave a dangerous enemy in his 
rear. The Italian urged, moreover, the importance 
of such a step in giving confidence to the Ange- 
vine faction in Naples, and in drawing over to 
France those states which hesitated as to their 
policy, or which had but lately consented to an 
alliance with Spain. 

France, at this time, exercised but little influ- 
ence in the counsels of the Italian powers. Genoa, 
after an ineffectual attempt at revolution, was de- 
voted to Spain. The cooperation of Cosmo de' 
Medici, then lord of Tuscany, had been secured 
by the cession of Sienna. The duke of Parma, 
who had coquetted for some time with the French 
monarch, was won over to Spain by the restora- 
tion of Placentia, of which he had been despoiled 
by Charles the Fifth. His young son, Alexander 
Farnese, was sent as a hostage, to be educated 
under Philip's eye, at the court of Madrid, — the 
truits of which training were to be gathered in the 
war of the Netherlands, where he proved himself 
rjie most consummate captain of his time. Venice, 
fj'om her lonely watch-tower on the Adriatic, rc- 

1 Sepulveda, De Rebus Gestis Philij)pi II., p. 13. 


garded at a distance the political changes of Italy, 
prepared to profit by any chances in her own favor. 
Her conservative policy, however, prompted her 
to maintain things as far as possible in their pres- 
ent position. She was most desirous that the 
existing equilibrium should not be disturbed by 
the introduction of any new power on the theatre 
of Italy ; and she had readily acquiesced in the 
invitation of the duke of Alva, to mediate an 
accommodation between the contending parties. 
This pacific temper found little encouragement 
from the belligerent pontiff who had brought the 
war upon Italy. 

The advice of the duke of Ferrara, however 
judicious in itself, was not relished by his son-in- 
law, the duke of Guise, who was anxious to press 
forward to Naples as the proper scene of his con- 
quests. The pope, too, called on him, in the most 
peremptory terms, to hasten his march, as Naples 
was the object of the expedition. The French 
commander had the address to obtain instructions 
to the same effect from his own court, by which he 
affected to be decided. His Italian father-in-law 
was so much disgusted by this determination, that 
he instantly quitted the camp, and drew off his six 
thousand soldiers, declaring that he needed all he 
could muster to protect his own states against the 
troops of Milan.^ 

Thus shorn of his Italian reinforcement, the j 


2 Nores, Guerra fra Paolo Quarto e Filippo Sccondo, MS. — Andrea 
Guerra de Roma, p. 165. 



duke of Guise resumed his march, and, entering 
the States of the Church, followed down the shores 
of the Adriatic, passing through Havenna and 
Rimini ; then, striking into the interior, he halted 
at Gesi, where he found good accommodations for 
his men and abundant forage for the horses. 

Leaving his army in their pleasant quarters, he 
soon after repaired to Rome, in order to arrange 
with the pope the plan of the campaign. He was 
graciously received by Paul, who treated him with 
distinguished honor as the loyal champion of the 
Church. Emboldened by the presence of the 
French army in his dominions, the pope no 
longer hesitated to proclaim the renewal of the 
war against Spain. The Roman levies, scattered 
over the Campagna, assaulted the places but feebly 
garrisoned by the Spaniards. Most of them, in- 
cluding Tivoli and Ostia, were retaken ; and the 
haughty bosom of the pontiff swelled with exulta- 
tion as he anticipated the speedy extinction of the 
Spanish rule in Italy. 

After some days consumed in the Vatican, Guise 
rejoined his army at Gesi. He w^as fortified by 
abundant assurances of aid from his holiness, and 
he was soon joined by one of Paul's nephews, the 
duke of Montebello, with a slender reinforcement. 
It was determined to cross the Neapolitan frontier 
at once, and to begin operations by the siege of 

This was a considerable place, situated in the 
Qiidst of a fruitful territory. The native popula* 
8 Q 



[Book L 

tion had been greatly increased by the influx of 
peojile from the surrounding country, who had 
taken refuge in Campli as a place of security. But 
they did little for its defence. It did not long 
resist the impetuosity of the French, who carried 
the town by storm. The men — all who made 
resistance — were put to the sword. The women 
were abandoned to the licentious soldiery. The 
houses, first pillaged, were then fired; and the 
once flourishing place was soon converted into a 
heap of smouldering ruins. The booty was great, 
for the people of the neighborhood had brought 
their effects thither for safety, and a large amount 
of gold and silver was found in the dwellings. 
The cellars, too, were filled with delicate wines; 
and the victors abandoned themselves to feasting 
and wassail, while the wretched citizens wandered 
like spectres amidst the ruins of their ancient habi- 

The fate of Italy, in the sixteenth century, was 
hard indeed. She had advanced far beyond the 
age in most of the arts which belong to a civilized 
community. Her cities, even her smaller towns, 
throughout the country, displayed the evidences of 
architectural taste. They were filled with stately 
temples and elegant mansions ; the squares were 
ornamented with fountains of elaborate workman- 
ship ; the rivers were spanned by arches of solid 

3 Nores,Guerrafra Paolo Quarto Thou, Ilistoire Universelle, torn, 
e Filippo Secondo, MS. — Andrea, HI. p. 86. — Cabrera, Filipe Se- 
Guerra de Roma, p. 220. — De gundo, lib. IH. cap. 9. 


masonry. The private as well as public edifices 
were furnished with costly works of art, of which 
the value was less in the material than in the exe- 
cution. A generation had scarcely passed since 
Michael Angelo and Raphael had produced their 
miracles of sculpture and of painting ; and now Cor- 
reggio, Paul Veronese, and Titian were filling their 
country with those immortal productions which have 
been the delight and the despair of succeeding ages. 
Letters kept pace with art. The magical strains of 
Ariosto had scarcely died away Avhen a greater bard 
had arisen in Tasso, to take up the tale of Chris- 
tian chivalry. This extraordinary combination of 
elegant art and literary culture was the more re- 
markable, from the contrast presented by the con- 
dition of the rest of Europe, then first rising into 
the light of a higher civilization. But, with all 
this intellectual progress, Italy was sadly deficient 
in some qualities found among the hardier sons of 
the north, and which seem indispensable to a na- 
tional existence. She could boast of her artists, 
her poets, her politicians ; but of few real patriots, 
few who rested their own hopes on the indepen- 
dence of their country. The freedom of the old 
Italian republics had passed away. There was 
scarcely one that had not surrendered its liberties 
to a master. The principle of union for defence 
against foreign aggression was as little understood 
as the principle of political liberty at home. The 
states were jealous of one another. The cities 
wei'e jealous of one another, and were often torn 



[Book 1 

by factions within themselves. Thus their in- 
dividual strength was alike ineffectual, whether 
for self-government or self-defence. The gift of 
beauty which Italy possessed in so extraordinary 
a degree only made her a more tempting prize to 
the spoiler, whom she had not the strength or the 
courage to resist. The Turkish corsair fell upon 
her coasts, plundered her maritime towns, and 
swept off their inhabitants into slavery. The 
European, scarcely less barbarous, crossed the 
Alps, and, striking into the interior, fell upon 
the towns and hamlets that lay sheltered among 
the hills and in the quiet valleys, and converted 
them into heaps of ruins. Ill fares it with the 
land which, in an age of violence, has given itself 
up to the study of the graceful and the beautiful, 
to the neglect of those hardy virtues which can 
alone secure a nation's independence. 

From the smoking ruins of Campli, Guise led 
his troops against Civitella, a town but a few miles 
distant. It was built round a conical hill, the top 
of which was crowned by a fortress well lined with 
artillery. It was an important place for the com- 
mand of the frontier, and the duke of Alva had 
thrown into it a garrison of twelve hundred men 
under the direction of an experienced officer, the 
marquis of Santa Fiore. The French general con- 
sidered that the capture of this post, so soon fol- 
lowing the sack of Campli, would spread terror 
among the Neapolitans, and encourage those of 
the Angevine faction to declare openly in his favor 


As the place refused to surrender, he prepared 
to besiege it in form, throwing up intrenchments, 
and only waiting for his heavy guns to begin 
active hostilities. He impatiently expected their 
arrival for some days, when he caused four bat- 
teries to be erected, to operate simultaneously 
against four quarters of the town. After a brisk 
cannonade, which was returned by the besieged 
with equal spirit, and with still greater loss to the 
enemy, from his exposed position, the duke, who 
had opened a breach in the works, prepared for a 
general assault. It was conducted with the usual 
impetuosity of the French, but was repulsed with 
courage by the Italians. More than once the as- 
sailants were brought up to the breach, and as 
often driven back with slaughter. The duke, 
convinced that he had been too precipitate, was 
obliged to sound a retreat, and again renewed the 
cannonade from his batteries, keeping it up night 
and day, though, from the vertical direction of the 
fire, with comparatively little eiFect. The French 
camp offered a surer mark to the guns of Civi- 

The women of the place displayed an intre- 
pidity equal to that of the men. Armed with 
buckler and cuirass, they might be seen by the 
side of their husbands and brothers, in the most 
exposed situations on the ramparts ; and, as one 
was shot down, another stepped forward to take 
the place of her fallen comrade.* The fate of 

4 Andrea, Guerra de Roma, p. 226. 
VOL. I. ^ 24 Q * 


Carnpli had taught them to expect no mercy from 
the ^dcto^, and they preferred death to dishonor. 

As day after day passed on m the same monoto- 
nous manner, Guise's troops became weary of their 
inactive life. The mercurial spirits of the French 
soldier, which overleaped every obstacle in his path, 
were often found to evaporate in the tedium of 
protracted operations, where there was neither inci- 
dent nor excitement. Such a state of things was 
better suited to the patient and persevering Span- 
iard. The men began openly to murmur against 
the pope, whom they regarded as the cause of 
their troubles. They were led by priests, they 
said, " who knew much more of praying than of 
fighting." ^ 

Guise himself had causes of disgust with the 
pontiff which he did not care to conceal. For all 
the splendid promises of his holiness, he had re- 
ceived foAV supplies either of men, ammunition, or 
money ; and of the Angevine lords not one had 
ventured to declare in his favor or to take service 
under his banner. He urged all this with much 
warmth on the pope's nephew, the duke of Monte- 
bello. The Italian recriminated as warmly, till 
the dialogue was abruptly ended, it is said, by 
the duke of Guise throwing a napkin, or, accord- 
ing to some accounts, a dish, at the head of his 
ally.^ However this may be, Montebello left the 
camp in disgust and returned to Kome. But the 

5 Giannone, Istoria di Napoli, ^ SIsmondl, Histoire des Fran- 
torn. X. p. 40. ^ais, torn. XYIII. p. 39. 


defender of the Church was too important a per- 
son to quarrel with, and Paul deemed it pru 
dent, for the present, at least, to stifle his re- 

Meanwhile heavy rains set in, causing great 
annoyance to the French troops in their quarters, 
spoiling their provisions, and doing great damage 
to their powder. The same rain did good service 
to the besieged, by filling their cisterns. "God," 
exclaimed the profane Guise, "must have turned 
Spaniard." ^ 

While those events were taking place in the 
noi'tli of Naples, the duke of Alva, in the south, 
was making active preparations for the defence of 
the kingdom. He had seen with satisfaction the 
time consumed by his antagonist, first at Gesi, and 
afterwards at the siege of Civitella; and he had 
fully profited by the delay. On reaching the city 
of Naples, he had summoned a parliament of the 
great barons, had clearly exposed the necessities 
of the state, and demanded an extraordmary loan 
of two millions of ducats. The loyal nobles 
readily responded to the call; but as not more 
than one third of the whole amount could be 
instantly raised, an order was obtained from the 
council, requiring the governors of the several 
provinces to invite the great ecclesiastics in their 
districts to advance the remaining two thirds of 
the loan. In case they did not consent with a 

7 " Encendido de colera, vino Espanol." Andrea, Gucrra d'j 
A dezir, Que Dios se aula buelto Roma, p. 228. 

188 WAR WITH THE POPE. [Book 1 

good grace, they were to be forced to comply by 
the seizure of their revenues.^ 

By another decree of the council, the gold and 
silver plate belonging to the monasteries and 
churches, throughout the kingdom, after being 
valued, was to be taken for the use of the govern- 
ment. A quantity of it, belonging to a city in the 
Abruzzi, was in fact put up to be sent to Naples; 
but it caused such a tumult among the people, that 
it was found expedient to suspend proceedings in 
the matter for the present. 

The viceroy still further enlarged his resources 
by the sequestration of the revenues belonging to 
such ecclesiastics as resided in Rome. By these 
various expedients, the duke of Alva found him- 
self in possession of sufficient funds for carrying 
on the war as he desired. He mustered a force of 
twenty-two, or, as some accounts state, twenty-five 
thousand men. Of these three thousand only were 
Spanish veterans, five thousand were Germans, 
and the remainder Italians, chiefly from the 
Abruzzi, — for the most part raw recruits, on 
whom little reliance was to be placed. He had 
besides seven hundred men-at-arms and fifteen 
hundred light horse. His army therefore, though, 
as far as the Italians were concerned, inferior in 
discipline to that of his antagonist, was greatly 
superior in numbers.^ 

8 Giannone, Istorla di NapoH, e Filippo Secondo, MS. — Andrea, 
torn. X. p. 35. Gucrra de Roma, p. 237. — Ossoiio, 

9 Nores, Guerra fra Paolo Quarto Albae Vita, torn. II. p. 64. 


In a council of war that was called, some 
were of opinion that the viceroy should act 
on the defensive, and await the approach of the 
enemy in the neighborhood of the capital. But 
Alva looked on this as a timid course, arguing 
distrust in himself, and likely to infuse distrust 
into his followers. He determined to march at 
once against the enemy, and prevent his gaining 
a permanent foothold in the kingdom. 

Pescara, on the Adriatic, was appointed as the 
place of rendezvous for the army, and Alva quitted 
the city of Naples for that place on the eleventh of 
April, 1557. Here he concentrated his whole 
strength, and received his artillery and military 
stores, which were brought to him by water. 
Having reviewed his troops, he began his march 
to the north. On reaching E,io Umano, he 
detached a strong body of troops to get pos- 
session of Giulia Nuova, a town of some impor- 
tance lately seized by the enemy. Alva sup- 
posed, and it seems correctly, that the French 
commander had secured this as a good place of 
retreat in case of his failure before Civitella, since 
its position was such as would enable him readily 
to keep up his communications with the sea. The 
French garrison sallied out against the Spaniards, 
but were driven back with loss; and, as Alva's 
troops followed close in their rear, the enemy 
fled in confusion through the streets of the city, 
and left it in the hands of the victors. In this 
commodious position, the viceroy for the present 
took up his quarters. 


On the approach of the Spanish army, the duke 
of Guise saw the necessity of bringing his opera- 
tions against Civitella to a decisive issue. He 
accordingly, as a last effort, prepared for a general 
assault. But, although it was conducted with 
great spirit, it was repulsed with still greater by 
the garrison; and the French commander, deeply 
mortified at his repeated failures, saw the neces- 
sity of abandoning the siege. lie could not effect 
even this without sustaining some loss from the 
brave defenders of Civitella, who sallied out on 
his rear, as he drew off his discomfited troops to 
the neighboring valley of Nireto. Thus ended 
the siege of Civitella, which, by the confidence it 
gave to the loyal Neapolitans throughout the coun- 
try, as well as by the leisure it afforded to Alva 
for mustering his resources, may be said to have 
decided the fate of the war. The siege lasted 
twenty-two days, during fourteen of which the 
guns from the four batteries of the French had 
played incessantly on the beleaguered city. The 
viceroy was filled with admiration at the heroic 
conduct of the inhabitants ; and, in token of respect 
for it, granted some important immunities, to be 
enjoyed for ever by the citizens of Civitella. The 
women, too, came in for their share of the honors, 
as whoever married a maiden of Civitella was to be 
allowed the same immunities, from whatever part 
of the country he might come.^^ 

10 The particulars of the siege res, Guerra fra Paolo Quaito e 
of Civitella may be found in No- Filippo Secondo, MS. ; Andrea, 


The two armies were now quartered within a 
few miles of each other. Yet no demonstration 
was made, on either side, of bringing matters to 
the issue of a battle. This was foreign to Alva's 
policy, and was not to be expected from Guise, so 
inferior in strength to his antagonist. On the 
viceroy's quitting Giulia Nuova, however, to 
occupy a position somewhat nearer the French 
quarters, Guise did not deem it prudent to remain 
there any longer, but, breaking up his camp, re- 
treated, with his whole army, across the Tronto, 
and, without further delay, evacuated the kingdom 
of Naples. 

The Spanish general made no attempt to pursue, 
or even to molest his adversary in his retreat. For 
this he has been severely criticized, more particu- 
larly as the passage of a river offers many points 
of advantage to an assailant. But, in truth, Alva 
never resorted to fighting when he could gain 
his end without it. In an appeal to arms, however 
favorable may be the odds, there must always be 
some doubt as to the result. But the odds here 
were not so decisively on the side of the Spaniards 
as they appeared. The duke of Guise carried off 
his battalions in admirable order, protecting his 
rear with the flower of his infantry and with his 
cavalry, in which last he was much superior to 
his enemy. Thus the parts of the hostile armies 

Guerra de Roma, p. 222 et seq. ; lib. III. cap. 9 ; Dc Thou, Histoire 
Ossorio, AlbaB Vita, torn. 11. pp. Unlversellc, torn. III. p. 87 et 
53 - i»9 ; Cabrera, Filipc Segundo, seq., &c. 

192 WAR WITH THE POPE. [Book i 

likely to have been brought into immediate conflict 
would have afforded no certain assurance of suc- 
cess to the Spaniards. Alva's object had been, 
not so much to defeat the French as to defend 
Naples. This he had now achieved, with but 
little loss ; and, rather than incur the risk of 
greater, he was willing, in the words of an old 
proverb, to make a bridge of silver for the flying 
foe.^^ In the words of Alva himself, "he had no 
idea of staking the kingdom of Naples against the 
embroidered coat of the duke of Guise." ^^ 

On the retreat of the French, Alva laid siege at 
once to two or three places, of no great note, in 
the capture of which he and his lieutenants were 
guilty of the most deliberate cruelty ; though, 
in the judgment of the chronicler, it was not 
cruelty, but a wholesome severity, designed as a 
warning to such petty places not to defy the royal 
authority .^^ Soon after this, Alva himself crossed 
the Tronto, and took up a position not far removed 
from the French, who lay in the neighborhood of 
Ascoli. Although the two armies were but a few 
miles asunder, there was no attempt at hostilities, 
with the exception of a skirmish in which but a 
small number on either side Avere engaged, and 

^^ " Quiso guardar el precepto ra y Figueroa, Resultas de la Vida 

de guerraque es: Hazer la puente del Duque de Alva, p. 66. 
de plata al enemigo, que se va." i^ " Quiso usar alii desta severi- 

Andrea, Guerra de Roma, p. dad, no por crueza, sino para dar 

285. exemplo a los otros, que no se 

12 " No pensava jugar el Reyno atreuiesse un lugarejo a defenderse 

de Napoles contra una casaca de de un exercito real." Andrea, 

brocado del Duque de Guisa." Ve- Guerra de Roma, p. 292. 


which termmated in favor of the Spaniards. This 
state of things was at length ended by a summons 
from the pope to the French commander to draw 
nearer to Rome, as he needed his presence for the 
protection of the capital. The duke, glad, no 
doubt, of so honorable an apology for his retreat, 
and satisfied with having so long held his ground 
against a force superior to his own, fell back, in 
good order, upon Tivoli, which, as it commanded 
the great avenues to Rome on the east, and afi'ord- 
ed good accommodations for his troops, he made 
his head-quarters for the present. The manner in 
which the duke of Alva adhered to the plan of 
defensive operations settled at the beginning of 
the campaign, and that, too, under circumstances 
which would have tempted most men to depart 
from such a plan, is a remarkable proof of his per- 
severance and inflexible spirit. It proves, more- 
over, the empire w^hich he held over the minds of 
his followers, that, under such circumstances, he 
could maintain implicit obedience to his orders. 

The cause of the pope's alarm was the rapid 
successes of Alva's confederate, Mark Antony 
Colonna, who had defeated the papal levies, and 
taken one place after another in the Campagna, 
till the Romans began to tremble for their capital. 
Colonna was now occupied with the siege of Segni, 
a place of considerable importance ; and the duke 
of Alva, relieved of the presence of the Frencli, 
resolved to march to his support. He accordingly 

recrossed the Tronto, and, passing through the 
VOL. I. 8 25 R 


Neapolitan territory, halted for some days at Sora. 
He then traversed the frontier, but had not pene- 
trated far into the Campagna when he received 
tidings of the fall of Segni. That strong place, 
after a gallant defence, had been taken by storm. 
All the usual atrocities were perpetrated by the 
brutal soldiery. Even the sanctity of the convents 
did not save them from pollution. It was in vain 
that Colonna interfered to prevent these excesses. 
The voice of authority was little heeded in the 
tempest of passion. — It mattered little, in that age, 
into whose hands a captured city fell ; Germans, 
French, Italians, it was all the same. The wretch- 
ed town, so lately flourishing, it might be, in all 
the pride of luxury and wealth, was claimed as the 
fair spoil of the victors. It was their prize-money, 
which served in default of payment of their long 
arrears, — usually long in those days ; and it was 
a mode of payment as convenient for the general 
as for his soldiers.^* 

The fall of Segni caused the greatest consterna- 
tion in the capital. The next thing, it was said, 
would be to assault the capital itself. Paul the 
Fourth, incapable of fear, was filled with impotent 
fury. " They have taken Segni," he said in a con- 
clave of the cardinals ; " they have murdered the peo- 
ple, destroyed their property, fired their dwellings. 
Worse than this, they will next pillage Palliano. 
Even this will not fill up the measure of their cru- 

1'* Andrea, Gucrra dc lloma, p. p. 9G. — Norcs, Gucrra fra Paolo 
302. — Ossorio, Alba3 Vita, torn. 11. Quarto c Fillppo Sccoiido, MS. 


elty. They will sack the city of Rome itself ; nor 
will they respect even my person. But, for my 
self, I long to be with Christ, and await without 
fear the crown of martyrdom." ^^ Paul the Fourth, 
after having brought this tempest upon Italy, be- 
gan to consider himself a martyr ! 

Yet even in this extremity, though urged on all 
sides to make concessions, he would abate nothing 
of his haughty tone. He insisted, as a sine qua 
non^ that Alva should forthwith leave the Roman 
territory and restore his conquests. When these 
conditions were reported to the duke, he coolly 
remarked, that " his holiness seemed to be under 
the mistake of supposing that his own army was 
before Naples, instead of the Spanish army being 
at the gates of Rome." -^^ 

After the surrender of Segni, Alva effected a 
junction with the Italian forces, and marched to 
the town of Colona, in the Campagna, where for 
the present he quartered his army. Here he 
formed the plan of an enterprise, the adventurous 
character of which it seems difficult to reconcile 
with his habitual caution. This was a night as- 
sault on Rome. He did not communicate his 

15 « Los enemigos han tornado a " Si mostro prontissimo e disposto 

Sena con saco, muerte, y fuego. di sostenere il martirio." Nores, 

.... Entraran en Roma, y la sa- Guerra fra Paolo Quarto e Filippo 

queran, y prenderan a mi persona; Secondo, MS. 

y yo, que dcsseo ser co Christo, 16 Andrea, Guerra dc Roma, p^ 

aizuardo sin miedo la corona del 306. 
tiiartirio." Andrea, Guen^a de Ro- 
ma, p. 303. 

196 WAR WITH THE POPE. [Book 1 

whole purpose to his officers, but simply ordered 
them to prepare to march on the following night, 
the twenty-sixth of August, against a neighboring 
city, the name of which he did not disclose. It 
was a wealthy place, he said, but he was most 
anxious that no violence should be offered to the 
inhabitants, in either their persons or property. 
The soldiers should be forbidden even to enter the 
dwellings ; but he promised that the loss of booty 
should be compensated by increase of pay. The 
men were to go lightly armed, without baggage, 
and with their shirts over their mail, affording 
the best means of recognizing one another in the 

The night was obscure, but unfortunately a 
driving storm of rain set in, which did such dam- 
age to the roads as greatly to impede the march, 
and the dawn was nigh at hand when the troops 
reached the place of destination. To their great 
surprise, they then understood that the object of 
attack was Rome itself. 

Alva halted at a short distance from the city, in 
a meadow, and sent forward a sm^all party to re- 
connoitre the capital, which seemed to slumber in 
quiet. But, on a nearer approach, the Spaniards 
saw a great light, as if occasioned by a multitude 
of torches, that seemed glancing to and fro with- 
in the walls, inferring some great stir among the 
inhabitants of that quarter. Soon after this, a 
few horsemen were seen to issue from one of the 
gates, and ride off in the direction of the French 


camp at Tivoli. The duke, on receiving the 
report, was satisfied that the Romans had, in 
some way or other, got notice of his design ; 
that the horsemen had gone to give the alarm 
to the French in Tivoli ; and that he should 
soon find himself between two enemies. Not 
relishing this critical position, he at once aban- 
doned his design, and made a rapid counter- 
march on the place he had left the preceding 

In his conjectures the duke was partly in the 
right and partly in the wrong. The lights which 
were seen glancing within the town were owing to 
the watchfulness of Carafia, who, from some appre- 
hensions of an attack, in consequence of informa- 
tion he had received of preparations in the Spanish 
camp, was patrolling this quarter before daybreak 
to see that all was safe; but the horsemen who 
left the gates at that early hour in the direction 
of the French camp were far from thinking that 
hostile battalions lay within gunshot of their 

Such is the account we have of this strange 
affair. Some historians assert that it was not the 
duke's design to attack Rome, but only to make a 
feint, and, by the panic which he would create, to 
afi'ord the pope a good pretext for terminating the 

17 Nores, Guerra fra Paolo Quar- vagcro. — Ossorlo, Albae Vita, 

i« e Filippo Secondo, MS. — An- torn. 11. p. 117 et seq. — Cabrera, 

diea, Guerra de Roma, pp. 306- Filipe Segundo, lib. IV. cap. 11. 
^11. — Relazione di Bernardo Na- 

8 11* 

198 WAR WITH THE POPE. [Book I. 

war. In support of this, it is said that he told his 
son Ferdinand, just before his departure, that he 
feared it would be impossible to prevent the troops 
from sacking the city, if they once set foot in it.^^ 
Other accounts state that it was no feint, but a 
surprise meditated in good earnest, and defeated 
only by the apparition of the lights and the seem- 
ing state of preparation in which the place was 
found. Indeed, one writer asserts that he saw the 
scaling-ladders, brought by a corps of two hundred 
arquebusiers, who were appointed to the service of 
mounting the walls.^^ 

The Venetian minister, Navagero, assures us 
that Alva's avowed purpose was to secure the per- 
son of his holiness, Avhich, he thought, must bring 
the war at once to a close. The duke's uncle, the 
cardinal of Sangiacomo, had warned his nephew, 
according to the same authority, not to incur the 
fate of their countrymen who had served under the 
Constable de Bourbon, at the sack of Rome, all 
of whom, sooner or later, had come to a miser- 
able end.^ This warning may have made some 
impression on the mind of Alva, who, however 
inflexible by nature, had conscientious scruples 

18 " Dixo a Don Fernando de Figliuol mio, avete fatto bene a 
Toledo sii hijo estas palabras : Te- non entrare in Roma, come so clie 
mo que hemos de saquear a Roma, avete potuto ; e vi esorto die non 
y no querrla." Andrea, Guerra lo faeciate mai ; perche, tutti quelli 
de Roma, p. 312. della nostra nazione ehe si trova- 

19 Ibid., ubi supra. rono all* ultimo sacco, sono capitati 
^ " II Cardinal Sangiacomo, suo male." Relazione di Bernardo Na» 

«io, dopo la tregua di quaranta vagero. 
giorni, fu a vederlo e gli disse : 


of his own, and was, no doubt, accessible as oth- 
ers of his time to arguments founded on super- 

We cannot but admit that the whole affair, — 
the preparations for the assault, the counsel to the 
officers, and the sudden retreat on suspicion of a 
discovery, — all look very much like earnest. It is 
quite possible that the duke, as the Venetian as- 
serts, may have intended nothing beyond the seiz- 
ure of the pope. But that the matter would have 
stopped there, no one will believe. Once fairly 
within the walls, even the authority of Alva would 
have been impotent to restrain the license of the 
soldiery ; and the same scenes might have been 
acted over again as at the taking of Kome under 
the Constable de Bourbon, or on the capture of 
the ancient capital by the Goths. 

When the llomans, on the following morning, 
learned the peril they had been in during the 
night, and that the enemy had been prowling 
round, like wolves about a sheepfold, ready to 
rush in upon their sleeping victims, the whole 
city was seized with a panic. All the horrors of 
the sack by the Constable de Bourbon rose up to 
their imaginations, — or rather memories, for many 
there were who were old enough to remember that 
terrible day. They loudly clamored for peace 
before it was too late ; and they pressed the de- 
mand in a manner which showed that the mood of 
the people was a dangerous one. Strozzi, the most 
distinguished of the Italian captains, plainly told 


the pope that he had no choice but to come to 
terms with the enemy at once.^^ 

Paul was made more sensible of this by finding 
now, in his greatest need, the very arm withdrawn 
from him on which he most leaned for support. 
Tidings had reached the French camp of the deci- 
sive victory gained by the Spaniards at St. Quentin, 
and they were followed by a summons from the 
king to the duke of Guise, to return with his 
army, as speedily as possible, for the protection of 
Paris. The duke, who was probably not unwill- 
ing to close a campaign which had been so barren 
of laurels to the French, declared that " no chains 
were strong enough to keep him in Italy." He 
at once repaired to the Vatican, and there laid be- 
fore his holiness the commands of his master. 
The case was so pressing, that Paul could not in 
reason oppose the duke's departure. But he sel- 
dom took counsel of reason, and in a burst of pas- 
sion he exclaimed to Guise, " Go, then ; and take 
with you the consciousness of having done little 
for your king, still less for the Church, and noth- 
ing for your own honor." ^^ 

Negotiations were now opened for an accommo 
dation between the belligerents, at the town of 
Cavi. Cardinal Caraffa appeared in behalf of his 
uncle, the pope, and the duke of Alva for the 
Spaniards. Through the mediation of Venice, the 
terms of the treaty were finally settled, on the 

21 Relazione di Bernardo Nava- 22 SIsmondi, Histoire des Fran, 
gero. 9ais, torn. XVIIL p. 41. 


fourteenth of September, although the inflexible 
pontiff still insisted on concessions nearly as ex- 
travagant as those he had demanded before. It 
was stipulated in a preliminary article, that the 
duke of Alva should publicly ask pardon, and re- 
ceive absolution, for having borne arms against 
the holy see. " Sooner than surrender this point," 
said Paul, " I would see the whole world perish ; 
and this, not so much for my own sake as for the 
honor of Jesus Christ."^ 

It was provided by the treaty, that the Spanish 
troops should be immediately withdrawn from the 
territory of the Church, that all the places taken 
from the Church should be at once restored, and 
that the French army should be allowed a free 
passage to their own country. Philip did not 
take so good care of his allies as Paul did of his. 
Colonna, who had done the cause such good ser- 
vice, was not even reinstated in the possessions of 
which the pope had deprived him. But a secret 
article provided that his claims should be deter- 
mined hereafter by the joint arbitration of the 
pontiff and the king of Spain.^* 

The treaty was, in truth, one which, as Alva 
bitterly remarked, " seemed to have been dictated 
by the vanquished rather than by the victor." 
It came hard to the duke to execute it, espe- 

23 Giannone, Istorla di Napoli, De Thou, Hlstolre Universelle, 

torn. X. p. 43. torn. III. p. 128. — Giannone; 

'-^ Nores, Guerra fra Paolo Quar- Istoria di NapoH, torn. X. p. 

to e Fillppo Secondo, MS. — An- 45. — Ossorlo, Albae Vita, torn, 

drea, Guerra de Roma, p. 314. — II. p. 131. 

vol.. I. 2G 

202 WAR WITH THE POPE. [Book 1 

cially the clause relating to himself. " Were I 
the king," said he haughtily. " his holiness should 
send one of his nephews to Brussels, to sue for 
my pardon, instead of my general's suing for 
his.'^ But Alva had no power to consult his 
own will in the matter. The orders from Philip 
were peremptory, to come to some terms, if possi- 
ble, with the pope. Philip had long since made 
up his own mind, that neither profit nor honor 
was to be derived from a war with the Church, — 
a war not only repugnant to his own feelings, but 
which placed him in a false position, and one most 
prejudicial to his political interests. 

The news of peace filled the Romans with a joy 
great in proportion to their former consternation. 
Nor was this joy much diminished by a calamity 
which at any other time would have thrown the 
city into mourning. The Tiber, swollen by the 
autumnal rains, rose above its banks, sweeping 
away houses and trees in its fury, drowning men 
and cattle, and breaking down a large piece of the 
wall that surrounded the city. It was well that 
this accident had not occurred a few days earlier, 
when the enemy was at the gates.^^ 

On the twenty-seventh of September, 1557, the 
duke of Alva made his public entrance into Pome. 
He was escorted by the papal guard, dressed in its 

25 " HoGfs:! il mio Re lia fatto missioni a sua Maesta che io vengo 

una gran sciocchezza, e se io fossi hora dl fare a sua Santita." Leti, 

stato in suo luogo, et cgli nel mio, Vita di Filippo IL, torn. I. p. 293. 

il Cardinal Caraf'a sarebbe andato ^6 Relazione di Bernardo Na- 

in Fiandra a far quelle stesse som- vagcro. 


gay uniform. It was joined by the other troops 
in the city, who, on this holiday service, did as 
well as better soldiers. On entering the gates, the 
concourse was swelled by thousands of citizens, 
who made the air ring with their acclamations, as 
they saluted the Spanish general with the titles of 
Defender and Liberator of the capital. The epi- 
thets might be thought an indiiferent compliment 
to their own government. In this state the pro- 
cession moved along, like the triumph of a con- 
queror returned from his victorious campaigns to 
receive the wreath of laurel in the capitol. 

On reaching the Vatican, the Spanish com- 
mander, fell on his knees before the pope, and 
asked his pardon for the offence of bearing arms 
against the Church. Paul, soothed by this show 
of concession, readily granted absolution. He 
paid the duke the distinguished honor of giv- 
ing him a seat at his own table ; while he com- 
plimented the duchess by sending her the conse- 
crated golden rose, reserved only for royal persons 
and illustrious champions of the Church.^^ 

Yet the haughty spirit of Alva saw in all this 
more of humiliation than of triumph. His con- 
science, like that of his master, was greatly re- 
lieved by being discharged from the responsibili- 
ties of such a war. But he had also a military 
conscience, which seemed to be quite as much 

27 Giannone, Istoria (li Napoli, condo, MS. — Lcti, Vita di Fillp- 
^om. X. p. 45. — Norcs, Guerra po II., torn. I. p. 293. — Andrea, 
fra Paolo Quarto e Fillppo Se- Guerra de Roma, p. 31G. 


Bcandalized by the conditions of the peace. He 
longed to be once more at Naples, where the 
state of things imperatively required his presence. 
When he returned there, he found abundant occu- 
pation in reforming the abuses which had grown 
out of the late confusion, and especially in restor- 
ing, as far as possible, the shattered condition of 
the finances, — a task hardly less difficult than that 
of driving out the French from Naples.^^ 

Thus ended the war with Paul the Fourth, — a 
war into which that pontiff had plunged without 
preparation, which he had conducted without j udg- 
ment, and terminated without honor. Indeed, it 
brought little honor to any of the parties CQncerned 
in it, but, on the other hand, a full measure of 
those calamities which always follow in the train 
of war. 

The French met with the same fate which uni- 
formly befell them, when, lured by the phantom of 
military glory, they crossed the Alps to lay waste 
the garden of Italy, — in the words of their ow^n 
proverb, "the grave of the French." The duke 
of Guise, after a vexatious campaign, in which 
it was his greatest glory that he had sustained 

28 Charles the Fifth, who re- despatches which Alva sent to him, 

ceived tidings of the peace at saying that he already knew 

Yuste, was as much disgusted with enough : and for a long time after 

the terms of it as the duke him- *' he was heard to mutter between 

self. lie even vented his indig- his teeth," in a tone which plainly 

nation against the duke, as if he showed the nature of his thoughts. 

had been the author of the peace. Retiro y Estancia, ap. Mignet 

He would not consent to read the Charles-Quint, p. 307 


no actual defeat, thought himself fortunate in 
being allowed a free passage, with the shattered 
remnant of his troops, back to his own country. 
Naples, besides the injuries she had sustained on 
her borders, was burdened with a debt which con- 
tinued to press heavily for generations to come. 
Nor were her troubles ended by the peace. In 
the spring of the following year, 1558, a Turk- 
ish squadron appeared off Calabria ; and, running 
down the coast, the Moslems made a landing on 
several points, sacked some of the principal towns, 
butchered the inhabitants, or swept them off into 
hopeless slavery .^^ Such were some of the blessed 
fruits of the alliance between the grand seignior 
and the head of the Catholic Church. Solyman 
had come into the league at the invitation of the 
Christian princes. But it was not found so easy 
to lay the spirit of mischief as it had been to 
raise it. 

The weight of the war, however, fell, as was 
just, most heavily on the author of it. Paul, 
from his palace of the Vatican, could trace the 
march of the enemy by the smoking ruins of the 
Campagna. He saw his towns sacked, his troops 
scattered, his very capital menaced, his subjects 
driven by ruinous taxes to the verge of rebellion. 
Even peace, when it did come, secured to him 
none of the objects for which he had contended, 
while he had the humiliating consciousness that he 
owed this peace, not to his own arms, but to I he 

^ Giannonc, Istoria di Napoli, torn. X. p. 46. 

8 S 


forbearance — or the superstition of his enemies 
One lesson he might have learned, — that the thun- 
ders of the Vatican could no longer strike terror 
into the hearts of princes, as in the days of the 

In this war Paul had called in the French to 
aid him in driving out the Spaniards. The French, 
he said, might easily be dislodged hereafter; "but 
the Spaniards were like dog-grass, which is sure to 
strike root wherever it is cast." — This was the 
last great effort that was made to overturn the 
Spanish power in Naples ; and the sceptre of that 
kingdom continued to be transmitted in the dy- 
nasty of Castile, with as little opposition as that of 
any other portion of its broad empire. 

Being thus relieved of his military labors, Paul 
set about those great reforms, the expectation of 
which had been the chief inducement to his 
election. But first he gave a singular proof of 
self-command, in the reforms which he introduced 
into his own family. Previously to his election, 
no one, as we have seen, had declaimed more 
loudly than Paul against nepotism, — the beset- 
ting sin of his predecessors, who, most of them 
old men and without children, naturally sought a 
substitute for these in their nephew^s and those 
nearest of kin. Paul's partiality for his nephews 
was made the more conspicuous by the profligacy 
of their characters. Yet the real bond which held 
the parties together was hatred of the Spaniards. 
When peace came, and this bond of union was 


dissolved, Paul readily opened his ears to the 
accusations against his kinsmen. Convinced at 
length of their unworthiness, and of the flagrant 
manner in which they had abused his confidence, 
he deprived the Carafias of all their offices, and 
banished them to the farthest part of his domin- 
ions. By the sterner sentence of his successor, two 
of the brothers, the duke and the cardinal, per- 
ished by the hand of the public executioner.^ 

After giving this proof of mastery over his own 
feelings, Paul addressed himself to those reforms 
which had engaged his attention in early life. 
He tried to enforce a stricter discipline and greater 
regard for morals, both in the religious orders and 
the secular clergy. Above all, he directed his 
efforts against the Protestant heresy, which had 
begun to show itself in the head of Christendom, 
as it had long since done in the extremities. The 
course he adopted was perfectly characteristic. 
Scorning the milder methods of argument and 
persuasion, he resorted wholly to persecution. 
The Inquisition, he declared, was the true battery 
with which to assail the defences of the heretic. 
He suited the action so well to the word, that in 
a short time the prisons of the Holy Office were 
filled with the accused. In the general distrust 
no one felt himself safe ; and a panic was created, 
scarcely less than that felt by the inhabitants when 
the Spaniards were at their gates. 

30 Glannone, Istoria cli Napoli, Paolo Quarto e Filippo Secondo, 
turn. X. p. 50. — Nores, Gueira fra MS. 

208 WAR WITH THE POPE. [Book 1 

Happily, their fears were dispelled by the death 
of Paul, which took place suddenly, from a fever, 
on the eighteenth of August, 1559, in the eighty- 
third year of his age, and fifth of his pontificate. 
Before the breath was out of his body, the popu- 
lace rose en masse, broke open the prisons of the In- 
quisition, and liberated all who were confined there. 
They next attacked the house of the grand-inquisi- 
tor, which they burned to the ground; and that 
functionary narrowly escaped with his life. They 
tore down the scutcheons, bearing the arms of the 
family of Caraffa, which were affixed to the public 
edifices. They wasted their rage on the senseless 
statue of the pope, which they overturned, and, 
breaking ofi" the head, rolled it, amidst the groans 
and execrations of the by-standers, into the Tiber. 
Such was the fate of the reformer who, in his 
reforms, showed no touch of humanity, no sympa- 
thy with the sufierings of his species.^^ 

Yet, with all its defects, there is something in 
the character of Paul the Fourth that may chal- 
lenge our admiration. His project — renewing 
that of Julius the Second — of driving out the 
harharians from Italy, Avas nobly conceived, though 
impracticable. "Whatever others may feel, I at 
least will have some care for my country," he once 
said to the Venetian ambassador. "If my voice 
is unheeded, it will at least be a consolation to me 
to reflect, that it has been raised in such a cause ; 

^l Nores, Guerra fra Paolo Quar- annone, Istoria (H Napoli, torn. X. 
to e Filippo Secondo, MS. — Gi- p. 50. 

Ch. VI.] 



and that it will one day be said that an old Italian, 
on the verge of the grave, who might be thought 
to have nothing better to do than to give him- 
self up to repose, and weep over his sins, had his 
soul filled with this lofty design." ^^ 

«® " Delia quale se altrl non vo- 
le va aver cur£^, voleva almeno avcr- 
la esso; e sebbene i suoi consigli 
non fossero uditi, avrebbe almeno 
la consolazione di avere avuto 
quest' animo, e che si dicesse un 

glorno : che un vecchio itallanc 
che, essendo vicino alia morte, do- 
veva attendere a riposare e a pi- 
angere i suoi peccati, avesse avuto 
tanto alti dlsegni." Relazione di 
Bernardo Navasero. 

VOL. I. 




Eijj^land joins in the War. — Philip's Preparations. — Siege of St. 
Quentin. — French Army routed. — Storming of St. Quentin. — 
Successes of the Spaniards. 


While the events related in the precedmg 
chapter were passing in Italy, the war was waged 
on a larger scale, and with more important re- 
sults, in the northern provinces of France. As 
soon as Henry had broken the treaty, and sent 
his army across the Alps, Philip lost no time in 
assembling his troops, although in so quiet a 
manner as to attract as little attention as possible. 
His preparations were such as enabled him, not 
merely to defend the frontier of the Netherlands, 
but to carry the war into the enemy's country. 

He despatched his confidential minister, Ruy 
Gomez, to Spain, for supplies both of men and 
money; instructing him to visit his father, Charles 
the Fifth, and, after acquainting him with the 
state of affairs, to solicit his aid in raising the 
necessary funds.^ 

1 Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. Felipe Scgundo a Ruy Gomez de 
IV. cap. 2. — Carta del Rcy Don Silva a XL de Mar^o, 1557, MS. 


Philip had it much at heart to bring England 
into the war. During his stay in the Low Coun- 
tries, he was in constant communication with the 
English cabinet, and took a lively interest in the 
government of the kingdom. The minutes of the 
privy council were regularly sent to him, and as 
regularly returned with his remarks, in his own 
handwriting, on the margin. In this way he 
discussed and freely criticized every measure of 
importance ; and, on one occasion, we find him 
requiring that nothing of moment should be 
brought before parliament until it had first been 
submitted to him.^ 

In March, 1557, Philip paid a second visit to 
England, where he was received by his fond queen 
in the most tender and afiectionate manner. In 
her letters she had constantly importuned him to 
return to her. On that barren eminence which 
placed her above the reach of friendship, Mary 
was dependent on her husband for sympathy and 
support. But if the channel of her affections was 
narrow, it was deep. 

Philip found no difficulty in obtaining the 
queen's consent to his wishes with respect to the 
war with France. She was induced to this, not 
merely by her habitual deference to her husband, 

— Papiers d' Etat de Granvelle, the commentaries of Philip by the 
torn. V. pp. 61, 63. side of thirra. The commentaries, 
2 Tytler, in his England under which are all in the royal auto- 
Edward VI. and Mary, (vol. II. graph, seem to be as copious as 
p. 483,) has printed extracts from the minutes themselves, 
the minutes of the council, with 


but by natural feelings of resentment at the policy 
of Henry the Second. She had put up with af- 
fronts, more than once, from the French ambas- 
sador, in her own court ; and her throne had been 
menaced by repeated conspiracies, which, if not 
organized, had been secretly encouraged by France. 
Still, it was not easy to bring the English nation 
to this way of thinking. It had been a particular 
proviso of the marriage treaty, that England should 
not be made a party to the war against France ; 
and subsequent events had tended to sharpen the 
feeling of jealousy rather towards the Spaniards 
than towards the French. 

The attempted insurrection of Stafford, who 
crossed over from the shores of France at this 
time, did for Philip what possibly neither his own 
arguments nor the authority of Mary could have 
done. It was the last of the long series of indig- 
nities which had been heaped on the country from 
the same quarter ; and parliament now admitted 
that it was no longer consistent with its honor to 
keep terms with a power which persisted in fo- 
menting conspiracies to overturn the government 
and plunge the nation into civil war. On the 
seventh of June, a herald was despatched, with 
the formality of ancient and somewhat obsolete 
usages, to proclaim war against the French king 
in the presence of his court and in his capital. 
This was done in such a bold tone of defiance, that 
the hot old constable, Montmorency, whose mode 
of proceeding, as we have seen, was apt to be sum- 


mary, strongly urged his master to hang up the 
envoy on the spot.^ 

The state of affairs imperatively demanded 
Philip's presence in the Netherlands, and, after 
a residence of less than four months in London, he 
bade a final adieu to his disconsolate queen, whose 
excessive fondness may have been as little to his 
taste as the coldness of her subjects. 

Nothing could be more forlorn than the condi- 
tion of Mary. Her health wasting under a dis- 
ease that cheated her with illusory hopes, which 
made her ridiculous in the eyes of the world ; her 
throne, her very life, continually menaced by con- 
spiracies, to some of which even her own sister 
was supposed to be privy ; her spirits affected by 
the consciousness of the decline of her popularity 
under the gloomy system of persecution into which 
she had been led by her ghostly advisers ; without 
friends, without children, almost it might be said 
without a husband, — she was alone in the world, 
more to be commiserated than the meanest subject 
in her dominions. She has had little commisera- 
tion, however, from Protestant writers, who paint 
her in the odious colors of a fanatic. This has 
been compensated, it may be thought, by the Ro- 
man Catholic historians, who have invested the 
English queen with all the glories of the saint and 

3 Herrera, Historia General del 13. — Gaillard, Histoire de la Ri« 

Mundo, de XV. Afios del Tiempo valite de la France et de I'Espagne, 

del Senor Rcy Don F.elipe II., (Paris, 1801,) torn. V. p. 243. 
(Valladolid, 1606,) lib. IV. cap. 


the martyr. Experience may convince us that 
public acts do not always furnish a safe criterion 
of private character, — especially when these acts 
are connected with religion. In the Catholic 
Church the individual might seem to be relieved, 
in some measure, of his moral responsibility, by the 
system of discipline which intrusts his conscience 
to the keeping of his spiritual advisers. If the 
lights of the present day allow no man to plead so 
humiliating an apology, this was not the case in 
the first half of the sixteenth century, — the age 
of Mary, — when the Reformation had not yet 
diffused that spirit of independence in religious 
speculation, which, in some degree at least, has 
now found its way to the darkest corner of Chris 

A larger examination of contemporary docu- 
ments, especially of the queen's own correspond- 
ence, justifies the inference, that, with all the in- 
firmities of a temper soured by disease, and by 
the difiiculties of her position, she possessed many 
of the good qualities of her illustrious progeni- 
tors, Katharine of Aragon and Isabella of Castile ; 
the same conjugal tenderness and devotion, the 
same courage in times of danger, the same earnest 
desire, misguided as she was, to do her duty, — 
and, unfortunately, the same bigotry. It was, in- 
deed, most unfortunate, in Mary's case, as in that 
of the Catholic queen, that this bigotry, from their 
position as independent sovereigns, should have 
been attended with such fatal consequences as 


have left an indelible blot on the history of their 

On his return to Brussels, Philip busied himself 
with preparations for the campaign. He employed 
the remittances from Spain to subsidize a large 
body of German mercenaries. Germany was the 
country which furnished, at this time, more sol- 
diers of fortune than any other ; men who served 
indifferently under the banner that Avould pay 
them best. They were not exclusively made up 
of infantry, like the Swiss, but, besides pikemen, — 
lanzlmechts, — they maintained a stout array of 
cavalry, reiters, as they were called, — " riders," — 
w^ho, together with the cuirass and other defensive 
armor, carried pistols, probably of rude workman- 
ship, but which made them formidable from the 
weapon being little known in that day. They 
were, indeed, the most dreaded troops of their 
time. The men-at-arms, encumbered with their 
unwieldy lances, were drawn up in line, and re- 
quired an open plain to manoeuvre to advantage, 
being easily discomposed by obstacles ; and once 
broken, they could hardly rally. But the reiters^ 
each with five or six pistols in his belt, were 
formed into columns of considerable depth, the 
size of their weapons allowing them to go through 
all the evolutions of light cavalry, in which they 
were perfectly drilled. Philip's cavalry was fur- 

^ See Tytler's valuable work, candid author to conclusions eml- 
Kcigns of Edward VI. and INIary. ncntly favorable to the personal 
rhc compilation ( f this work led its character of Queen Mary. 


ther strengthened by a fine corps of Burgundian 
lances, and by a great number of nobles and 
cavaliers from Spain, who had come to gather 
laurels in the fields of France, under the eye of 
their young sovereign. The flower of his infan- 
try, too, was drawn from Spain ; men who, inde- 
pendently of the indifference to danger, and won- 
derful endurance, which made the Spanish soldier 
inferior to none of the time, were animated by 
that loyalty to the cause which foreign mercenaries 
could not feel. In addition to these, the king ex- 
pected, and soon after received, a reinforcement of 
eight thousand English . under the earl of Pem- 
broke. They might well fight bravely on the soil 
where the arms of England had won two of the 
most memorable victories in her history. 

The whole force, exclusive of the English, 
amounted to thirty-five thousand foot and twelve 
thousand horse, besides a good train of battering 
artillery.^ The command of this army was given 
to Emanuel Philibert, prince of Piedmont, better 
known by his title of duke of Savoy. No man 
had a larger stake in the contest, for he had been 
stripped of his dominions by the French, and his 

5 Conf. De Thou, Histoire Uni- tent himself with what seems to be 

verselle, tom. III. p. 148 ; Cabrera, the closest approximation to the 

Filipe Segimdo, lib. IV. cap. 4 ; truth. Some writers carry the 

Campana, Vita del Re Filippo Se- Spanish foot to fifty thousand. I 

condo, parte II. lib. 9 ; Herrera, have followed the more temperate 

Ilistoria General, lib. IV. cap. 14. statement of the contemporary De 

The historian here, as almost Thou, who would not be likely to 
everywhere else wlicre numerical underrate the strength of an en- 
estimates arc concerned, must con- emy. 



recovery of them depended on the issue of the wan 
He was at this time but twenty-nine years of age ; 
but he had had large experience in military af- 
fairs, and had been intrusted by Charles the Fifth, 
who had early discerned his capacity, with impor- 
tant commands. His whole life may be said to 
have trained him for the profession of arms. He 
had no taste for effeminate pleasures, but amused 
himself, in seasons of leisure, with the hardy 
exercise of the chase. He strengthened his con- 
stitution, naturally not very robust, by living as 
much as possible in the open air. Even when 
conversing, or dictating to his secretaries, he pre- 
ferred to do so walking in his garden. He was 
indifferent to fatigue. After hunting all day he 
would seem to require no rest, and in a campaign 
had been known, like the knights-errant of old, to 
eat, drink, and sleep in his armor for thirty days 

He was temperate in his habits, eating little, 
and drinking water. He was punctual in atten- 
tion to business, was sparing of his words, and, as 
one may gather from the piquant style of his let- 
ters, had a keen insight into character, looking 
below the surface of men's actions into their mo- 

His education had not been neglected. He 
spoke several languages fluently, and, though not 

8 See the letters of the duke business-like documents, seasoned 

published in the Papiers d'Etat de with lively criticisms on the charao 

Granvelle, (torn. V., passim,) — tors of those he ha<1 to deal with. 

VOL. I. 8 28 T 


a great reader, was fond of histories. He was 
much devoted to mathematical science, which 
served him in his profession, and he was reputed 
an excellent engineer/ In person the duke was 
of the middle size ; well-made, except that he was 
somewhat bow-legged. His complexion was fair, 
his hair light, and his deportment very agree- 

Such is the portrait of Emanuel Philibert, to 
whom Philip now intrusted the command of his 
forces, and whose pretensions he warmly supported 
as the suitor of Elizabeth of England. There was 
none more worthy of the royal maiden. But the 
duke was a Catholic ; and Elizabeth, moreover, had 
seen the odium which her sister had incurred by 
her marriage with a foreign sovereign. Philip, 
who would have used some constraint in the mat- 
ter, pressed it with such earnestness on the queen 
as proved how much importance he attached to the 
connection. Mary's conduct on the occasion was 
greatly to her credit; and, while she deprecated 
the displeasure of her lord, she honestly told him 
that she could not in conscience do violence to the 
inclinations of her sister.^ 

The plan of the campaign, as determined by 
Philip's cabinet,^ was that the duke should im- 
mediately besiege some one of the great towns 

7 Relazlone della Corte di Sa- Philip, in Strype, Catalogue of 
voja di Gio. Francesco Morosini, Originals, No. 56. 

1570, ap. Relazioni dcgli Amba- 9 Papiers d'Etat de Granvelle, 
sciatori Vencti, vol. IV. torn. V. p. 115. 

8 Sec the letter of the queen to 


on the northern borders of Picardy, which in a 
manner commanded the entrance into the Nether- 
lands. Rocroy was the first selected. But the 
garrison, who were well provided with ammu- 
nition, kept within their defences, and main- 
tained so lively a cannonade on the Spaniards, 
that the duke, finding the siege was likely to 
consume more time than it was worth, broke 
up his camp, and resolved to march against St. 
Quentin. This was an old frontier town of 
Picardy, important in time of peace as an entrepot 
for the trade that was carried on between France 
and the Low Countries. It formed a convenient 
place of deposit, at the present period, for such 
booty as marauding parties from time to time 
brought back from Flanders. It was well pro- 
tected by its natural situation, and the fortifi- 
cations had been originally strong; but, as in 
many of the frontier towns, they had been of 
late years much neglected. 

Before beginning operations against St. Quentin, 
the duke of Savoy, in order to throw the enemy off 
his guard, and prevent his introducing supplies 
into the town, presented himself before Guise^ 
and made a show of laying siege to that place. 
After this demonstration he resumed his march, 
and suddenly sat down before St. Quentin, invest- 
ing it with his whole army. 

Meanwhile the French had been anxiously 
watching the movements of their adversary. 
Their forces were assembled on several points 


in Picardy and Champagne. The prmcipal corps 
was under the command of the duke of Nevers, 
governor of the latter provmce, a nobleman of 
distinguished gallantry, and who had seen some 
active service. He now joined his forces to those 
under Montmorency, the constable of France, who 
occupied a central position in Picardy, and who 
noAV took the command, for which his rash and im- 
petuous temper but indifferently qualified him. As 
soon as the object of the Spaniards was known, 
it was resolved to reinforce the garrison of St. 
Quentin, which otherwise, it was understood, 
could not hold out a week. This perilous duty 
was assumed by Gaspard de Coligni, admiral of 
France.^^ This personage, the head of an ancient 
and honored house, was one of the most remark- 
able men of his time. His name has gained a 
mournful celebrity in the page of history, as that 
of the chief martyr in the massacre of St. Bar- 
tholomew. He embraced the doctrines of Calvin, 
and by his austere manners and the purity of his 
life well illustrated the doctrines he embraced 
The decent order of his household, and their scru- 
pulous attention to the services of religion, formed 
a striking contrast to the licentious conduct of too 
many of the Catholics, who, however, were as 
prompt as Coligni to do battle in defence of their 

10 De Thou, Ilistoire Univer- par M]\I. INIichaud et Poujoulat, 

Belle, torn. III. p. 147. — Commen- (Paris, 1838,) torn. VII. p. 535. — 

taires de Fi'ancois de Rabntin, ap. Herrera, Ilistoria General, lib. IV 

Kouvelle Collection des Memolres cap. 14. — Cabrera, Filipe Se 

pour servir a ITIistoire de France, j^undo, lib. IV. cap. 5. 


faith. In early life he was the gay companion of 
the duke of Guise.^^ But as the Calvinists, oi 
Huguenots, were driven by persecution to an inde- 
2)endent and even hostile position, the two friends, 
widely separated by oj^inion and by interest, were 
changed into mortal foes. That hour had not 
yet come. But the heresy that was soon to shake 
Prance to its centre was silently working under 

As the admiral was well instructed in military 
affairs, and was possessed of an intrepid spirit and 
great fertility of resource, he was precisely the 
person to undertake the difficult office of defend- 
ing St. Quentin. As governor of Picardy he felt 
this to be his duty. Without loss of time, he put 
himself at the head of some ten or twelve hundred 
men, horse and foot, and used such despatch that 
he succeeded in entering the place before it had 
been entirely invested. He had the mortification, 
however, to be followed only by seven hundred 
of his men, the remainder having failed through 
fatigue, or mistaken the path. 

The admiral found the place in even worse 
condition than he had expected. The fortifica- 
tions were much dilapidated; and in many parts 

11 " lis furent tous deux, dans fort enjoiiez et faisant des follies 

Icur jeunes ans, sy grands plus extravagantes que tous les 

compagnons, amis et confederez de autres ; et sur tout ne faisoient 

court, que j'ay ouy dire a plu- nulles follies qu'ils ne fissent mal, 

Bieurs qui les ont veus habiller le tant ils etoient rudes joiiours et 

plus souvant de mesraes parurcs, malheureuxenleursjeux." liran- 

inesTttes llvrees, tous deux tome, (Euvres.tom. III. p. 2G5. 

8 T* 

222 WAU WITH FR.VNCE. [Book I 

of tlie wall the masonry was of so flimsy a 
character, that it must have fallen before the first 
discharge of the enemy's cannon. The town 
was victualled for three weeks, and the mag- 
azines were tolerably well supplied with am 
munition. But there were not fifty arquebuses 
fit for use. 

St. Quentin stands on a gentle eminence, pro- 
tected on one side by marshes, or rather a morass 
of great extent, through which flows the river 
Somme, or a branch of it. On the same side 
of the river with St. Quentin lay the army of the 
besiegers, with their glittering lines extending to 
the very verge of the morass. A broad ditch 
defended the outer wall. But this ditch was 
commanded by the houses of the suburbs, which 
had already been taken possession of by the 
besiegers. There was, moreover, a thick plan- 
tation of trees close to the town, which would 
afford an effectual screen for the approach ol 
an enemy. 

One of the admiral's first acts was to cause a 
sortie to be made. The ditch was crossed, and 
some of the houses were burned to the ground 
The trees on the banks were then levelled, and the 
approach to the town was laid open. Every prepa- 
ration was made for a protracted defence. The ex- 
act quantity of provision was ascertained, and the 
rations were assigned for each man's daily consump- 
tion. As the supplies were inadequate to support 
the increased population for any length of time, Co- 


ligni ordered that all except those actively engaged 
in the defence of the place should leave it without 
delay. Many, under one pretext or another, con- 
trived to remain, and share the fortunes of the 
garrison. But by this regulation he got rid of 
seven hundred useless persons, who, if they had 
staid, must have been the victims of famine ; and 
"their dead bodies," the admiral coolly remarked, 
" would have bred a pestilence among the soldiers." -^^ 

He assigned to his men their several posts, 
talked boldly of maintaining himself against all 
the troops of Spain, and by his cheerful tone en- 
deavored to inspire a confidence m others which 
he was far from feeling himself. From one of the 
highest towers he surveyed the surrounding coun- 
try, tried to ascertain the most practicable fords in 
the morass, and sent intelligence to Montmorency, 
that, without relief, the garrison could not hold 
out more than a few days.^^ 

That commander, soon after the admiral's depar- 
ture, had marched his army to the neighborhood of 
St. Quentin, and established it in the towns of La 
Fere and Ham, together with the adjoining villages, 
so as to watch the movements of the Spaniards, and 

'2 " II falloit les nourrir ou les ^3 JblJ. — De Thou, Ilistoire 

faire mourir de falm, qui eiist pen Universelle, torn. III. p. 151. — 

apporter une peste dans la ville." Rabutin, ap. Nouvelle Collection 

Memoires de Gaspard de Coligni, des Memoires, torn. VII. p. 540 

ap. Collection Universelle des Me- — Gamier, Ilistoire de France, 

moires particuliers relatifs a I'His- (Paris, 1787,) torn. XXVII. p 

toire de France, (Paris, 1 788,) torn. 358. 
XL D. 252. 


cooperate, as occasion served, with the besieged. 
He at once determined to strengthen the garrison, if 
possible, by a reinforcement of two thousand men 
under Dandelot, a younger brother of the admiral, 
and not inferior to him in audacity and enterprise. 
But the expedition miserably failed. Through the 
treachery or the ignorance of the guide, the party 
mistook the path, came on one of the enemy's 
outposts, and, disconcerted by the accident, were 
thrown into confusion, and many of them cut to 
pieces or drowned in the morass. Their leader, 
with the remainder, succeeded, under cover of the 
night, in making his way back to La Fere. 

The constable now resolved to make another 
attempt, and in the open day. He proposed to 
send a body, under the same commander, in boats 
across the Somme, and to cover the embarka- 
tion in person with his whole army. His force 
was considerably less than that of the Spaniards, 
amounting in all to about eighteen thousand foot 
and six thousand horse, besides a train of artillery 
consisting of sixteen guns.^* His levies, like those 
of his antagonist, were largely made up of Ger- 
man mercenaries. The French peasantry, with the 

!■* There is not so much discrep- airy at one thousand less. For au- 
aney in the estimates of the French thorlties on the Spanish side, see 
as of the Spanish force. I have Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. IV. 
accepted the statements of the cap. 7. — Herrera, Historia Gene- 
French historians, Garnicr, (His- ral, lib. IV. cap. 15. — Campana, 
toire de France, torn. XXVII. p. Vita del Re Filippo Secondo, parte 
354,) and De Thou, (tom. III. p. II. lib. 9. 
148,) who, however, puts the cav- 


exception of the Gascons, who formed a fine body 
of infantry, had long since ceased to serve in war 
But the chivah'y of France was represented by as 
gallant an array of nobles and cavaliers as evei 
fought under the banner of the lilies. 

On the ninth of August, 1557, Montmorency put 
his whole army in motion; and on the following 
morning, the memorable day of St. Lawrence^ by 
nine o'clock, he took up a position on the bank of 
the Somme. On the opposite side, nearest the 
town, lay the Spanish force, covering the ground, 
as far as the eye could reach, with their white 
pavilions ; while the banners of Spain, of Flanders, 
and of England, unfurled in the morning breeze, 
showed the various nations from which the motley 
host had been gathered.-^^ 

On the constable's right was a windmill, com 
manding a ford of the river which led to the Span 
ish quarters. The building was held by a small 
detachment of the enemy. Montmorency's first 
care was to get possession of the mill, which he 
did without difficulty; and, by placing a garrison 
there, under the prince of Conde, he secured him- 
self from surprise in that quarter. He then prof- 
ited by a rising ground to get his guns in position, 
so as to sweep the opposite bank, and at once 
opened a brisk cannonade on the enemy. The 
march of the French had been concealed by some 
intervening hills, so that, when they suddenly a])- 

15 Rabutin, ap. Nouvelle Collection des Memolres, torn. VII. p. 548. 
VOL. I. 29 

226 WAR WITH FRANCE. [Book T. 

peared on the farther side of the Somme, it was as 
if they had dropped from the clouds ; and the shot 
which fell among the Spaniards threw them into 
great disorder. There was hurrying to and fro, and 
some of the balls striking the duke of Savoy's tent, 
he had barely time to escape with his armor in his 
hand. It was necessary to abandon his position, 
and he marched some three miles down the river, 
to the quarters occupied by the commander of the 
cavalry, Count Egmont.^^ 

Montmorency, as much elated with this cheap 
success as if it had been a victory, now set himself 
about passing his troops across the water. It was 
attended wdth more difficulty than he had expect- 
ed. There were no boats in readiness, and two 
hours w^ere wasted in procuring them. After all, 
only four or five could be obtained, and these so 
small that it would be necessary to cross and re- 
cross the stream many times to effect the object. 
The boats, crowded with as many as they could 
carry, stuck fast in the marshy banks, or rather 
quagmire, on the opposite side ; and when some 
of the soldiers jumped out to lighten the load, 
they were swallowed up and suffocated in the 
mud.^^ To add to these distresses, they were 

'S Ibid., ubi supra. — Monplein- 90IS de Rabutin, is one of the best 

champ, Histoire d'Emmanuel Phi- authorities for these transactions, 

libert Due de Savoie, (Amster- in which he took part as a follower 

dam, 1699,) p. 14G. — De Thou, of the due de Nevers. 
Histoire Universelle, tom. III. p. l^ " Encore a sortir des bateaux, 

157. a cause de la presse, les soldacs ne 

The first of these writers, Fran- pouvoient suivre les address'^s et 


galled by the incessant fire of a body of troops 
wliicli the Spanish general had stationed on an 
eminence that commanded the landing. 

While, owing to these causes, the transportation 
of the troops was going slowly on, the duke of 
Savoy had called a council of war, and determined 
that the enemy, since he had ventured so near, 
should not be allowed to escape without a battle. 
There was a practicable ford in the river, close to 
Count Egmont's quarters ; and that officer received 
orders to cross it at the head of his cavalry, and 
amuse the enemy until the main body of the 
Spanish army, under the duke, should have time 
to come up. 

Lamoral, Count Egmont, and prince of Gavre, 
a person who is to occupy a large space in our 
subsequent pages, w^as a Flemish noble of an 
ancient and illustrious lineage. He had early 
attracted the notice of the emperor, who had 
raised him to various important offices, both civil 
and military, in which he had acquitted himself 
with honor. At this time, when thirty-five years 
old, he held the post of lieutenant-general of the 
horse, and that of governor of Flanders. 

Egmont was of a lofty and aspiring nature, 
filled with dreams of glory, and so much elated 
by success, that the duke of Savoy was once 

Rentes qui leur estoient apparell- voient sortir, et demeuroient la 

lees ; de fa(jon qu'ils s'escartoi- embourbez et noyez." llabiitin, 

ent ct sc jcttolcnt a coste dans Ics ap. NouvcUc Collection dcs Md- 

crciix des marets, d'ou ils ne pou- moires, torn. Vll. p. 5i9. 

228 WAR WITH FRANCE. [Book I. 

obliged to rebuke him, by reminding him that 
he was not the commander-in-chief of the army.^^ 
With these defects he united some excellent qual- 
ities, which not unfrequently go along with them. 
In his disposition he was frank and manly, and, 
though hasty in temper, had a warm and gen- 
erous heart. He was distinguished by a chiv- 
alrous bearing, and a showy, imposing address, 
which took with the people, by whom his name 
was held dear in later times for his devotion to 
the cause of freedom. He was a dashing officer, 
prompt and intrepid, well fitted for a brilliant coup 
de main, or for an affair like the present, which 
required energy and despatch; and he eagerly un- 
dertook the duty assigned him. 

The light horse first passed over the ford, the 
existence of which was known to Montmorency; 
and he had detached a corps of German pisto- 
leers, of whom there w^as a body in the French 
service, to defend the passage. But the number 
was too small, and the Burgundian horse, followed 
by the infantry, advanced, in face of the fire, as 
coolly and in as good order as if they had been 
on ;mrade.-^^ The constable soon received tidings 
that the enemy had begun to cross ; and, aware of 
his mistake, he reinforced his pistoleers with a 

'8 Brantonie, (Euvres, torn. I. p. tillery, — hardly probable, as the 

361. French batteries were three miles 

19 I quote the words of Mon- distant, up the river. But aecu- 

pleinchamp,(llistoIreduDucdeSa- racy does not appear to bo the 

voie, p. 147,) who, however, speaks chief virtue of this writer, 
of the fire as coming from the ar- 


squadron of horse under the due de Nevers. It 
was too late; when the French commander reached 
the ground, the enemy had ah*eady crossed in 
such strength that it would have been madness 
to attack him. After a brief consultation with 
his officers, Nevers determined, by as speedy a 
countermarch as possible, to join the main body 
of the army. 

The prince of Conde, as has been mentioned, 
occupied the mill which commanded the other 
ford, on the right of Montmorency. From its 
summit he could descry the movements of the 
Spaniards, and their battalions debouching on the 
plain, with scarcely any opposition from the French. 
He advised the constable of this at once, and sug- 
gested the necessity of an immediate retreat. The 
veteran did not relish advice from one so much 
younger than himself, and testily replied, " I was a 
soldier before the prince of Conde was born ; and, 
by the blessing of Heaven, I trust to teach him 
some good lessons in war for many a year to come." 
Nor would he quit the ground while a man of the 
reinforcement under Dandelot remained to cross.^^ 

The cause of this fatal confidence was informa- 
tion he had received that the ford was too narrow 
to allow more than four or five persons to pass 
abreast, Avhich would give him time enough to 

20 "Manda au prince, pour toute comptolt bien en vingt ans lui don- 

reponse, qu'il etolt bien jeune pour ner encore des lemons." Garnier, 

vouloir lui apprendre son metier, Ilistoire dc France, torn. XXVU. 

nu'il commandoit Ics armces avant p. 364. 
que celui-ci f ut au monde, et qu'il 

8 U 


send over the troops, and then secure his own 
retreat to La Fere. As it turned out, unfortu 
nately, the ford was wide enough to allow fifteen 
or twenty men to go abreast. 

The French, meanwhile, who had crossed the 
river, after landing on the opposite bank, were 
many of them killed or disabled by the Spanish 
arquebusiers ; others were lost in the morass ; and 
of the whole number not more than four hundred 
and fifty, wet, wounded, and weary, with Dandelot 
at their head, succeeded in throwing themselves 
into St. Quentin. The constable, having seen the 
last boat put ofi", gave instant orders for retreat. 
The artillery was sent forward in the front, then 
followed the infantry, and, last of all, he brought 
up the rear with the horse, of which he took com- 
mand in person. He endeavored to make up for 
the precious time he had lost by quickening his 
march, which, however, was retarded by the heavy 
guns in the van. 

The due de Nevers, as we have seen, declining 
to give battle to the Spaniards who had crossed 
the stream, had prepared to retreat on the main 
body of the army. On reaching the ground lately 
occupied by his countrymen, he found it aban- 
doned; and joining Conde, who still held the mill, 
the two ofiicers made all haste to overtake the 

Meanwhile, Count Egmont, as soon as he was 
satisfied that he was in sufficient strength to attack 
the enemy, gave orders to advance, without waiting 


for more troops to share with hmi the honors of 
victory. Crossing the field lately occupied by the 
constable, he took the great road to La Fere. But 
the rising ground which lay between him and the 
French prevented him from seeing the enemy until 
he had accomplished half a league or more. The 
day was now well advanced, and the Flemish cap- 
tain had some fears that, notwithstanding his speed, 
the quarry had escaped him. But, as he turned 
the hill, he had the satisfaction to descry the 
French columns in full retreat. On their rear 
hung a body of sutlers and other followers of the 
camp, who, by the sudden apparition of the Span- 
iards, were thrown into a panic, which they had 
wellnigh communicated to the rest of the army.^' 
To retreat before an enemy is in itself a confes 
sion of weakness sufficiently dispiriting to the sol- 
dier. Montmorency, roused by the tumult, saw 
the dark cloud gathering along the heights, and 
knew that it must soon burst on him. In this 
emergency, he asked counsel of an old officer 
near him as to what he should do. " Had you 
asked me," replied the other, " two hours since, 
I could have told you; it is now too late."^^ It 

21 Rabutin, who gives this ac- trouble le vieux d'Oignon, officier 
count, says it would be impossible cxpcrimente, il lui demanda : bon 
to tell how the disorder began. It homme, que faut-il faire ? ]\Ion- 
came upon them so like a thunder- seigneur, repondit d'Oignon, il y a 
clap, that no man had a distinct deux heures que je vous I'aurois 
recollection of what passed. Ra- bien dit, maintenant je n'en sais 
butin, ap. Nouvelle Collection des rien." Gamier, Ilistolre do France, 
Memoires, torn. VII. p. 550. torn. XXVII. p. 3G8. 

22 " Appellant a lui dans ce 

232 WAR WITH FRANCE. [Boor 1 

was indeed too late, and there was nothing to 
be done but to face about and fight the Span- 
iards. The constable, accordingly, gave the word 
to halt, and made dispositions to receive his as- 

Egmont, seeing him thus prepared, formed his 
o^vn squadron into three divisions. One, which was 
to turn the left flank of the French, he gave to 
the prince of Brunswick and to Count Hoorne, — 
a name afterwards associated with his own on a 
sadder occasion than the present. Another, com- 
posed chiefly of Germans, he placed under Count 
Mansfeldt, with orders to assail the centre. He 
himself, at the head of his Burgundian lances, rode 
on the left against Montmorency's right flank. 
Orders were then given to charge, and, spurring 
forward their horses, the whole column came 
thundering on against the enemy. The French 
met the shock like well-trained soldiers, as they 
were ; but the cavalry fell on them with the fury 
of a torrent sweeping everything before it, and for 
a few moments it seemed as if all were lost. But 
the French chivalry was true to its honor, and, at 
the call of Montmorency, who gallantly threw 
himself into the thick of the fight, it rallied, and, 
returning the charge, compelled the assailants to 
give way in their turn. The struggle, now con- 
tinued on more equal terms, grew desperate ; man 
against man, horse against horse, — it seemed to 
be a contest of personal prowess, rather than of 
tactics or military science. So well were the two 


parties matched, that for a long time the issue 
was doubtful; and the Spaniards might not have 
prevailed in the end, but for the arrival of rein- 
forcements, both foot and heavy cavalry, who came 
up to their support. Unable to withstand this 
accumulated force, the French cavaliers, overpow- 
ered by numbers, not by superior valor, began to 
give ground. Hard pressed by Egmont, who 
cheered on his men to renewed efforts, their ranks 
were at length broken. The retreat became a 
flight ; and, scattered over the field in all direc- 
tions, they were hotly pursued by their adver- 
saries, especially the German schivarzreiters^ — 
those riders "black as devils," ^^ — who did such 
execution with their fire-arms as completed the 
discomfiture of the French. 

Amidst this confusion, the Gascons, the flower 
of the French infantry, behaved with admirable 
coolness.^"^ Throwing themselves into squares, 
with the pikemen armed with their long pikes in 
front, and the arquebusiers in the centre, they pre- 
sented an impenetrable array, against which the 
tide of battle raged and chafed in impotent fury. 
It was in vain that the Spanish horse rode round 
the solid masses bristling with steel, if possible, to 
force an entrance, while an occasional shot, strik- 
es " Noirs comme de beaux dia- plettes et blen armees, que Ton en 
bles." Brantome, CEuvres, torn, avoit veu en France il y avolt 
III. p. 185. long-temps." Rabutin, ap. Nou- 

2^ " Icelles eompagnles de fan- velle Collection des Memoires, torn, 
trie, en ce pen qu'elles se compor- Vll. p. 551. 
toient, autant belles, bien com- 

voL. I. 8 30 U * 

234 WAli WITH FRANCE. [Book L 

ing a trooper from his saddle, warned them not 
to approach too near. 

It was in this state of things that the duke of 
Savoy, with the remainder of the troops, including 
the artillery, came on the field of action. His 
arrival could not have been more seasonable. The 
heavy guns were speedily turned on the French 
squares, whose dense array presented an obvious 
mark to the Spanish bullets. Their firm ranks 
were rent asunder; and, as the brave men tried in 
vain to close over the bodies of their dying com- 
rades, the horse took advantage of the openings to 
plunge into the midst of the phalanx. Here the 
long spears of the pikemen were of no avail, and, 
striking right and left, the cavaliers dealt death on 
every side. All now was confusion and irretriev- 
able ruin. No one thought of fighting, or even 
of self-defence. The only thought was of flight. 
Men overturned one another in their eagerness to 
escape. They were soon mingled with the routed 
cavalry, who rode down their own countrymen. 
Horses ran about the field without riders. Many 
of the soldiers threw away their arms, to fly the 
more quickly. All strove to escape from the ter- 
rible pursuit which hung on their rear. The artil- 
lery and ammunition-wagons choked up the road, 
and obstructed the flight of the fugitives. The 
slaughter was dreadful. The best blood of France 
flowed like water. 

Yet mercy was shown to those who asked it. 
Hundreds and thousands threw down their armSi 

Ch. \ai.] FRENCH ARMY ROUTED. 235 

and obtained quarter. Nevers, according to some 
accounts, covered the right flank of the French army. 
Others state that he was separated from it by a ra- 
vine or valley. At all events, he fared no better 
than his leader. He was speedily enveloped by the 
cavalry of Hoorne and Brunswick, and his fine corps 
of light horse cut to pieces. He himself, with the 
prince of Conde, was so fortunate as to make his 
escape, with the remnant of his forces, to La Fere. 

Had the Spaniards followed up the pursuit, few 
Frenchmen might have been left that day to tell 
the story of the rout of St. Quentin. But the 
fight had already lasted four hours ; evening was 
setting in ; and the victors, spent with toil and 
sated with carnage, were content to take up their 
quarters on the field of battle. 

The French, in the mean time, made their way, 
one after another, to La Fere, and, huddling to- 
gether m the public squares, or in the quarters 
they had before occupied, remained like a herd 
of panic-struck deer, in whose ears the sounds of 
the chase are still rmgmg. But the loyal cavaliers 
threw off their panic, and recovered heart, when a 
rumor reached them that their commander, Mont- 
morency, was still making head, with a body of 
stout followers, against the enemy. At the ti- 
dings, faint and bleeding as they were, they sprang 
to the saddles which they had just quitted, and 
were ready again to take the field.^^ 

25 " A CCS iiouvellcs s'cslcverent tellcment leurs c^prits et coura^eSj 


But the rumor was without foundation. Mont- 
morency was a prisoner in the hands of the Span- 
iards. The veteran had exposed his own life 
throughout the action, as if willing to show that 
he would not shrink m any degree from the peril 
into which he had brought his followers. When 
he saw that the day was lost, he threw himself into 
the hottest of the battle, holdmg life cheap in com- 
parison with honor. A shot from the pistol of a 
schwarsreiter^ fracturing his thigh, disabled him 
from further resistance ; and he fell into the hands 
of the Spaniards, who treated him with the respect 
due to his rank. The number of prisoners was very 
large, — according to some accounts, six thousand, 
of whom six hundred were said to be gentlemen 
and persons of condition. The number of the slain 
is stated, as usual, with great discrepancy, varying 
from three to six thousand. A much larger pro- 
portion of them than usual were men of family. 
Many a noble house in France went into mourn- 
mg for that day. Among those who fell was 
Jean de Bourbon, count d'Enghien, a j)i'ince oi 
the blood. Mortally wounded, he was carried to 
the tent of the duke of Savoy, where he soon 
after expired, and his body was sent to his coun- 
trymen at La Fere for honorable burial. To 

qu'ils recoururent incontinent aux et sentimens pour venger la lion to 

amies, et n'oyoit-on plus pailout precedente ; toutefois ce murmure 

t[ue demander liarnois et clievaux, se trouva nul et demeura assoup/ 

ct trompettes sonner a clieval, en peu d'heure." Ibid., p. 552. 
ayant cliacun reconvert ses fortes 


balance this bloody roll, no account states the loss 
of the Spaniards at over a thousand men.^^ 

More than eighty standards, mcluding those of 
the cavalry, fell into the hands of the victors, to- 
gether with all the artillery, ammunition-w^agons, 
and baggage of the enemy. France had not expe- 
rienced such a defeat since the battle of Agincourt.^^ 

King Philip had left Brussels, and removed his 
quarters to Cambray, that he might be near the 
duke of Savoy, with whom he kept up daily com- 
munication throughout the siege. Immediately 
after the battle, on the eleventh of August, he 
visited the camp in person. At the same time, 
he wrote to his father, expressing his regret that 
he had not been there to share the glory of the 
day.^^ The emperor seems to have heartily shared 
this regret.^^ It is quite certain, if Charles had 

26 Campana, Vita del Re Filippo IV. cap. 15. — De Thou, His- 
Secondo, parte II. lib. 9. toire Universelle, torn. III. pp. 

According to some accounts, the 154-160. — Garnier, Histoire de 

loss did not exceed fifty. This, con- France, torn. XXVII. pp. 361- 

sidering the spirit and length of the 372. — Carta de Felipe 2^o a su 

contest, will hardly be credited. It padre anunciandole la victoria de 

reminds one of the wars with the San Quentin, ISIS. 

Moslems in the Peninsula, where, if ^a " l^ues yo no me halle alii, de 

we are to take the account of the que me pesa lo que V. M. no puede 

Spaniards, their loss was usually as pensar, no puedo dar rela9ion de 

one to a hundred of the enemy. lo que paso sino de oydas." Carta 

27 For the preceding pages, see de Felipe 2^0 a su padre, 11 de 
Rabutin, ap. Nouvelle Collection Agosto, 1557, MS. 

des Memoires, torn. VII. pp. 548 - ^9 Xhis appears by a letter of 

552. — Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, the major-domo of Charles, Luis 

lib. IV. cap. 7. — Campana, Vita Quixada, to the secretary, Juan 

del Re Filippo Secondo, parte II. Vazquez de Molina, MS. 

Jib. J. — Monpleinchamp, Vie du " Siento que no se puede conor- 

Duc de Savoie, pp. 146 - 150. — tar de que su hijo no se hallase e« 

lierrera, lllstoria General, lib. ello." 


had the direction of affairs, he would not have 
been absent. But Philip had not the bold, adven- 
turous spirit of his father. His talent lay rather 
in meditation than in action ; and his calm, delib- 
erate forecast better fitted him for the council than 
the camp. In enforcing levies, in raising supplies, 
in superintending the organization of the army, he 
was indefatigable. The plan of the campaign was 
determined under his own eye ; and he was most 
sagacious in the selection of his agents. But to 
those agents he prudently left the conduct of the 
war, for which he had no taste, perhaps no capa- 
city, himself. He did not, like his rival, Henry the 
Second, fancy himself a great captain because he 
could carry away the prizes of a tourney. 

Philip was escorted to the camp by his house- 
hold troops. He appeared on this occasion armed 
cap-a-pie^ — a thing by no means common with 
him. It seems to have pleased his fancy to be 
painted in military costume. At least, there are 
several portraits of him in complete mail, — one 
from the pencil of Titian. A picture taken at the 
present time was sent by him to Queen Mary, who, 
in this age of chivalry, may have felt some pride in 
seeing her lord in the panoply of war. 

On the king's arrival at the camp, he was received 
with all the honors of a victor ; with flourishes of 
trumpets, salvos of artillery, and the loud shouts 
of the soldiery. The duke of Savoy laid at his 
feet the banners and other trophies of the fight, 
and, kneeling down, would have kissed Philip's 


hand ; but the king, raising him from the ground, 
and embracing him as he did so, said that the ac- 
knowledgments were due from himself to the gen- 
eral who had won him such a victory. At the 
same time, he paid a well-deserved compliment to 
the brilliant part which Egmont and his brave 
companions had borne in the battle.^^ 

The first thing to be done was to dispose of the 
prisoners, whose number embarrassed the conquer- 
ors. Philip dismissed all those of the common file, 
on the condition that they should not bear arms for 
six months against the Spaniards. The condition 
did no great detriment to the French service, as the 
men, on their return, were sent to garrison some 
distant towns, and their places in the army filled 
by the troops whom they had relieved. The cava- 
liers and persons of condition were lodged in for- 
tresses, where they could be securely detained till 
the amount of their respective ransoms was deter- 
mined. These ransoms formed an important part 
of the booty of the conqueror. How important, 
may be inferred from the sum ofiered by the con- 
stable on his own account and that of his son, — 
no less, it is said, than a hundred and sixty-five 
thousand gold crowns ! ^^ The soldier of that day, 
when the penalty was loss of fortune as well as 
of freedom, must be confessed to have fought on 
harder conditions than at present. 

A council of war was next called, to decide on 

^ Cabrera, Filipc Segiindo, lib. '^^ Dc Tliou, Ilistcare Univeiv 
IV. cap. 7. selle, torn. 111. p. 2-lG. 


further operations. When Charles the Fifth re- 
ceived tidings of the victory of St. Quentin, the 
first thing he asked, as we are told, was " whether 
Philip were at Paris." ^^ Had Charles been in com- 
mand, he would doubtless have followed up the blow 
by presenting himself at once before the French 
capital. But Philip w^as not of that sanguine tem- 
per which overlooks, or at least overleaps, the ob- 
stacles m its way. Charles calculated the chances 
of success ; Philip, those of failure. Charles's char- 
acter opened the way to more brilliant achievements, 
but exposed him also to severer reverses. His en- 
terprising spirit was more favorable to building up 
a great empire ; the cautious temper of Philip was 
better fitted to preserve it. Philip came in the 
right time ; and his circumspect policy was prob- 
ably better suited to his position, as well as to his 
character, than the bolder policy of the emperor. 

When the duke of Savoy urged, as it is said, the 
expediency of profiting by the present panic to 
march at once on the French capital, Philip looked 
at the dangers of such a step. Several strong for- 

32 It is Brantome wlio tells the Luis Quixada, in a letter written 

anecdote, in liis usual sarcastic at the time from Yuste, gives a 

way. " Encor, tout religieux^ de- version of the story, which, if it 

my sainct qu'il estoit, 11 ne se pent has less point, is probably more 

en garder que quant le roy son fils correct. " S. Mag"*, esta con mucho 

eut gaigne la batallle de Sainct- culdado por saber que camino arra 

Quentin de demander aussi tost tomado el Rey despues de acabada 

que le counier luy apporta des aquella empresa de San Quintln." 

nouvelles, s'il avoit bien poursuivi Carta de 27 de septembrc, 1557, 

la victoire, ct jusques aux portes MS. 
ie Paris." CEuvrcs, tom. I. p. 11. 



tresses of the enemy would be left in his rear. 
Rivers must be crossed, presenting lines of defence 
which could easily be maintained against a force 
even superior to his own. Paris was covered by 
formidable works, and forty thousand citizens could 
be enrolled, at the shortest notice, for its protec- 
tion. It was not wise to urge the foe to extremity, 
to force a brave and loyal people, like the French, 
to rise en masse ^ as they would do for the defence 
of their capital. The emperor, his father, had once 
invaded France with a powerful army, and laid 
siege to Marseilles. The issue of that invasion 
was known to everybody. " The Spaniards," it 
was tauntingly said, " had come into the country 
feasting on turkeys ; they were glad to escape from 
it feeding on roots ! " ^ Philip determined, there- 
fore, to abide by his original plan of operations, 
and profit by the late success of his arms to press 
the siege of St. Quentin with his whole force. — 
It would not be easy for any one, at this distance 
of time, to pronounce on the wisdom of his de- 
cision. But subsequent events tend considerably 
to strengthen our confidence in it. 

Preparations were now made to push the siege 
with vigor. Besides the cannon already in the 
camp, and those taken in the battle, a good number 
of pieces were brought from Cambray to strengthen 
the battering-train of the besiegers. The river was 
crossed ; and the Faubourg dTle was carried by the 

33 " Para no entrar en Francia salir comiendo raizes." Cabrera, 
como su padre comiendo pabos, i Filipe Segundo, lib. IV. cap. 8. 
VOL. I. 8 31 V 

242 WAR WITH FRANCE. [Book 1 

duke, after a stout resistance on the part of the 
French, who burned the houses m their retreat. 
The Spanish commander availed himself of his 
advantage to establish batteries close to the town, 
which kept up an incessant cannonade, that shook 
the old walls and towers to their foundation. 
The miners also carried on their operations, and 
galleries were excavated almost to the centre of 
the place. 

The condition of the besieged, m the mean time, 
was forlorn in the extreme ; not so much from 
want of food, though their supplies were scanty, 
as from excessive toil and exposure. Then it was 
that Coligni displayed all the strength of his 
character. lie felt the importance of holdmg 
out as long as possible, that the nation might have 
time to breathe, as it were, and recover from the 
late disaster. He endeavored to infuse his own 
spu'it into the hearts of his soldiers, toiling with 
the meanest of them, and sharing all their priva- 
tions. He cheered the desponding, by assuring 
them of speedy relief from their countrymen. Some 
he complimented for their bravery ; others he flat- 
tered by asking their advice. He talked loudly 
of the resources at his command. If any should 
hear him. so much as hint at a surrender, he gave 
them leave to tie him hand and foot, and throw 
him into the moat. If he should hear one of 
them talk of it, the admiral promised to do as 
much by him.^* 

34 " Si Ton m'oyolt tenir quelque langage, qui approchast de faire 

Ch. VIL] storming of ST. QUENTIN. 243 

The due de Nevers, who had established him- 
self, with the wreck of the French army and such 
additional levies as he could muster, in the neigh- 
borhood of St. Quentin, contrived to communicate 
with the admiral. On one occasion he succeeded 
in throwing a remforcement of a hundred and 
twenty arquebusiers into the town, though it cost 
him thrice that number, cut to pieces by the Span- 
iards in the attempt. Still the number of the 
garrison was altogether inadequate to the duties 
imposed on it. With scanty refreshment, almost 
without repose, w^atching and fighting by turns, 
the day passed in defending the breaches which 
the night was not long enough to repair. No 
frame could be strong enough to endure it. 

Coligni had, fortunately, the services of a skil- 
ful engineer, named St. Remy, who aided him in 
repairing the injuries inflicted on the works by the 
artillery, and by the scarcely less destructive mines 
of the Spaniards. In the want of solid masonry, 
every material w^as resorted to for covering up the 
breaches. Timbers were thrown across ; and boats 
filled with earth, laid on the broken rampart, af- 
forded a good bulwark for the French musketeers. 
But the time was come when neither the skill of 
the engineer nor the courage of the garrison could 

sjomposltion, je les suppliois tous je ne lui en ferois pas moins.** 

qu'ils me jettassent, comme un Coligni, Memolres, ap. Collection 

poltron, dedans le fosse par dessus Universelle des Memolres, torn, 

les murailles : que s'il y avoit XL. p. 272. 
quelqu'un qui m'en tint propos, 




[Book 1 

further avail. Eleven practicable breaches had 
been opened, and St. Remy assured the admiral 
that he could not engage to hold out four-and- 
twenty hours longer.^ 

The duke of Savoy also saw that the time 
had come to bring the siege to a close by a gen- 
eral assault. The twenty-seventh of August was 
the day assigned for it. On that preceding he 
fired three mines, which shook down some frag- 
ments of the wall, but did less execution than 
was expected. On the morning of the twenty- 
seventh, his whole force was under arms. The 
duke divided it into as many corps as there 
were breaches, placmg these corps under his best 
and bravest officers. He proposed to direct the 
assault in person. 

Coligni made his preparations also with consum- 
mate coolness. He posted a body of troops at each 
of the breaches, while he and his brother Dandelot 
took charge of the two which, still more exposed 
than the others, might be considered as the post of 
danger. He had the satisfaction to find, in this 
hour of trial, that the men, as well as their officers, 
seemed to be animated with his own heroic spirit. 

Before proceeding to storm the place, the duke 
of Savoy opened a brisk cannonade, in order to 
clear away the barricades of timber, and other tem- 
porary defences, which had been thrown across the 
breaches. The fire continued for sevc^ral hours, 

35 Galllard, RIvalite, torn. V. p. 253. 


and it was not till afternoon that the signal was 
given for the assault. The troops rushed for- 
ward, — Spaniards, Flemings, English, and (Ger- 
mans, — spurred on by feelings of national rivalry. 
A body of eight thousand brave Englishmen had 
joined the standard of Philip in the early part of 
the campaign ; ^^ and they now eagerly coveted the 
opportunity for distinction which had been denied 
them at the battle of St. Quentin, where the for- 
tune of the day was chiefly decided by cavalry. 
But no troops felt so keen a spur to their achieve- 
ments as the Spaniards, fighting as they were 
under the eye of their sovereign, who from a 
neighboring emmence was spectator of the combat. 
The obstacles were not formidable in the path of 
the assailants, who soon clambered over the frag- 
ments of masonry and other rubbish which lay 
scattered below the ramparts, and, in the face of a 
steady fire of musketry, presented themselves be- 
fore the breaches. The brave men stationed to 
defend them were in sufficient strength to occupy 
the open spaces ; their elevated position gave them 
some advantage over the assailants, and they stood 
to their posts with the resolution of men pre- 
pared to die rather than surrender. A fierce con- 
flict now ensued along the whole extent of the 
ramparts ; and the French, sustained by a daunt- 
less s]>irit, bore themselves as stoutly in the fight 
as if they had been in training for it of late, 

36 Burnet. Refoniiatlon, vol. III. p. 636. 
8 V* 


instead of being enfeebled by scanty subsistem^e 
and excessive toil. After a severe struggle, which 
lasted nearly an hour, the Spaniards were driven 
back at all points. Not a breach was won ; and, 
broken and dispirited, the assailants were com- 
pelled to retire on their former position. 

After this mortifying repulse, the duke did not 
give them a long time to breathe, before he again 
renewed the assault. This time he directed the 
main attack against a tower where the resistance 
had been weakest. In fact, Coligni had there 
placed the troops on whom he had least reliance, 
trusting to the greater strength of the works. 
But a strong heart is worth all the defences in 
the world. After a sharp but short struggle, the 
assailants succeeded in carrying the tower. The 
faint-hearted troops gave way ; and the Spaniards, 
throwing themselves on the rampart, remained 
masters of one of the breaches. A footing once 
gained, the assailants poured impetuously into 
the opening, Spaniards, Germans, and English 
streaming like a torrent along the ramparts, and 
attacking the defenders on their flank. Coligni, 
meanwhile, and his brother Dandelot, had rushed, 
with a few followers, to the spot, in the hope, 
if possible, to arrest the impending ruin. But 
they were badly supported. Overwhelmed by 
numbers, they were trodden down, disarmed, and 
made prisoners. Still the garrison, at the remain- 
ing breaches, continued to make a desperate stand. 
But, with one corps pressing them on flank and 


another in front, they were speedily cut to pieces, 
or disabled and taken. In half an hour resistance 
had ceased along the ramparts. The town was in 
possession of the Spaniards.^^ 

A scene of riot and wild uproar followed, such 
as made the late conflict seem tame in comparison. 
The victorious troops spread over the town in 
quest of plunder, perpetrating those deeds of ruth- 
less violence, usual, even in this enlightened age, 
in a city taken by storm. The wretched inhabit- 
ants fled before them ; the old and the helpless, 
the women and children, taking refuge in garrets, 
cellars, and any other corner where they could 
hide themselves from their pursuers. Nothing 
was to be heard but the groans of the wounded 
and the dying, the cries of women and children, — 
" so pitiful," says one present, " that they would 
grieve any Christian heart," ^^ — mingled with 
the shouts of the victors, who, intoxicated with 

37 For notices of the taking of the hard fighting which took place 

St. Quentin, in greater or less de- in the assault, particularly praises 

tail, see Coligni, Memoires, ap. the gallantry of the English :" Esta 

Collection Universelle des Me- tarde cntre tres y quatro horas se 

moires, torn. XL.; Rabutin, Me- ha entrado San Quentin a pura 

moires, ap. Nouvelle Collection des fuer^a peleando muy bien los de 

Memoires, torn. VII. p. 55G et seq. ; dentro y los de fuera, muy escogi- 

De Thou, Histoire Universelle, torn, damente todos, y por estremo los 

III. pp. 164-170; Campana, Vita Ingleses." MS. 
del Re Filippo Secondo, parte II. 38 Letter of the earl of Bedibrd 

lib. 9 ; Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, to Sir William Cecil, (dated " from 

lib. IV. cap. 9 ; Monpleinchamp, our camp beside St. Quentin, the 

Vie du Due de Savoie, p. 152. 3rd of Sept. 1557,") ap. Tytler 

Juan de Pinedo, in a letter to Edward VI. and Mary, vol. II 

the secretary Vazquez, (dated St. p. 493. 
Quentin, August 27,) speaking of 

248 - ^ WAR WITH FRANCE. [Book I 

liquor, and loaded with booty, now madly set 
fire to several of the buildings, which soon added 
the dangers of conflagration to the other horrors 
of the scene. In a short time the town would 
have been reduced to ashes, and the place which 
Philip had won at so much cost would have been 
lost to him by the excesses of his own soldiers. 

The king had now entered the city in person. 
He had never been present at the storming of a 
place, and the dreadful spectacle which he witnessed 
touched his heart. Measures were instantly taken 
to extmguish the flames, and orders were issued 
that no one, under pain of death, should ofler any 
violence to the old and infirm, to the women and 
children, to the ministers of religion, to religious 
edifices, or, above all, to the relics of the blessed 
St. Quentin. Several hundred of the poor people, 
it is said, presented themselves before Philip, and 
claimed his protection. By his command they 
were conducted, under a strong escort, to a place 
of safety.^^ 

It was not possible, however, to prevent the 
pillage of the town. It would have been as easy 
to snatch the carcass from the tiger that was 
rending it. The pillage of a place taken by storm 
was regarded as the perquisite of tlie soldier, on 
which he counted as regularly as on his pay. 
Those who distinguished themselves most, in this 

39 According to Sepulvecla, (De women. It is not very probable 
Rebus Gestis Philippi II., lib. I. that Coligni would have consented 
cap. 30,) no less than four thousand to cater for so many useless mouths 

Ch. VILJ storming of ST. QUENTIN 249 

ruthless work, were the German mercenaries. 
Their brutal rapacity filled even their confeder- 
ates with indignation. The latter seem to have 
been particularly disgusted with the unscrupulous 
manner in which the schwarzreiters appropriated 
not only their own share of the plunder, but that 
of both English and Spaniards.*^ 

Thus fell the ancient town of St. Quentin, after a 
defence which reflects equal honor on the courage 
of the garrison, and on the conduct of their com- 
mander. AVith its fortifications wretchedly out of 
repair, its supply of arms altogether inadequate, 
the number of its garrison at no time exceeding 
a thousand, it still held out for near a month 
against a powerful army, fighting under the eyes 
of its sovereign, and led by one of the best cap- 
tains of Europe.*^ 

Philip, having taken measures to restore the 

^ " The Swartzrottcrs, being Thou, Histoire Unlverselle, torn, 

masters of the king's whole army, III. pp. 149 - 170. — Campana, 

used such force, as well to the Vita di Filippo Secondo, parte II. 

Spaniards, Italians, and all other lib. 9. 

nations, as unto us, that there was The best account of the siege of 

none could enjoy nothing but St. Quentin is to be found in Co- 

themselves. They have now showed ligni's Memoires, (ap. Collection 

such cruelty, as the like hath not Universelle des Memoires, tom. 

been seen for greediness: the town XL. pp. 217-290,) written by 

by them was set a-fire, and a great him in his subsequent captivity, 

piece of it burnt." Letter of the when the events were fresh in his 

earl of Bedford to Cecil, ap. Tyt- memory. The narrative is given 

icr, Edward VI. and Mary, vol. II. in a simple, unpretending manner, 

p. 493. that engages our confidence, though 

41 llabutin, Memoires, ap. Nou- the author enters into a minuteness 

vellc Collection des Memoires, of detail which the general histoji- 

toni. VII. pp. 537"r»G4. — De an may be excused from folK)wii)g 

VOL. I. 32 


fortifications of St. Quentin, placed it under the 
protection of a Spanish garrison, and marched 
against the neighboring town of Catelet. It was 
a strong place, but its defenders, unlike their val- 
iant countrymen at St. Quentin, after a brief show 
of resistance, capitulated on the sixth of September. 
This was followed by the surrender of Ham, once 
renowned through Picardy for the strength of its 
defences. Philip then led his victorious battalions 
against Noyon and Chaulny, which last town was 
sacked by the soldiers. The French were filled 
with consternation, as one strong place after an- 
other, on the frontier, fell into the hands of an 
enemy who seemed as if he were planting his foot 
permanently on their soil. That Philip did not 
profit by his success to push his conquests still 
further, is to be attributed not to remissness on 
his part, but to the conduct, or rather the com- 
position, cf his army, made up, as it was, of 
troops, who, selling their swords to the highest 
bidder, cared little for the banner under which 
they fought. Drawn from difierent countries, the 
soldiers, gathered into one camp, soon showed 
all their national rivalries and animosities. The 
English quarrelled with the Germans, and neither 
could brook the insolent bearing of the Spaniards. 
The Germans complained that their arrears were 
not paid, — a complaint probably well founded, as, 
notwithstanding his large resources, Philip, on an 
emergency, found the difficulty in raising funds, 
which every prince in that day felt, w hen there w^as 

Ch. VIL] successes of the SPANIARDS. 251 

no such thing known as a well-arranged system of 
taxation. Tempted by the superior offers of Henry 
the Second, the schivarzre Iters left the standard of 
Philip in great numbers, to join that of his rival. 

The English were equally discontented. The} 
had brought from home the aversion for the Span- 
iards which had been festering there since the 
queen's marriage. The sturdy islanders were not 
at all pleased with serving under Philip. They 
were fighting, not the battles of England, they 
said, but of Spain. Every new conquest was add- 
ing to the power of a monarch far too poAverful 
already. They had done enough, and insisted on 
being allowed to return to their own country. 
The king, who dreaded nothing so much as a 
rupture between his English and his Spanish sub- 
jects, to which he saw the state of things rapidly 
tending, was fain to consent. 

By this departure of the English force, and the 
secession of the Germans, Philip's strength was so 
much impaired, that he was in no condition to 
make conquests, hardly to keep the field. The 
season was now far advanced, for it was the end of 
October. Having therefore garrisoned the con- 
quered places, and put them in the best posture of 
defence, he removed his camp to Brussels, and soon 
after put his army into Avinter-quarters.*^ 

Thus ended the first campaign of Philip the 

*2 Do Thou, llistoirc Unlvcr- cap. 13. — Scpulveda, Dc Rebug 
acllc, torn. III. pp. 173-177. — Gestis PliilippI II., lib. I. cap. 32. 
Cabrera, Filipe Scgundo, lib. IV. 

252 WAR WITH FRANCE. [Book * 

Second; the first, and, with the exception of the 
following, the only campaign in which he was 
personally present. It had been eminently success- 
ful. Besides the important places which he had 
gained on the frontier of Picardy, he had won a 
signal victory in the field. 

But the campaign was not so memorable for 
military results as in a moral view. It showed the 
nations of Europe that the Spanish sceptre had 
passed into the hands of a prince who was as 
watchful as his predecessor had been over the in- 
terests of the state; and who, if he were not so 
actively ambitious as Charles the Fifth, would be 
as little likely to brook any insult from his neigh- 
bors. The victory of St. Quentin, occurring at the 
commencement of his reign, reminded men of the 
victory won at Pavia by his father, at a similar 
period of his career, and, like that, furnished 
a brilliant augury for the future. Philip, little 
given to any visible expression of his feelings, tes- 
tified his joy at the success of his arms by after- 
wards raising the magnificent pile of the Escorial, 
in honor of the blessed martyr St. Lawrence, on 
whose day the battle was fought, and to whose 
interposition with Heaven he attributed the vic- 



Extraordinary Efforts of France. — Calais surprised by Guise. — The 
French invade Flanders. — Bloody Battle of Gravelines. — Negotia- 
tions for Peace. — Mary's Death. — Accession of Elizabeth. — Treaty 
of Cateau-Cambresis. 


The state of affairs in France justified Philip's 
conclusions in respect to the loyalty of the people. 
No sooner did Henry the Second receive tidings of 
the fatal battle of St. Quentin, than he despatched 
couriers in all directions, summoning his chivalry 
to gather round his banner, and calling on the 
toAvns for aid in his extremity. The nobles and 
cavaliers promptly responded to the call, flocking 
in with their retainers ; and not only the large 
towns, but those of inferior size, cheerfully sub- 
mitted to be heavily taxed for the public service. 
Paris nobly set the example. She did not ex- 
haust her zeal in processions of the clergy, headed 
by the queen and the royal family, carrying witli 
them relics from the different churches. All the 
citizens capable of bearing arms enrolled them- 
selves for the defence of the capital ; and large 
8 W 


apprcpriations were made for strengthening Mont- 
martie, and for defraying the expenses of the war.^ 

With these and other resources at his command, 
Henry was speedily enabled to subsidize a large 
body of Swiss and German mercenaries. The 
native troops serving abroad were ordered home. 
The veteran Marshal Termes came, with a large 
corps, from Tuscany, and the duke of Guise re- 
turned, w^ith the remnant of his battalions, from 
Rome. This popular commander was welcomed 
with enthusiasm. The nation seemed to look to 
him as to the deliverer of the country. His late 
campaign in the kingdom of Naples was celebrated 
as if it had been a brilliant career of victory. 
He was made lieutenant-general of the army, and 
the oldest captains were proud to take service 
under so renowned a chief. 

The government was not slow to profit by the 
extraordinary resources thus placed at its disposal. 
Though in the depth of winter, it was resolved to 
undertake some enterprise that should retrieve the 
disasters of the late campaign, and raise the droop- 
ing spirits of the nation. The object proposed was 
the recovery of Calais, that strong place, which for 
more than two centuries had remained in posses- 
sion of the English. 

The French had ever been keenly sensible to 
the indignity of an enemy thus planting his foot 
immovably, as it were, on their soil. They had 

1 Do Thou, Ilistoirc Uiiivcrselle, Ilistoire de France, torn. XXV.II. 
torn. III. pp. 1G3, 17G. — Gamier, p. 37 7 et seq. 


looked to the recovery of Calais with the same 
feelmgs with which the Spanish Moslems, when 
driven into Africa, looked to the recovery of their 
ancient possessions in Granada. They showed 
how constantly this was in their thoughts, by a 
common saying respecting any commander whom 
they held lightly, that he was "not a man to drive 
the English out of France." ^ The feelings they en- 
tertained, however, were rather those of desire than 
of expectation. The place was so strong, so well 
garrisoned, and so accessible to the English, that 
it seemed impregnable. These same circumstances, 
and the long possession of the place, had inspired 
the English, on the other hand, with no less confi- 
dence, as was pretty well mtimated by an inscrip- 
tion on the bronze gates of the town, — "When 
the French besiege Calais, lead and iron will swim 
like cork."^ This confidence, as it often happens, 
proved their ruin. 

The bishop of Acqs, the French envoy to Eng- 
land, on returning home, a short time before this, 
had passed through Calais, and gave a strange re- 
port of the decay of the works and the small num- 
ber of the garrison, in short, of the defenceless 

2 " C'etoit un proverbc re9u en glorleux (car ils le sont assez de 
France pour designer un mauvais leur naturel) de mettre sur leg 
general, un guerrier sans merlte, ])ortes de la ville que, lors que lea 
de dire : il ne chassera pas les Francois assiegeront Calais, Ton 
Amjlois de la France" Gaillard, verra le plomb et Ic fer nagcr sur 
RIvalite de France et de I'Espagne, I'eau comme le liege." Brantomc^ 
torn V. p. 2G0. (Euvrcs, torn. 111. p. 203. 

3 " Aussi les Ansflois furent si 


condition of the place. Guise, however, as cau- 
tious as he was brave, was unwilling to undertake 
so hazardous an enterprise without more precise 
information. When satisfied of the fact, he en- 
tered on the project with his characteristic ardor 
The plan adopted was said to have been originally 
suggested by Coligni. In order to deceive the 
enemy, the duke sent the largest division of the 
army, under Nevers, in the direction of Luxem- 
burg. He then marched with the remainder into 
Picardy, as if to menace one of the places con- 
quered by the Spaniards. Soon afterwards the two 
corps united, and Guise, at the head of his whole 
force, by a rapid march, presented himself before 
the walls of Calais. 

The town was defended by a strong citadel, and 
by two forts. One of these, commanding the ap- 
proach by water, the duke stormed and captured 
on the second of January, 1558. The other, 
which overlooked the land, he carried on the fol- 
lowing day. Possessed of these two forts, he 
felt secure from any annoyance by the enemy, 
either by land or by water. He then turned his 
powerful battermg-tram against the citadel, keep- 
ing up a furious cannonade by day and by night. 
On the fifth, as soon as a breach was opened, 
the victorious troops poured in, and, overpower- 
ing the garrison, planted the French colors on 
the walls. The earl of Wentworth, who com- 
manded in Calais, unable, with his scanty garrison, 
to maintain the place now that the defences were 


in the hands of the enemy, capitulated on the 
eighth. The fall of Calais was succeeded by that 
of Guisnes and of Hames. Thus, in a few days, 
the English were stripped of every rood of the ter- 
ritory which they had held in France since the 
time of Edward the Third. 

The fall of Calais caused the deepest sensation 
on both sides of the Channel. The English, as- 
tounded by the event, loudly inveighed against the 
treachery of the commander. They should rather 
have blamed the treachery of their own govern- 
ment, who had so grossly neglected to provide for 
the defence of the place. Philip, suspecting the 
designs of the French, had intimated his suspicions 
to the English government, and had offered to 
strengthen the garrison by a reinforcement of his 
o\^ai troops. But his allies, perhaps distrusting 
his motives, despised his counsel, or at least failed 
to profit by it.^ After the place was taken, he 
made another ofier to send a strong force to recover 
it, provided the English would support him with a 
sufficient fleet. This also, perhaps from the same 
feeling of distrust, though on the plea of inability 
to meet the expense, was declined, and the oppor- 
tunity for the recovery of Calais was lost for ever.^ 

Yet, in truth, it w^as no great loss to the nation. 
Like more than one, probably, of the colonial pos- 
sessions of England at the present day, Calais cost 
every year more than it was worth. Its chief 

^ Burnet, History of the Rcfori nation vol. III. p. 646. 

5 Ibid., p. 650. 

VOL. I. 8 33 ^^' '^^ 

258 WAR WITH FRANCE. [Book I. 

value was the facility it afforded for the invasion 
of France. Yet such a facility for war with their 
neighbors, always too popular with the English 
before the time of Philip the Second, was of ques- 
tionable value. The real injury from the loss of 
Calais was the wound which it inflicted on the 
national honor. 

The exultation of the French was boundless. It 
could not well have been greater, if the duke of 
Guise had crossed the Channel and taken London 
itself. The brilliant and rapid manner in which 
the exploit had been performed, the gallantry with 
which the young general had exposed his own per- 
son in the assault, the generosity with which he 
had divided his share of the booty among the 
soldiers, all struck the lively imagination of the 
French ; and he became more than ever the idol of 
the people. 

Yet, during the remamder of the campaign, his 
arms were not crowned with such distinguished 
success. In May, he marched against the strong 
town of Thionville, in Luxemburg. After a siege 
of twenty days, the place surrendered. Having 
taken one or two other towns of less impor- 
tance, the French army wasted nearly three weeks 
in a state of inaction, unless, indeed, we take into 
account the activity caused by intestine troubles of 
the army itself. It is difficult to criticize fairly the 
conduct of a commander of that age, when his 
levies were made up so largely of foreign mercena- 
ries, who felt so little attachment to the service in 


which they were engaged, that they were ready 
to quarrel with it on the slightest occasion. 
Among these the German schivarzreiters were the 
most conspicuous, manifesting too often a degree 
of insolence and insubordination that made them 
hardly less dangerous as friends than as enemies. 
The importance they attached to their own services 
made them exorbitant in their demands of pay. 
When this, as was too frequently the case, was in 
arrears, they took the matter into their own hands, 
by pillaging the friendly country in which they were 
quartered, or by breakmg out into open mutmy. 
A German baron, on one occasion, went so far as 
to level his pistol at the head of the duke of Guise. 
So widely did this mutinous spirit extend, that it 
was only by singular coolness and address that this 
popular chieftain could bring these adventurers into 
anything like subjection to his authority. As it 
was, the loss of time caused by these troubles was 
attended with most disastrous consequences. 

The duke had left Calais garrisoned by a strong 
force, under Marshal Termes. He had since or- 
dered that veteran to take command of a body 
of fifteen hundred horse and five thousand foot, 
drawn partly from the garrison itself, and to march 
mto West Flanders. Guise proposed to join 
him there with his own troops, when they would 
furnish such occupation to the Spaniards as would 
effectually prevent them from a second invasion of 

The plan was well designed, and the marshal 


faithfully executed his part of it. Taking the 
road by St. Omer, he entered Flanders in the 
neighborhood of Dunkirk, laid siege to that 
flourishing town, stormed and gave it up to 
pillage. He then penetrated as far as Nieu- 
port, when the fatigue and the great heat of the 
weather brought on an attack of gout, which en- 
tirely disabled him. The officer on whom the 
command devolved allowed the men to spread 
themselves over the country, where they perpe- 
trated such acts of rapacity and violence as were 
not sanctioned even by the code of that unscrupu- 
lous age. The wretched inhabitants, driven from 
their homes, called loudly on Count Egmont, their 
governor, to protect them. The duke of Savoy lay 
with his army, at this time, at Maubeuge, in the 
province of Namur ; but he sent orders to Egmont 
to muster such forces as he could raise in the 
neighboring country, and to intercept the retreat 
of the French, until the duke could come to his 
support and chastise the enemy. 

Egmont, indignant at the wrongs of his coun- 
trymen, and burning with the desire of revenge, 
showed the greatest alacrity in obeying these or- 
ders. Volunteers came in from all sides, and he 
soon found himself at the head of an army consist- 
ing of ten or twelve thousand foot and two thou- 
sand horse. With these he crossed the borders at 
once, and sent forward a detachment to occupy the 
great road by which De Termes had penetrated 
into Flanders. 


The French commander, advised too late of these 
movements, saw that it was necessary to abandon 
at once his present quarters, and secure, if possible, 
his retreat. Guise was at a distance, occupied with 
the troubles of his own camp. The Flemings had 
possession of the route by which the marshal had 
entered the country. One other lay open to him 
along the sea-shore, in the neighborhood of Grave- 
lines, where the Aa pours its waters into the ocean. 
By taking advantage of the ebb, the river might be 
forded, and a direct road to Calais would be presented. 

Termes saw that no time was to be lost. He 
caused himself to be removed from his sick-bed to 
a litter, and began his retreat at once. On leaving 
Dunkirk, he fired the town, where the houses were 
all that remamed to the wretched inhabitants of 
their property. His march was impeded by his ar- 
tillery, by his baggage, and especially by the booty 
which he was conveying back from the plundered 
provinces. Fie however succeeded in crossing the 
Aa at low water, and gained the sands on the op- 
posite side. But the enemy was there before him.^ 

Egmont, on getting tidings of the marshal's 
movements, had crossed the river higher up, where 
the stream Avas narrower. Disencumbering him- 
self of artillery, and even of baggage, in order to 

6 De Thou,IIistoirc Universelle, llppo Secondo, parte 11. lib. 10. — 

torn. III. p. 238. — Garnier, His- Cabrera, Filipc Segundo, lib. IV. 

toire de France, torn. XXVII. p. cap. 21. — Hcrrera, Ilistoria Gene- 

^12. — Rabutin, ap. Nouvelle Col- ral, lib. V. cap. 5. — Monplein- 

\ection des Me moires, torn. VII. p. champ, Vie du Due de Savoie, p. 

v)98 — Campana, Vita del Re Fi- 154. 

262 WAR WITH FRANCE. [Book 1 

move the lighter, he made a rapid march to the 
sea-side, and reached it in time to intercept the 
enemy. There was no choice left for Termes 
but to fight his way through the Spaniards or sur- 

Ill as he was, the marshal mounted his horse 
and addressed a few words to his troops. Point- 
ing in the direction of the blazing ruins of Dun- 
kirk, he told them that they could not return 
there. Then turning towards Calais, " There is 
your home," he said, " and you must beat the 
enemy before you can gain it." He determined, 
however, not to begin the action, but to secure his 
position as strongly as he could, and wait the as- 
sault of the Spaniards. 

He placed his infantry in the centre, and flanked 
it on either side by his cavalry. In the front he 
established his artillery, consisting of six or seven 
falconets, — field-pieces of smaller size. He threw 
a considerable body of Gascon pikemen in the rear, 
to act as a reserve wherever their presence should 
be required. The river Aa, which flowed behind 
his troops, formed also a good protection in that 
quarter. His left wing he covered by a barricade 
made of the baggage and artillery wagons. His 
right, which rested on the ocean, seemed secure 
from any annoyance on that side. 

Count Egmont, seeing the French thus prepar- 
ing to give battle, quickly made his own disposi- 
tions. He formed his cavalry into three divisions. 
The centre he proposed to lead in person. It was 

Ch. viii] battle of gravelikes. 261^ 

made up chiefly of the heavy men-at-arms and 
some Flemish horse. On the right he placed hia 
light cavalry, and on the left wing rode the Span- 
ish. His infantry he drew up in such a manner 
as to support the several divisions of horse. Hav- 
ing completed his arrangements, he gave orders to 
the centre and the right wing to charge, and rode 
at full gallop against the enemy. 

Though somewhat annoyed by the heavy guns 
in their advance, the battalions came on in good 
order, and fell with such fury on the French left 
and centre, that horse and foot were borne down 
by the violence of the shock. But the French gen- 
tlemen who formed the cavalry were of the samo 
high mettle as those who fought at St. Quentin. 
Though borne down for a moment, they were not 
overpowered ; and, after a desperate struggle, they 
succeeded in rallying and in driving back the as- 
sailants. Egmont returned to the charge, but was 
forced back with greater loss than before. The 
French, following up their advantage, compelled 
the assailants to retreat on their own lines. The 
guns, at the same time, opening on the exposed 
flank of the retreating troopers, did them consid- 
erable mischief Egmont' s horse was killed under 
him, and he had nearly been run over by his 
own followers. In the mean while, the Gascon 
reserve, armed with their long spears, pushed on 
to the support of the cavalry, and filled the aii 
with their shouts of " Victory ! " ^ 

■^ Cabrera, Filipc Segundo, lib. IV. cap. 21. 

264 WAR WITH FRANCE. [Book 1 

The field seemed to be already lost ; when the 
left wing of Spanish horse, which had not yet 
come into action, seeing the disorderly state of the 
French, as they were pressing on, charged them 
briskly on the flank. This had the eflfect to check 
the tide of pursuit, and give the fugitives time to 
rally. Egmont, meanwhile, was mounted on a 
fresh horse, and, throwing himself into the midst 
of his followers, endeavored to reanimate their 
courage and reform their disordered ranks. Then, 
cheering them on by his voice and example, he 
cried out, " We are conquerors ! Those who love 
glory and their fatherland, follow me ! " ^ and 
spurred furiously against the enemy. 

The French, hard pressed both on front and 
on flank, fell back m their turn, and continued to 
retreat till they had gained their former position. 
At the same time, the lanzknechts in Egmont's 
service marched up, in defiance of the fire of the 
artillery, and got possession of the guns, running 
the men who had charge of them through with 
their lances.^ The fight now became general ; and, 
as the combatants were brought into close quar- 
ters, they fought as men fight where numbers are 
nearly balanced, and each one seems to feel that 
his own arm may turn the scale of victory. The 
result was brought about by an event which nei 
ther party could control, and neither have foreseen. 

8 "Nous sommes vainqeurs; que 9 Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lik 
ceux qui aiment la gloire et leur IV. cap. 21. 
patrle me sulvent." De Thou, His- 
toire Universellc, torn. III. p. 210. 


An English squadron of ten or twelve vessels 
lay at some distance, but out of sight of the 
combatants. Attracted by the noise of the firing, 
its commander drew near the scene of action, and, 
ranging along shore, opened his fire on the right 
wing of the French, nearest the sea.^^ The shot, 
probably, from the distance of the ships, did 
no great execution, and is even said to have 
killed some of the Spaniards. But it spread a 
panic among the French, as they found themselves 
assailed by a new enemy, who seemed to have risen 
from the depths of the ocean. In their eagerness 
to extricate themselves from the fire, the cavalry 
on the right threw themselves on the centre, 
trampling down their own comrades, until all 
discipline was lost, and horse and foot became 
mingled together in wild disorder. Egmont prof- 
ited by the opportunity to renew his charge ; and 
at length, completely broken and dispirited, the 
enemy gave way in all directions. The stout body 
of Gascons who formed the reserve alone held 
their ground for a time, until, vigorously charged 
by the phalanx of Spanish spearmen, they broke, 
and were scattered like the rest. 

The rout was now general, and the victorious 
cavalry rode over the field, trampling and cutting 
down the fugitives on all sides. Many who did 
not fall under their swords perished in the waters 
of the Aa, now swollen by the rising tide. Others 

'0 De Thou, Histoire Univer- Histoire de France, torn. XXVII 
lelle, toni III. p. 210. — Garnler, p. 516. 

VOL. 1-8 34 X 


were drowaied in the ocean. No less than fifteen 
hundred of those who escaped from the field are 
said to have been killed by the peasantry, who 
occupied the passes, and thus took bloody revenge 
for the injuries inflicted on their country.^^ Two 
thousand French are stated to have fallen on the 
field, and not more than five hundred Spaniards, or 
rather Flemings, who composed the bulk of the 
army. The loss fell most severely on the French 
cavalry; severely mdeed, if, according to some ac- 
counts, not very credible, they were cut to pieces 
almost to a man.-^^ The number of prisoners was 
three thousand. Among them Avas Marshal Termes 
himself, who had been disabled bv a wound in 
the head. All the baggage, the ammunition, and 
the rich spoil gleaned by the foray into Flanders, 
became the j^rize of the victors. — Although not so 
important for the amount of forces engaged, the 
victory of Gravelmes was as complete as that of 
St Quentin.^2 

11 Cabrera, Fllipc Segundo, lib. lib. IV. cap. 21. — De Thou, His- 
IV. cap. 21. — De Thou, Ilistoire toire Universelle, torn. III. pp. 
Universelle, torn. III. p. 241. 239 - 241. — Gamier, Ilistoire de 

12 " Ma della caualleria niuno fu France, torn. XXVII. p. 513 et scq. 
quasi, ch' 6 non morisse combat- — Rabutin, ap. Nouvelle Collection 
tendo, 6 non restasse prigione, non des Memoires, torn. VII. p. 598. — 
potendosi saluar fuggendo in quei Herrera, Historia General, lib. \, 
]uoghipaludosi,malageuoli." Cam- cap. 5. — Ferreras, Histoire Gene- 
pana. Vita del Re Filippo Secondo, rale d'Espagne, torn. IX. p. 396. — 
parte II. lib. 10. Monpleinchamp, Vie du Due de 

^3 For the accounts of this bat- Savoie, p. 155. 

tie, gee Campana, Vita del Re I know of no action of which the 

Filippo Secondo, parte II. \\h. accounts are so perfectly irrccon- 

1 0. — Cabrera, Fillpc Segundo, cilable in their details as thoie ol 

Ch. viii.j battle of gravelines. 267 

Yet the French, who had a powerful army on 
foot, were in better condition to meet their re- 
verses than on that day. The duke of Guise, 
on receiving the tidings, instantly marched with 
his whole force, and posted himself strongly behind 
the Somme, in order to cover Picardy from in- 
vasion. The duke of Savoy, uniting his forces 
with those of Count Egmont, took up a position 
along the line of the Authie, and made demonstra- 
tions of laying siege to Dourlens. The French and 
Spanish monarchs both took the field. So well 
appointed and large a force as that led by Henry 
had not been seen in France for many a year ; yet 
that monarch might justly be mortified by the 
reflection, that the greater part of this force was 
made up of foreign mercenaries, amounting, it is 
said, to forty thousand. Philip was in equal 
strength, and the length of the war had enabled 
him to assemble his best captains around him. 
Among them was Alva, whose cautious counsels 
might serve to temper the bolder enterprise of 
the duke of Savoy. 

A level ground, four leagues in breadth, lay 
between the armies. Skirmishes took place oc- 

the battle of Gravelines. Autbori- matter to extract a probability 

ties are not even agreed as to wheth- from many improbabilities. There 

er it Avas an English fleet that fired is one fact, however, and that the 

on the French troops. One writer most important one, in which all 

speaks of it as a Spanish squadron agree, — that Count Egmont won 

from Guipuscoa. Another says a decisive victory over the French 

the marines landed, and engaged at Gravelines. 
the enemy on shore. It is no easy 


casionally between the light troops on either side, 
and a general engagement might be brought on 
at any moment. All eyes were turned to the 
battle-field, where the two greatest princes of 
Europe might so soon contend for mastery with 
each other. Had the fathers of these princes, 
Charles the Fifth and Francis the First, been in 
the field, such very probably would have been the 
issue. But Philip was not disposed to risk the 
certain advantages he had already gained by a 
final appeal to arms. And Henry was still less 
inclined to peril all — his capital, perhaps his 
crown — on the hazard of a single cast. 

There were many circumstances which tended to 
make both monarchs prefer a more peaceful arbit- 
rament of their quarrel, and to disgust them with 
the war. Among these was the ruinous state of 
their finances.^* When E-uy Gomez de Silva, as 
has been already stated, was sent to Spain by 
Philip, he was ordered to avail himself of every 

14 There is an interesting letter presented themselves with such 
of Philip's sister, the Regent Jo- force to both Philip and his minis- 
anna, to her father, the emperor, ters. The capture of Calais, soon 
then in the monastery at Yuste. after the date of Joanna's letter, 
It was written nearly a year before and the great preparations made 
this period of our history. Joanna by Henry, threw a weight into the 
gives many good reasons, espe- enemy's scale which gave new heart 
cially the disorders of his finan- to the French to prolong the con- 
ccs, which made it expedient for test, until it ended with the defeat 
Philip to profit by his success- at Gravellnes. — Carta de la Prin- 
ful campaign to conclude a peace cesa Juana al Emperador, 14 de 
with France. These views, though Diciembrc, 1557, IMS. — Carta del 
they did not meet the approval of Emperador a la Princesa, TG de 
Charles, were the same which now Diciembre, 1557, MS. 


expedient that could be devised to raise money. 
Offices were put up for sale to the highest bidder. 
The public revenues were mortgaged. Large sums 
were obtained from merchants at exorbitant rates 
of interest. Forced loans were exacted from in- 
dividuals, especially from such as were known 
to have received large returns by the late arrivals 
from the New World. Three hundred thousand 
ducats were raised on the security of the coming 
fair at Villalon. The Regent Joanna was per- 
suaded to sell her yearly pension, assigned her on 
the alcavala, for a downright sum to meet the ex- 
igencies of the state. Goods were obtained from 
the king of Portugal, in order to be sent to Flan- 
ders for the profit to be raised on the sale.^^ Such 
were the wretched devices by which Philip, who 
inherited this policy of temporizing expedients 
from his father, endeavored to replenish his ex- 
hausted treasury. Besides the sums drawn from 
Castile, the king obtained also no less than a million 
and a half of ducats, as an extraordinary grant 
from the states of the Netherlands.^^ Yet these 
sums, large as they were, were soon absorbed by 
the expense of keeping armies on foot in France 
and in Italy. Philip's correspondence with his 
ministers teems with representations of the low 
state of his finances, of the arrears due to his 

'5 Relatione di Giovanni IVIicheli, ^6 Relatione di Giovanni Miche 
.MS.— Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. li, MS. 
IV. cap. 2, 4. — Campana, Vita di 
Filippo Sccondo, parte II. lib. 11. 

8 X* 


Iroops, and the necessity of immediate supplies 
to save him from bankruptcy. The prospects the 
ministers hold out to him in return are anything 
but encouraging.^^ 

Another circumstance which made both princes 
desire the termination of the war was the disturbed 
state of their own kingdoms. The Protestant 
heresy had already begun to rear its formidable 
crest in the Netherlands ; and the Huguenots 
were beginning to claim the notice of the French 
government. Henry the Second, who was pene- 
trated, as much as Philip himself, with the spirit 
of the Inquisition, longed for leisure to crush 
the heretical doctrines in the bud. In this pious 
purpose he was encouraged by Paul the Fourth, 
who, now that he was himself restrained from levy- 
ing war against his neighbors, seemed resolved 
that no one else should claim that indulgence. 
He sent legates tvi both Henry and Philip, con- 
juring them, instead of warring with each other, 
to turn their arms against the heretics in their 
dominions, who were sapping the foundations of 
the Church.^^ 

1'' " Yo OS digo que yo estoy de ter he was in such straits, that, if 
todo punto imposlbilitado a sostener the French king had not made ad- 
la guerra Estos terminos me vances towards an accommodation, 

parecen tan aprestados que so pena he should have been obliged to do 

de perderme no puedo dejar de so himself. Campana, Vita di Fi- 

concertarme." Letter of Philip to lippo Secondo, parte II. lib. 11. 
the Bishop of Arras, (February 12, ^^ Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. 

1559,) ap. Papiers d'Etatde Gran- IV. cap. 16. — Ferreras, Histoire 

velle, torn. V. p. 454, et alibi. Generale d'Espagne, foni. VII. p, 

Philip told the Venetian minis- 39 7 


The pacific disposition of the two monarchs was, 
moreover, fostered by the French prisoners, and 
especially by Montmorency, whose authority had 
been such at court, that Charles the Fifth declared 
" his capture was more important than would have 
been that of the king himself" ^^ The old consta- 
ble was most anxious to return to his own country, 
where he saw with uneasiness the ascendency 
which his absence and the prolongation of the 
war were giving to his rival, Guise, in the royal 
counsels. Through him negotiations were opened 
with the French court, until, Henry the Second 
thinking, with good reason, that these negotiations 
would be better conducted by a regular congress 
than by prisoners in the custody of his enemies, 
commissioners were appointed on both sides, to 
arrange the terms of accommodation.^^ Montmo- 
rency and his fellow-captive. Marshal St. Andre, 
were included in the commission. But the person 
of most importance in it, on the part of France, 
was the cardinal of Lorraine, brother of the duke of 
Guise, a man of a subtle, intriguing temper, and 
one who, like the rest of his family, notwithstand- 

19 " Habld que era de tener en appears from the correspondence 
mas la pressa del Condestable, que of Granvelle, that that minister 
si fuera la misma persona del Key, employed a respectable agent to 
porquefaltando el, falta el govierno take charge of the letters of St. 
jeneral todo." Carta del Mayor- Andre, and probably of the other 
domo Don Luis Mendez Quixada prisoners, and that these letters 
al Secretario Juan Vazquez de were inspected by Granvelle be- 
Molina, MS. fore they passed to the French 

20 The French government had camp. See Papiers d'Etat de 
pooti :«^asons for its distrust. It Granvelle, tom. V. p. 178. 

272 WAR WITH FRANCE. [Book 1 

ing his pacific demonstrations, may be said to have 
represented the war party in France.^^ 

On the part of Spam the agents selected were 
the men most conspicuous for talent and authority 
in the kingdom ; the names of some of whom, 
"whether for good or for evil report, remain im- 
mortal on the page of history. Among these 
were the duke of Alva and his great antagonist, 
— as he became afterwards in the Netherlands, — 
William of Orange. But the principal person in 
the commission, the man who in fact directed it, was 
Anthony Perrenot, bishop of Arras, better known 
by his later title of Cardinal Granvelle. He was 
son of the celebrated chancellor of that name under 
Charles the Fifth, by whom he was early trained, 
not so much to the duties of the ecclesiastical pro- 
fession as of public life. He profited so well by 
the instruction, that, in the emperor's time, he 
succeeded his father in the royal confidence, and 
surpassed him in his talent for afiairs. His ac- 
commodatmg temper combined with his zeal for 
the interests of Philip to recommend Granvelle to 
the favor of that monarch ; and his insinuating 
address and knowledge of character well qualified 

21 Some historians, among them duped. A memorandum among 
Sismondl, seem to have given more his papers thus notices the French 
credit to the professions of the cardinal : " Toute la demonstration 
politic Frenchman than they de- que faisoit ledlct cardinal de Lor- 
?erve, (Histoire des Fran^als, tom. raine de deslrer paix, estoit chose 
XVIII. p. 73.) Granvelle, who faincte k la fran9oise et pour nous 
understood the character of his abuser." Paplers d'Etat de Gran- 
antagonist better, was not so easily velle, tom. V. p. 168. 


him for conducting a negotiation where there were 
SO many jarring feelings to be brought into con- 
cord, so many hostile and perplexing interests to 
be reconciled. 

As a suspension of hostilities was agreed on 
during the continuance of the negotiations, it was 
decided to remove the armies from the neighbor- 
hood of each other, where a single spark might at 
any time lead to a general explosion. A still 
stronger earnest was given of their pacific in- 
tentions, by both the monarchs' disbanding part 
of their foreign mercenaries, whose services were 
purchased at a ruinous cost, that made one of the 
great evils of the war. 

The congress met on the fifteenth of October, 
1558, at the abbey of Cercamps, near Cambray. 
Between parties so well disposed, it might be 
thought that some general terms of accommoda 
tion would soon be settled. But the war, which 
ran back pretty far into Charles the Fifth's time, 
had continued so long, that many territories had 
changed masters during the contest, and it was 
not easy to adjust the respective claims to them. 
The duke of Savoy's dominions, for example, had 
passed into the hands of Henry the Second, who, 
moreover, asserted an hereditary right to them 
through his grandmother. Yet it was not possi- 
ble for Philip to abandon his ally, the man whom 
lie had placed at the head of his armies. But the 
greatest obstacle was Calais. " If we return with- 
out the recovery of Calais," said the Englisli en- 

VOL. I. 35 


voys, who also took part in this congress, " we 
shall be stoned to death by the people." ^^ Philip 
supported the claim of England ; and yet it was 
evident that France would never relinquish a post 
so important to herself, which, after so many years I 
of hope deferred, had at last come again into her 
possession. While engaged in the almost hope- 
less task of adjusting these diiferences, an event 
occurred which suspended the negotiations for a 
time, and exercised an important influence on the 
affairs of Europe. This was the death of one of 
the parties to the war. Queen Mary of England. 

Mary's health had been fast declining of late, 
under the pressure of both mental and bodily dis- 
ease. The loss of Calais bore heavily on her 
spirits, as she thought of the reproach it would 
bring on her reign, and the increased unpopularity 
it would draw upon herself. " When I die," she 
said, in the strong language since made familiar 
to Englishmen by the similar expression of their 
great admiral, " Calais will be found written on 
my heart." "^ 

Philip, who was not fully apprised of the queen's 
low condition, early in November sent the count, 
afterwards duke, of Feria as his envoy to London, 

22 " Adjoustant que, si Calaix want of frigates would be found 
demcurolt aux Fran<jois, ny luy ny written on my heart." The origi- 
ses c'ollegues n'oseroyent retourner nal of this letter of Nelson is in 
en Angleterre, et que certainement the curious collection of autograpli 
Ig peuple les lapideroit." Ibid., p. letters which belonged to the latts 
819. Sir Robert Peel. 

23 " Were I to die this moment, 


with letters for Mary. This nobleman, who had 
married one of the queen's maids of honor, stood 
high in the favor of his master. With courtly 
manners, and a magnificent way of living, he com- 
bined a shrewdness and solidity of judgment, that 
eminently fitted him for his present mission. The 
queen received with great joy the letters which he 
brought her, though too ill to read them. Feria^ 
seeing the low state of Mary's health, was earnest 
with the council to secure the succession for Eliza- 

He had the honor of supping with the princess 
at her residence in Hatfield, about eighteen miles 
from London. The Spaniard enlarged, in the 
course of conversation, on the good-will of his 
master to Elizabeth, as shown in the friendly ofi[ices 
he had rendered her during her imprisonment, and 
his desire to have her succeed to the crown. The 
envoy did not add that this desire was prompted 
not so much by the king's concern for the inter- 
ests of Elizabeth as by his jealousy of the French, 
who seemed willing to countenance the pretensions 
of Mary Stuart, the wife of the dauphin, to tlie 
English throne.^* The princess acknowledged tlie 
protection she had received from Philip in her 

2* Philip's feelings in this mat- from a great embarrassment. " S! 

ter may be gathered from a pas- la reyna mo9a se muriesse, que 

«age in a letter to Granvelle, in diz que anda muy mala, nos qui- 

which he says that the death of taria de hartos embaracjos y del 

the young queen of Scots, then derecho (pie pretcnden ii Ingla- 

very ill, would silence the pre- terra." Tapiers d'Etat de (Jran- 

tensions which the French made vellc, torn. V. p. G13. 
jo England, and relieve Spain 


troubles. *'But for her present prospects," she 
said, "she was mdebted neither to the king nor 
to the English lords, however much these latter 
might vaunt their fidelity. It was to the people 
that she owed them, and on the people she re- 
lied." ^^ This answer of Elizabeth furnishes the 
key to her success. 

The penetrating eye of the envoy soon perceived 
that the English princess was under evil influences. 
The persons most in her confidence, he wrote, were 
understood to have a decided leaning to the Lu- 
theran heresy, and he augured most unfavorably 
for the future prospects of the kingdom. 

On the seventeenth of November, 1558, after a 
brief, but most disastrous reign. Queen Mary died. 
Her fate has been a hard one. Unimpeachable in 
her private life, and, however misguided, with 
deeply-seated religious principles, she has yet left 
a name held in more general execration than any 
other on the roll of English sovereigns. One ob- 
vious way of accounting for this, doubtless, is by 
the spirit of persecution which hung like a dark 
cloud over her reign. And this not merely on ac- 
count of the persecution ; for that was common 
with the line of Tudor ; but because it was directed 

25 « Tras esto veola muy indl- de esto no reconoce nada a V. M. 

gnada de las cosas que se lian ni a la nobleza del Reino, aunque 

hecho contra ella en vida de la dice que la lian enviado a prometer 

Reina : muy asida al pueblo, y niuy todos que la seran fieles." Memo- 

confiada que lo tiene todo de su rias de la Real Academla de la 

parte (como es verdad), y dando Historia, (Madrid, 1832,) torn. VII 

a entender que el Pueblo la ha p. 254. 
puesto en el cstado que csta ; y 


against the professors of a religion which came to 
be the established religion of the country. Thus 
the blood of the martyr became the seed of a great 
and powerful church, ready through all after timt 
to bear testimony to the ruthless violence of its 

There was still another cause of Mary's unpopu- 
larity. The daughter of Katharine of Aragon 
eould not fail to be nurtured in a reverence for the 
illustrious line from which she was descended. 
The education begun in the cradle was continued 
in later years. When the young princess was be- 
trothed to her cousin, Charles the Fifth, it was 
stipulated that she should be made acquainted 
with the language and the institutions of Castile, 
and should even wear the costume of the country. 
"And who," exclaimed Henry the Eighth, "is so 
well fitted to instruct her in all this as the queen, 
her mother ] " Even after the match with her im- 
perial suitor was broken off by his marriage with 
the Portuguese infanta, Charles still continued to 
take a lively interest in the fortunes of his young 
kinswoman ; while she, in her turn, naturally 
looked to the emperor, as her nearest relative, for 
counsel and support. Thus drawn towards Spain 
by the ties of kindred, by sympathy, and by inter- 
est, Mary became in truth more of a Spanish than 
an English woman ; and when all this was com- 
pleted by the odious Spanish match, and she gave 
her hand to Philip the Second, the last tie seemed 
to be severed w^hich had bound her to her native 
8 Y 

2 78 WAR WITH FRANCE. [Book l 

land. Thenceforth she remamed an alien m the 
midst of her own subjects. — Very different w^as 
the fate of her sister and successor, Elizabeth, who 
ruled over her people like a true-hearted English 
queen, under no influence and with no interests 
distinct from theirs. She was requited for it by 
the most loyal devotion on their part ; Avhile round 
her throne have gathered those patriotic recollec- 
tions which, in spite of her many errors, still ren- 
der her name dear to Englishmen. 

On the death of her sister, Elizabeth, without 
opposition, ascended the throne of her ancestors. 
It may not be displeasing to the reader to see the 
portrait of her sketched by the Venetian minister 
at this period, or rather two years earlier, when 
she was tAventy-three years of age. " The prin- 
cess," he says, " is as beautiful in mind as she is 
in body ; though her countenance is rather pleas- 
ing from its expression, than beautiful.^^ She is 
large and well-made ; her complexion clear, and 
of an olive tint ; her eyes are fine, and her hands, 
on which she prides herself, small and delicate. 
She has an excellent genius, with much address 
and self-command, as was abundantly shown in 
the severe trials to which she was exposed in the 
earlier part of her life. In her temper she is 
haughty and imperious, qu.alities inherited from 
her father. King Henry the Eighth, who, from her 

26 " Non manco bella d'animo gratiosa die bella." Relaljone di 
che sia di corpo ; ancor' chc di Giovanni Miclicli, MS. 
Caccia si pud dir' chc sia piu tosto 

Ch. \TII.J accession of ELIZABETH. 279 

resemblance to himself, is said to have regarded 
her with peculiar fondness." ^^ — He had, it must 
be owned, an uncommon way of showing it. 

One of the first acts of Elizabeth was to write 
an elegant Latin epistle to Philip, in which she 
acquainted him with her accession to the crown, 
and expressed the hope that they should continue 
to maintain " the same friendly relations as their 
ancestors had done, and, if possible, more friendly." 

Philip received the tidings of his wife's death at 
Brussels, where her obsequies were celebrated, 
with great solemnity, on the same day with her 
funeral in London. All outward shoAv of respect 
was paid to her memory. But it is doing no injus- 
tice to Philip to suppose that his heart was not 
very deeply touched by the loss of a wife so many 
years older than himself, whose temper had been 
soured, and whose personal attractions, such as 
they were, had long since faded under the pressure 
of disease. Still, it was not without feelings of 
deep regret that the ambitious monarch saw the 
sceptre of England — barren though it had proved 
to him — thus suddenly snatched from his grasp. 

We have already seen that Philip, during his 
residence in the country, had occasion more than 

27 " Delia persona e grande, et ne i sospetti, et pericoli ne i quali 

ben formata, dl bclla came, ancor s' e ritrovata cosi ben governaro. 

che olivastra, begl' occhi, et sopra Si tien superba, et gloriosa 

tutto bella mano, dl die fa pro- per il padre ; del quale dicono tutti 

fessione, d' un spirito, et ingegno clie e anco piu simile, et per cio 

mirabile : il che ha saputo molto gli fu sempre cara." Ibid, 
ben dimostrare, con I'essersi saputa 

280 WAR WITH FRANCE. [Book I. 

once to interpose his good offices in behalf of 
Elizabeth. It was perhaps the friendly relation 
in which he thus stood to her, quite as much as 
her personal qualities, that excited in the king a 
degree of interest which seems to have provoked 
something like jealousy in the bosom of his 
queen.^^ However this may be, motives of a very 
different character from those founded on senti- 
ment noAV determined him to retain, if possible, his 
hold on England, by transferring to Elizabeth the 
connection which had subsisted with Mary. 

A month had not elapsed since Mary's remains 
were laid in Westminster Abbey, when the royal 
widower made direct offers, through his ambas- 
sador, Feria, for the hand of her successor. Yet 
his ardor did not precipitate him into any unquali- 
fied declaration of his passion ; on the contrary, his 
proposals were limited by some very prudent con- 

It was to be understood that Elizabeth must be 
a Roman Catholic, and, if not one already, must 
repudiate her errors and become one. She was to 
obtain a dispensation from the pope for the mar- 
riage. Philip was to be allowed to visit Spain, 
whenever he deemed it necessary for the interests 
of that kingdom ; — a provision which seems to 
show that Mary's over-fondness, or her jealousy. 

28 The Spanish minister, Feria, the favor of Elizabeth. l>iit Philip 

desired his master to allow him to had the good feeling — or good 

mention Mary's jealousy, as an ar- taste — to refuse. Memorias de la 

gnment to recommend his suit to Real Academia, torn YII. p. 203 


must have occasioned him some inconvenience on 
that score. It was further to be stipulated, that 
the issue of the marriage should not, as was agreed 
in the contract with Mary, inherit the Nether- 
lands, which were to pass to his son Don Carlos, 
the prince of Asturias. 

Feria was directed to make these proposals by 
word of mouth, not in writing ; " although," adds 
his considerate master, " it is no disgrace for a 
man to have his proposals rejected, when they 
are founded, not on worldly considerations, but on 
zeal for his Maker and the interests of religion." 

Elizabeth received the offer of Philip's hand, 
qualified as it Avas, in the most gracious man- 
ner. She told the ambassador, indeed, that, " in 
a matter of this kind, she could take no step 
without consulting her parliament. But his mas- 
ter might rest assured, that, should she be induced 
to marry, there was no man she should prefer to 
him."^^ Philip seems to have been contented with 
the encouragement thus given, and shortly after he 
addressed Elizabeth a letter, written with his own 
hand, in which he endeavored to impress on her 
how much he had at heart the success of his am- 
oassador s mission. 

The course of events in England, however, soon, 
showed that such success was not to be relied on, 
and that Feria's prognostics in regard to the policy 

29 " Dijo que convendria consul- que en easo de casarso, seria el 

tarlo con el Parlamento; blen que preferldo a todos." IbiJ., p, 2G1. 
-il Rev Catdlico debia estar seguro 

VOL. I. 8 3G Y* 


of Elizabeth were well founded. Parliament soon 
entered on the measures which ended in the sub- 
version of the E-oman Catholic, and tb^ restora- 
tion of the Reformed religion. And it was very 
evident that these measures, if not originally dic- 
tated by the queen, must at least have received 
her sanction. 

Philip, in consequence, took counsel with two 
of his ministers, on whom he most relied, as to the 
expediency of addressing Elizabeth on the subject, 
and telling her plainly, that, unless she openly 
disavowed the proceedings of parliament, the mar- 
riage could not take place.^ Her vanity should be 
soothed by the expressions of his regret at being 
obliged to relinquish the hopes of her hand. But, 
as her lover modestly remarked, after this candid 
statement of all the consequences before her, 
whatever the result might be, she would have no 
one to blame but herself.^^ His sage advisers, 
probably not often called to deliberate on ques- 
tions of this delicate nature, entirely concurred in 
opinion with their master. In any event, they 

30 "Paresceme que seria blen ^^ " Convendria que hablasse 

que el conde le hablasse claro en claro a la Reyna, y le dixesse rasa- 

estas. cosas de la religion, y la mente que aunque yo desseo muclio 

amonestasse y rogasse de mi parte este negocio, (y por aqui envanes- 

que no hiziesse en este parlamento c^ella quanto pudiesse,) pero que 

mudan^a en ella, y que si la liici- entendiesse que si haria mudar(9a 

esse que 3^0 no podria venir en lo en la religion, yo lo liacia en este 

del easamiento, como en effecto no desseo y voluntad por que despaes 

vendria." Carta del Rey Phelipe no pudiesse dezirque no se le avia 

al Duque de Alba, 7 de Febrero, dicho antes." Ibid. 
1559. MS 


regarded it as impossible that he should wed a 

What effect this frank remonstrance had on the 
queen we are not told. Certain it is, Philip's suit 
no lorger sped so favorably as before. Elizabeth^ 
throwing off all disguise, plainly told Feria, when 
pressed on the matter, that she felt great scruples 
as to seeking a dispensation from the pope ;^ and 
soon after she openly declared in parliament, what 
she was in the habit of repeating so often, that she 
had no other purpose but to live and die a maid.^ — 
It can hardly be supposed that Elizabeth enter- 
tained serious thoughts, at any time, of marrying 
Philip. If she encouraged his addresses, it was 
only until she felt herself so securely seated on 
the throne, that she was independent of the ill- 
will she would incur by their rejection. It was a 
game in which the heart, probably, formed no part 
of the stake on either side. In this game, it must 
be confessed, the English queen showed herself 
the better player of the two. 

Philip bore his disappointmei t with great equa- 
nimity. He expressed his regret to Elizabeth that 
she should have decided in a way so contrary to 
what the public interests seemed to demand. But 
since it appeared to her otherwise, he should ac- 
quiesce, and only hoped that the same end might 
be attained by the continuance of their friend 

32 " Dljo qne pensaba estar sin Memorias de la Real Academia 
easarse, porque tenia mucho escrii- torn. VII. p. 2G5. 
pulo en lo de ladispensa del Papa." ^^ Ibid., p. 2GG. 


ship.^ With all this philosophy, we may well 
believe that, with a character like that of Philip, 
some bitterness must have remained in the heart ; 
and that, very probably, feelings of a personal na- 
ture mingled with those of a political in the long 
hostilities which he afterwards carried on with the 
English queen. 

In the month of February, the conferences for 
the treaty had been resumed, and the place of 
meeting changed from the abbey of Cercamps to 
Cateau-Cambresis. The negotiations were urged 
forward with greater earnestness than before, as 
both the monarchs were more sorely pressed by 
their necessities. Philip, in particular, was so 
largely in arrears to his army, that he frankly 
told his ministers " he was on the brink of ruin, 
from which nothing but a peace could save him."^ 
It might be supposed that, in this state of things, 
he would be placed in a disadvantageous attitude 

34 " Aunque habia recibido pena knowledge, Philip will be in the 
de no haberse concluido cosa que greatest embarrassment that any 
tanto deseaba, j pareeia convenir sovereign ever was. " Ko ay un 
al bien publico, pues a ella no le real y deveseles a la gente alemana, 
habia parecido tan necessario, y demas de lo que seles a pagado 
que con buena amistad se conse- aora de la vieja deuda, mas d'uu 

guiria el mismo fin, quedaba sa- mylion d'escudos Por esso 

tisfecho y contento." Ibid., ubi mirad como hazeys, que sino se 

supra. haze la paz yo veo el rey puesto 

35 The duke of Savoy, in a en el mayor trance que rey s'a 
letter to Granvelle, says that the visto jamas, si el no tiene otros 
king is in arrears more than a mil- dineros, que yo no se, a que el 
lion of crowns to the German senor Eraso alle algun secretto que 
troops alone; and, unless the min- tiene reservado para esto." Papiers 
isters have some mysterious receipt d'Etat de Granvelle, lorn. V p 
for raising money, beyond his 458. 


for arranging terms with his adversary. But Phil 
ip and his ministers put the best face possible 
on their affairs, affecting a confidence in their re- 
sources, before their allies as well as their enemies, 
which they were far from feeling ; like some half- 
famished garrison, which makes a brave show of 
its scanty stock of supplies, in order to win better 
terms from the besiegers.^^ 

All the difficulties were at length cleared away, 
except the vexed question of Calais. The English 
queen, it was currently said in the camp, would 
cut off the head of any minister who abandoned it. 
Mary, the young queen of Scots, had just been 
married to the French dauphin, afterwards Francis 
the Second. It was proposed that the eldest 
daughter born of this union should be united to 
the eldest son of Elizabeth, and bring with her 
Calais as a dowry. In this way, the place would 
be restored to England without dishonor to 
France.^^ Such were the wild expedients to 
which the parties resorted in the hope of extri- 
cating themselves from their embarrassment ! 

* The minister in London was Queen of Scott's eldest daughter 

instructed to keep up the same show shall marry with your highnes el- 

of confidence to the English. " To- dest sonne, who with her shall have 

davia mostramos rostro a los Fran- Callice." Forbes, State Papers of 

ceses,comotambienesmenesterque Elizabeth, vol. I. p. 54. 
alia se haga con los Ingleses, que It seemed to be taken for granted 

no se puedc confiar que no vengan that Elizabeth was not to die a 

Franceses a saber dellos lo que alii maiden queen, notwithstanding her 

podrian entender." Ibid., p. 479. assertions so often reiterated to the 

37 Ibid., p. 468. contrary. 

" That the said Dolphin's and 



At length, seeing the absohite necessity of bring 
ing the matter to an issue, Philip ordered the Span- 
ish plenipotentiaries to write his final instructions 
to Feria, his minister in London. The envoy was 
authorized to say, that, although England had 
lost Calais through her own negligence, yet Philip 
would stand faithfully by her for the recovery of it. 
But, on the other hand, she must be prepared to 
support him with her whole strength by land and 
by sea, and that not for a single campaign, but for 
the war so long as it lasted. The government 
should ponder well whether the prize would be 
worth the cost. Feria must bring the matter home 
to the queen, and lead her, if possible, to the de- 
sired conclusion ; but so that she might appear to 
come to it by her own suggestion rather than by 
his. The responsibility must be left with her.^ 
The letter of the plenipotentiaries, which is a very 
long one. is a model in its way, and shows that, 
in some particulars, the science of diplomacy has 
gained little since the sixteenth century. 

Elizabeth needed no argument to make her Avea- 
ry of a war which hung like a dark cloud on the 
morning of her reign. Her disquietude had been 
increased by the fact of Scotland having become 

38 " Hablando con la reyna sin persuadido a cosa que quic^a despues 

persuadirla, ny a la paz, ny d que pensasse que no le estuvlesse blen, 

dexe Calaix, ny tampoco a que V. S. tenga respecto a proponerle 

venfifa bien a las otras condlciones las razones en balanca, de manera 

propuestas por los Franceses, para- que pesen siempre niucho mas la? 

que en niiigun tlempo pueda dezir que la ban de Incllnar al concierto." 

que de parte de S. ^I. la hayan Ibid., p. 479. 


a party to the war; and hostilities, with little credit 
to that country, had broken out along the borders. 
Her own kingdom was in no condition to allow 
her to make the extraordinary efforts demanded 
by Philip. Yet it was plain, if she did not make 
them, or consent to come into the treaty, she must 
be left to carry on the war by herself. Under 
these circumstances, the English government at 
last consented to an arrangement, which, if it did 
not save Calais, so far saved appearances that it 
might satisfy the nation. It was agreed that 
Calais should be restored at the end of eight 
years. If France failed to do this, she was to pay 
five hundred thousand crowns to England, whose 
claims to Calais would not, however, be afiected 
by such a payment. Should either of the parties, 
or their subjects, during that period, do anything 
in contravention of this treaty, or in violation of 
the peace between the two countries, the oiFending 
party should forfeit all claim to the disputed terri- 
tory.^ It was not very probable that eight years 
would elapse without afibrding some plausible pre- 
text to France, under such a provision, for keeping 
her hold on Calais. 

The treaty with England was signed on the 
second of April, 1559. On the day following was 
signed that between France and Spain. By the 
provisions of this treaty, the allies of Philip, Sa- 
voy, Mantua, Genoa, were reinstated in the pos- 

33 Sec the treaty, in Dumont, Corps Diplomatique, (Amsterdam, 
1728,) torn. V. p. 31 

288 WAR WITH FRANCE. [Boor . 

session of the territories of which they had been 
stripped in the first years of the war. Four or 
five places of importance in Savoy were alone re- 
served, to be held as guaranties by the French 
king, until his claim to the inheritance of that 
kingdom was determined. 

The conquests made by Philip in Picardy were 
to be exchanged for those gained by the French in 
Italy and the Netherlands. The exchange was 
greatly for the benefit of Philip. In the time of 
Charles the Fifth, the Spanish arms had experi- 
enced some severe reverses, and the king now 
received more than two hundred towns in return 
for the five places he held in Picardy.*^ 

Terms so disadvantageous to France roused the 
indignation of the duke of Guise, who told Henry 
plainly, that a stroke of his pen would cost the 
country more than thirty years of war. " Give me 
the poorest of the places you are to surrender," said 
he, " and I will undertake to hold it against all 
the armies of Spain ! " *^ But Henry sighed for 
peace, and for the return of his friend, the consta- 
ble. He affected much deference to the opinions 
of the duke. But he wrote to Montmorency that 
the Guises were at their old tricks,*^ — and he 
ratified the treaty. 

40 Gamier, Histoire de France, ger." Gaillard, RIvalite de la 
torn. XXVII. p. 570. France et d'Espagne, torn. V. p. 

41 " Mettez-moi, sire, dans la 294. 

plus mauvaise des places qu'on 42 Garnier, Histoire de France, 
vous propose d'abandonner, et que torn. XXVII. p. 567. 
Vos ennemis taclicut dc m'en delo- 


The day on which the plenipotentiaries of the 
three great powers had completed their work, they 
went in solemn procession to the church, and re- 
turned thanks to the Almighty for the happy 
consummation of their labors. The treaty was 
then made public ; and, notwithstanding the un- 
favorable import of the terms to France, the peace, 
if we except some ambitious spirits, who would 
have found their account in the continuance of 
hostilities was welcomed with joy by the whole 
nation. In this sentiment all the parties to the 
war participated. The more remote, like Spain, 
rejoiced to be delivered from a contest which 
made such large drains on their finances ; while 
France had an additional reason for desiring peace, 
now that her own territory had become the theatre 
of war. 

The reputation which Philip had acquired by 
his campaigns was greatly heightened by the re- 
sult of his negotiations. The whole course of 
these negotiations — long and intricate as it was — 
is laid open to us in the correspondence fortunately 
preserved among the papers of Granvelle ; and the 
student who explores these pages may probably 
rise from them with the conviction that the Span- 
ish plenipotentiaries showed an address, a knowl- 
edge of the men they had to deal with, and a con- 
summate policy, in which neither their French nor 
English rivals were a match for them. The nego- 
tiation all passed under the eyes of Philip. Every 
move in the game, if not by his suggestion, had 

VOL. I. 8 37 Z 

290 WAE, WITH FRANCE. [Book I. 

been made at least with his sanction. The result 
placed him in honorable contrast to Henry the 
Second, who, while Philip had stood firmly by his 
allies, had, in his eagerness for peace, abandoned 
those of France to their fate. 

The early campaigns of Philip had wiped away 
the disgrace caused by the closing campaigns of 
Charles the Fifth ; and by the treaty he had nego- 
tiated, the number of towns which he lost was less 
than that of provinces which he gained.^^ Thus 
he had shown himself as skilful in counsel as he 
had been successful in the field. Victorious in 
Picardy and in Naples, he had obtained the terms 
of a victor from the king of France, and humbled 
the arrogance of Rome, in a war to which he 
had been driven in self-defence.** Faithful to his 
allies and formidable to his foes, there was prob- 
ably no period of Philip's life in which he" pos- 
sessed so much real consideration in the eyes of 
Europe, as at the time of signing the treaty of 

43 " Pour tant de restitutions he said, in a letter to Juan Vazquez 
ou de concessions que revenoit-il k de Molina, and Philip would stand 
la France? moins dc places (quelle acquitted of the consequences be- 
ne cedoit de provinces." Gaillard, fore God and man. 

Kivalite de la France et d'Espagne, " Pues no se puede hazer otra 

torn. V. p. 292. cosa, y el Key se ha justificado en 

44 Charles the Fifth, who, in his tantas maneras cumpliendo con 
monastic seclusion at Yuste, might Dios y el mundo, por escusar los 
naturally have felt more scruples dafios que dello se seguiran, forza- 
at a collision with Rome than do sera usar del ultimo remedio." 
when, in earlier days, he held the Carta del Empcrador a Juan Vaz- 
popc a prisoner in his capital, quez de Molina, 8 dc Agosto, 
decidedly approved of his son's 1557, MS. 

course. It was a war of ne<'essity. 


In order to cement the nnion between the dif- 
ferent powers, and to conciliate the good-will of 
the French nation to the treaty by giving it some- 
w^hat of the air of a marriage contract, it was pro- 
posed that an alliance should take place between 
the royal houses of France and Spain. It was first 
arranged that the hand of Henry's daughter, the 
Princess Elizabeth, should be given to Carlos, 
the son and heir of Philip. The parties were of 
nearly the same age, being each about fourteen 
years old. Now that all prospect of the English 
match had vanished, it was thought to be a greater 
compliment to the French to substitute the father 
for the son, the monarch himself for the heir ap- 
parent, in the marriage treaty. The disparity of 
years between Philip and Elizabeth was not such 
as to present any serious objection. The proposi- 
tion was said to have come from the French nego- 
tiators. The Spanish envoys replied, that, not- 
withstanding their master's repugnance to entering 
again into wedlock, yet, from his regard to the 
French monarch, and his desire for the public 
weal, he would consent to waive his scruples, and 
accept the hand of the French princess, with the 
same dowry which had been promised to his son 
Don Carlos.^^ 

45 " II nous a semble mieulx de le desir du rol tres-chrestlen et le 

leur dire rondement, que comblen bien que de ce manage pourra 

Tostre majeste soit tousjours este succcder, et pour plus prompte- 

dure et difficile a recepvoir per- mentconsolider ceste union etpaix, 

suasions pour se remarier, que elle s'estoit resolue, pour monstrer 

toutesfois, aiant represente h. icelle sa bonne et synccre aflectlon, (Fif 

292 WAR WITH FRANCE. [Book 1 

Queen Elizabeth seems to have been not a lit- 
tle piqued by the intelligence that Philip had so 
soon consoled himself for the failure of his suit 
to her. " Your master," said she, in a petulant 
tone, to Feria, " must have been much in love 
with me not to be able to wait four months ! " 
The ambassador answered somewhat bluntly, by 
throwing the blame of the affair on the queen 
herself. " Not so," she retorted, " I never gave 
your king a decided answer." " True," said Fe- 
ria, " the refusal was only implied, for I would 
not urge your highness to a downright ' No,' lest 
it might prove a cause of offence between so 
great princes." ^^ 

In June, 1559, the duke of Alva entered France 
for the purpose of claiming the royal bride, and 
espousing her in the name of his master. He 
was accompanied by Ruy Gomez, count of Me- 
lito, — better known by his title of prince of Eboli, 
— by the prince of Orange, the Count Egmont, 
and other noblemen, whose high rank and char- 
acter might give lustre to the embassy. He was 
received in great state by Henry, who, with his 
whole court, seemed anxious to show to the envoy 
every mark of respect that could testify their sat- 
isfaction with the object of his mission. The duke 

co7idescendre i'ranchoAnent" Gran- liabia qiierlJo apuraria liasta el 

velle, Papiers d'Etat, torn. V. p. punto de decir redondameiite que 

580. no, por no dar motivo a indigna- 

^ " El Conde la dijo, que aun- clones entre dos tan grandes Prin- 

que las negativas habian sido cipes." Mem. de la Acadeniia, 

en cierto modo indlrectas, el no torn. VII. p. 2G8. 


displayed all the stately demeanor of a true Spanish 
hidalgo. Although he conformed to the French 
usage by saluting the ladies of the court, he de- 
clined taking this liberty with his future queen, or 
covering himself, as repeatedly urged, in her pres- 
ence, — a piece of punctilio greatly admired by the 
French, as altogether worthy of the noble Castilian 

On the twenty-fourth of June, the marriage of 
the young princess was celebrated in the church 
of St. Mary. King Henry gave his daughter away. 
The duke of Alva acted as his sovereign's proxy. 
At the conclusion of the ceremony, the prince of 
Eboli placed on the finger of the princess, as a 
memento from her lord, a diamond ring of inesti- 
mable value ; and the beautiful Elizabeth, the des- 
tined bride of Don Carlos, became the bride of the 
king his father. It was an ominous union, des- 
tined, in its mysterious consequences, to supply a 
richer theme for the pages of romance than for 
those of history. 

The wedding was followed by a succession of 
brilliant entertainments, the chief of which was the 
tournament, — the most splendid pageant of th it 
spectacle-loving age. Henry was, at that time, 
busily occupied with the work of exterminating 

*' " Osservando egli 1* usanza testa, per istanza, clie da lei ne gli 

Franeese nel baciar tutte 1' altre fussc fatta ; il che fu notato per 

Dame dl Corte, nell' arriuar alia noblllsshno, e degno atto di creaza 

futura sua Relna, non solo intermise Spagnuola." Campana, Filippc 

^^uella famigllare cerimonia, ma non Seeondo, parte II. lib. XI. 
nolle ne anehe giamai coprirsi la 

8 Z* 

294 WAR WITH FRANCE. [Book 1 

the Protestant heresy, which, as already noticed, 
had begun to gather formidable head in the capi- 
tal of his dominions.^^ On the evening of the 
fifteenth of June, he attended a session of the par- 
liament, and arrested some of its principal mem- 
bers for the boldness of their speech in his 
presence. He ordered them into confinement, de- 
ferring their sentence till the termination of the 
engrossing business of the tourney. 

The king delighted in these martial exercises, 
in which he could display his showy person and 
matchless horsemanship in the presence of the as- 
sembled beauty and fashion of his court.*^ He 
fully maintained his reputation on this occasion, 
carrying off one prize after another, and bearing- 
down all who encountered his lance. Towards 

48 The work of extermination from other sources, may be found 

was to cover more ground than in more than one passage of this 

Henry's capital or country, if we history. 

may take the word of the Enghsh 49 Brantome, who repays the 
commissioners, who, in a letter favors he had received from Hen- 
dated January, 1559, advise the ry the Second by giving him a 
qnecn, their mistress, that "• there conspicuous place in his gallery 
was an appoinctement made be- of portraits, eulogizes his graceful 
twene the late pope, the French bearing in the tourney and his ad- 
king, and the king of Spaine, for mirable horsemanship, 
the ioifjnino; of their forces to- " Mais sur tout ils I'admiroient 
gether for the suppression of re- fort en sa belle grace qu'il avoit 

liglon, tir end whereof was en ses armes et k cheval ; comme 

to constraine the rest of christien- de vray, c'estoit le prince du monde 

dome, being Protestants, to receive qui avait la meilleure grace et la 

the pope's authorite and his re- plus belle tenue, et qui s9avoit aussi 

ligion." (Forbes, State Papers, bien monstrer la vertu et bonte 

vol. I. p. 29G.) Without direct d'un cheval, et en cacher le vice.' 

evidence of such a secret under- Qi^uvres, tom. H. p. 353. 
standing, intimations of it, derived 

Ch. viii.] death of henry the secoxd. 295 

evening, when the games had drawn to a close, he 
observed the young count of Montgomery, a Scotch 
noble, the captahi of his guard, leaning on his 
lance as yet unbroken. The king challenged the 
cavalier to run a course with him for his lady's 
sake. In vain the queen, with a melancholy bod- 
ing of some disaster, besought her lord to remain 
content with the laurels he had already won. 
Henry obstinately urged his fate, and compelled 
the count, though extremely loth, to take the sad- 
dle. The champions met with a furious shock in 
the middle of the lists. Montgomery w^as a rude 
j ouster. He directed his lance with such force 
against the helmet of his antagonist, that the bars 
of the visor gave way. The lance splintered ; a 
fragment struck the king with such violence on 
the temple as to lay bare the eye. The unhappy 
monarch reeled in his saddle, and would have 
fallen but for the assistance of the constable, the 
duke of Guise, and other nobles, who bore him in 
their arms senseless from the lists. Henry's w^ound 
was mortal. He lingered ten days in great agony, 
and expired on the ninth of July, in the forty- 
second year of his age, and the thirteenth of his 
reign. It was an ill augury for the nuptials of 

The tidings of the king's death were received 

^ Ibid., p. 351. — De Thou, pana, Fillppo Secondo, parte 11. 

Histoire Universelle, torn. III. lib. 11. — Forbes, State Papers 

p. 3G7. — Cabrera, Filipe Se- vol. I. p. 151. 
gimdo, lib. IV cap. 29. — Cam- 


with demonstrations of sorrow throughout the 
kingdom. He had none of those solid qualities 
which make either a great or a good prince. 
But he had the showy qualities which are per- 
haps more effectual to secure the affections of a 
people as fond of show as the nation whom Henry 
governed.^^ There were others in the kingdom, 
however, — that growing sect of the Huguenots, — 
who looked on the monarch's death with very dif- 
ferent eyes, — who rejoiced in it as a deliverance 
from persecution. They had little cause to rejoice. 
The sceptre passed into the hands of a line of 
imbecile princes, or rather of their mother, the 
famous Catherine de Medicis, who reigned in their 
stead, and who ultimately proved herself the most 
merciless foe the Huguenots ever encountered. 

51 The English commissioner, lamentation made for him, and 

Sir Nicholas Throckmorton, bears weaping of all sorts, both men and 

testimony to tln^ popularity of Hen- women." Forbes, State Papers, 

ry. — " Their was marvailous great vol. I. p. 151. 



Charles at Yuste. — His Mode of Life. — Interest in Public Affairs. — 
Celebrates liis Obsequies. — Last Illness. — Death and Character 


While the occurrences related in the preceding 
chapter were passing, an event took place which, 
had it happened earlier, would have had an im- 
portant influence on the politics of Europe, and 
the news of which, when it did happen, was every- 
where received with the greatest interest. This 
event was the death of the Emperor Charles the 
Fifth, in his monastic retreat at Yuste. In the 
earlier pages of our narrative, we have seen how 
that monarch, after his abdication of the throne, 
withdrew to the Jeronymite convent among the hills 
of Estremadura. The reader may now feel some 
interest in following him thither, and in observing 
m what manner he accommodated himself to the 
change, and passed the closing days of his eventful 
life. The picture I am enabled to give of it will 
differ in some respects from those of former histo- 
rians, who wrote when the Archives of Simancas, 

VOL. .'. 38 


which afford, the most authentic records for the 
narrative, were inaccessible to the scholar, native 
as well as foreign.-^ 

Charles, as we have seen, had early formed the 
determination to relmquish at some future time 
the cares of royalty, and devote himself, in some 
lonely retreat, to the good w^ork of his salvation. 
His consort, the Empress Isabella, as appears 
from his own statement at Yuste, had avowed 
the same pious purpose.^ She died, however, too 
early to execute her plan ; and Charles was too 
much occupied with his ambitious enterprises to 
accomplish his object until the autumn of 1555, 
when, broken in health and spirits, and disgusted 
with the world, he resigned the sceptre he had 
held for forty years, and withdrew to a life of 
obscurity and repose. 

The spot he had selected for his residence was 
situated about seven leagues from the city of 
Plasencia, on the slopes of the mountain chain 
that traverses the province of Estremadura. There, 
nestling among the rugged hills, clothed with thick 
woods of chestnut and oak, the Jeronymite convent 
was sheltered from the rude breezes of the north. 

1 Tills pleasing anticipation is of the original documents from 
not destined to be realized. Since Simanca?, by IVI. Gachard, will put 
the above was written, in the sum- it in the power of every schoUr to 
mer of 1851, the cloister life of verify their statements. — See the 
Charles the Fifth, then a virgin postscript at the end of this chap- 
topic, has become a thrice-told ter. 

tale, — thanks to the labors of Mr. 2 Sandoval, Hist, de Carlos V., 

Stirling, M. AmeJce Pichot, and tom. H. p. 611. 
M. Mignet ; while the publication 


Towaids the south, the land sloped by a gradual 
declivity, till it terminated in a broad expanse, the 
Vera of Plasencia, as it was called, which, fertilized 
by the streams of the sierra, contrasted strongly in 
its glowing vegetation Avith the wild character of 
the mountain scenery. It was a spot well fitted 
for such as would withdraw themselves from com- 
merce with the world, and consecrate their days to 
prayer and holy meditation. The Jeronymite frater- 
nity had prospered in this peaceful abode. Many 
of the monks had acquired reputation for sanctity, 
and some of them for learning, the fruits of which 
might be seen in a large collection of manuscripts 
preserved in the library of the monastery. Bene- 
factions were heaped on the brotherhood. They 
became proprietors of considerable tracts of land 
in the neighborhood, and they liberally employed 
their means in dispensing alms to the poor who 
sought it at tlie gate of the convent. Not long 
before Charles took up his residence among them, 
they had enlarged their building by an extensive 
quadrangle, which displayed some architectural 
elegance in the construction of its cloisters. 

Three years before the emperor repaired thither, 
he sent a skilful architect to provide such accom- 
modations as he had designed for himself. These 
were very simple. A small building, containing 
eight rooms, four on each floor, was raised against 
the southern wall of the monastery. The rooms 
were low, and of a moderate size. They were })ro- 
tected by porticos, which sheltered them on two 


sides from the rays of the sun, ^vhile an open gal- 
lery, which passed through the centre of the house, 
afforded means for its perfect ventilation. But 
Charles, with his gouty constitution, was more 
afraid of the cold damps than of heat ; and he toolv 
care to have the apartments provided with fire- 
places, a luxury little known in this temperate 

A window opened from his chamber directly in- 
to the chapel of the monastery ; and through this, 
when confined to his bed, and too ill to attend 
mass, he could see the elevation of the host. The 
furniture of the dwelling — according to an author- 
ity usually follow^ed — was of the simplest kind ; 
and Charles, we are told, took no better care of 
his gouty limbs than to provide himself with an 
arm-chair, or rather half a chair, which would not 
have brought four reals at auction.^ The inventory 
of the furniture of Yuste tells a very difierent story. 

'^ " Una sola silla de eadcras, The authority, doubtless, Is of the 

que mas era media silla, tan vieja highest value, as the prior, who 

y ruyn que si se pusiera en venta witnessed the closing scenes of 

no dieran por ella quatro reales." Charles's life, drew up his relation 

Ibid., tom. 11. p. 610. — See also for the information of the regent 

El Perfecto Desengano, por el Joanna, and at her request. Why 

ISIarques de Valparayso, MS. the good father should have pre- 

The latter writer, in speaking sented his hero in such a poverty- 

nf the furniture, uses precisely the stricken aspect, it is not easy to 

same language, with the exception say. Perhaps he thought it would 

of a single word, as Sandoval, redound to the credit of the em- 

Both claim to have mainly derived peror, that he should have been 

their account of the cloister hfe of willing to exchange the splendors 

Charles the Fifth from the prior of of a throne for a life of monkish 

Yuste, Fray Martin de Angulo. mortification. 


Instead of " half an arm-chair," we find, besides 
other chairs lined with velvet, two arm-chairs espe- 
cially destined to the emperor's service. One of 
chese was of a peculiar construction, and was ac- 
commodated with no less than six cushions and a 
footstool, for the repose of his gouty limbs. His 
wardrobe showed a similar attention to his per- 
sonal comfort. For one item we find no less than 
sixteen robes of silk and velvet, lined with ermine 
or eider-down, or the soft hair of the Barbary goat. 
The decorations of his apartment were on not mere- 
ly a comfortable, but a luxurious scale ; — canopies 
of velvet ; carpets from Turkey and Alcaraz ; suits 
of tapestry, of which twenty-five pieces are specified, 
richly wrought with figures of flowers and animals. 
Twelve hangings, of the finest black cloth, were 
for the emperor's bedchamber, which, since his 
mother's death, had been always dressed in mourn- 
ing. Among the ornaments of his rooms were four 
large clocks of elaborate workmanship. He had 
besides a number of pocket- watches, then a greater 
rarity than at present. He was curious in regard 
to his timepieces, and took care to provide for 
their regularity by bringing the manufacturer of 
them in his train to Yuste. Charles was served on 
silver. Even the meanest utensils for his kitchen 
and his sleeping apartment were of the same costly 
material, amounting to nearly fourteen thousand 
ounces in weight.* 

^ The reader ■will find an extract jewels, plate, furniture, &c., in 
from the inventory of the royal Stirling's Cloister Life of Charles 
8 2 A 


The inventory contains rather a meagre show of 
books, which were for the most part of a devo- 
tional character. But Charles's love of art was 
visible in a small but choice collection of paintings, 
which he brought with him to adorn the walls of 
his retreat. Nine of these were from the pencil of 
Titian. Charles held the works of the great Ve- 
netian in the highest honor, and was desirous that 
by his hand his likeness should be transmitted to 
posterity. The emperor had brought with him to 
Yuste four portraits of himself and the empress by 
Titian ; and among the other pieces by the same 
master were some of his best pictures. One of 
these was the famous " Gloria," in which Charles 
and the empress appear, in the midst of the celes- 
tial throng, supported by angels, and in an atti- 
tude of humble adoration.^ He had the painting 
hung at the foot of his bed, or, according to 
another account, over the great altar in the chapel. 
It is said, he would gaze long and fondly on this 
picture, which filled him with the most tender 
recollections ; and, as he dwelt on the image of one 
who had been so dear to him on earth, he may 
have looked forward to his reunion with her in 
the heavenly mansions, as the artist had here de- 
picted him.^ 

the Fifth, (London, 1852,) Appen- graving is still extant, executed 

dix, and in Piehot's Chronique de under the eyes of Titian himself. 

Charles-Quint, (Paris, 1854,) p. Charles-Quint, pp. 214, 215. 

537 et scq. ^ Vera y Figueroa, Vida y Ile- 

5 Mignet has devoted a couple chos de Carlos V., p. 127. 

of pages to an account of this re- A writer in Eraser's Magazine 

maikable picture, of which an en- for April and ]May, 1851, has not 


A stairway, or rather an inclined plane, suited 
to the weakness of Charles's limbs, led from the 
gallery of his house to the gardens below. These 
were surrounded by a high wall, which completely 
secluded him from observation from without. The 
garden was filled with orange, citron, and fig trees, 
and various aromatic plants that grew luxuriantly 
in the genial soil. The emperor had a taste for 
horticulture, and took much pleasure in tending 
the young plants and pruning his trees. His gar- 
den afforded him also the best means for takin«: 
exercise ; and in fine weather he would walk 
along an avenue of lofty chestnut-trees, that led 
to a pretty chapel in the neighboring woods, the 
ruins of which may be seen at this day. Among 
the trees, one is pointed out, — an overgrown wal- 
nut, still throwing its shade far and wide over 
the ground, — under whose branches the pen- 
sive monarch would sit and meditate on the 
dim future, or perhaps on the faded glories of the 

Charles had once been the most accomplished 

omitted to notice this remarkable have been aware of the active in- 

picture, in two elaborate articles terest which Charles took in pub- 

on the cloister life of Charles the lie affairs, he has presented by fai 

Fifth. They are evidently the the most complete view of this in- 

fruit of a careful study of the best te resting portion of the imperial 

authorities, some of them not easy biography that has yet been given 

of access to the English student, to the world. 

The author has collected some cu- [I suffer this note to remain as 
rious particulars in respect to the originally written, before the pub- 
persons who accompanied the em- lication of Mr. Stirling's " Cloister 
peror in his retirement ; and on Life " had revealed him as the 
the whole, though he seems not to author of these sjjirited essays.] 


horseman of his thne. He had brought with him 
to Yuste a pony and a mule, in the hope of being 
able to get some exercise in the saddle. But the 
limbs that had bestrode day after day, without 
fatigue, the heavy war-horse of Flanders and the 
wildest genet of Andalusia, were unable now to 
endure the motion of a poor palfrey ; and, after a 
solitary experiment in the saddle on his arrival 
at Yuste, when he nearly fainted, he abandoned it 
for everJ 

There are few spots that might now be visited 
with more interest, than that which the great 
emperor had selected as his retreat from the 
thorny cares of government. And until within a 
few years the traveller would have received from 
the inmates of the convent the same hospitable 
welcome which they had always been ready to give 
to the stranger. But in 1809 the place was sacked 
by the French ; and the fierce soldiery of Soult 
converted the pile, with its venerable cloisters, into 
a heap of blackened ruins. Even the collection of 
manuscripts, piled up with so much industry by 
the brethren, did not escape the general doom. 
The palace of the emperor, as the simple monks 
loved to call his dwelling, had hardly a better fate, 
though it came from the hands of Charles's own 

7 Sandoval, Hist, de Carlos V., Of the above authorities, Father 
torn. n. p. GIO. — Siguen^a, His- Siguenca has furnished the best 
toria de la Orden de San Geroni- account of the emperor's little do- 
mo, (Madrid, 1595- 1G05,) parte main as it was in his day, and Ford 
JH. p. 190. — Ford, Handbook of as it is in our own, 
bpain, (London, 1845,) p. 551. 


countrymen, the liberals of Cuacos. By these pa- 
triots the lower floor of the mansion was turned 
into stables for their horses. The rooms above 
were used as magazines for grain. The mulberry- 
leaves were gathered from the garden to furnish 
material for the silk-worm, who was permitted 
to wmd his cocoon in the deserted chambers of 
royalty. Still the great features of nature remain 
the same as in Charles's day. The bald peaks 
of the sierra still rise above the ruins of the mon- 
astery. The shaggy sides of the hills still wear 
their wild forest drapery. Far below, the eye 
of the traveller ranges over the beautiful Vera of 
Plasencia, which glows in the same exuberant 
vegetation as of yore ; and the traveller, as he 
wanders among the ruined porticos and desolate 
arcades of the palace, drinks in the odors of a 
thousand aromatic plants and wdld-flowers that 
have shot up into a tangled wilderness, where 
once was the garden of the imperial recluse.^ 

8 See the eloquent conclusion of the reader than tlie colder descrip- 

Stirling's Cloister Life of Charles tion in the text. " As the windows 

the Fifth. were thrown wide open to admit 

Ford, in his admirable Hand- the cool thyme-scented breeze, the 

bock, which may serve as a man- eye in the clear evening swept over 

ual for the student of Spanish in the boundless valley, and the night- 

his closet, quite as well as for the ingales sang sweetly, in the neg- 

traveller in Spain, has devoted a lected orange-garden, to the bright 

few columns to a visit which he stars reflected like diamonds in the 

paid to this sequestered spot, where, black tank- below us. How often 

as he says, the spirit of the mighty had Charles looked out, on a stilly 

dead seemed to rule again in his eve, on this selfsame and unchanored 

last home. A few lines from the scene, where he alone was now 

pages of the English tourist will wanting ! " Handbook of Spain, 

bring the scene more vividly before p. 553. 

VOL. I. 8 39 2 A* 


Charles, though borne across the mountains in a 
litter, had suffered greatly in his long and labori- 
ous journey from Valladolid. He passed some 
time in the neighboring village of Xarandilla, and 
thence, after taking leave of the greater part of his 
weeping retinue, he proceeded with the remainder 
to the monastery of Yuste. It was on the third of 
February, 1557, that he entered the abode which 
was to prove his final resting-place.^ The monks 
of Yuste had been much flattered by the circum- 
stance of Charles having shown such a preference 
for their convent. As he entered the chapel, Te 
Deum was chanted by tlie whole brotherhood ; and 
when the emperor had prostrated himself before 
the altar, the monks gathered round him, anxious 
to pay him their respectful obeisance. Charles re- 
ceived them graciously, and, after examining his 
quarters, professed himself well pleased with the 
accommodations prepared for him. His was not a 
fickle temper. Slow in forming his plans, he was 
slower in changing them. To the last day of his 
residence at Yuste, — whatever may have been 
said to the contrary, — he seems to have been well 
satisfied with the step he had taken and with the 
spot he had selected. 

From the first, he prepared to conform, as far as 
his health would permit, to the religious observ- 
ances of the monastery. Not that he proposed to 
limit himself to the narrow circumstances of an 

9 Carta de Martin de Gaztelu al Secretarlo Vazquez, 5 de Febre* 
ro, 1557, MS. 

Ch. 1X.I HIS MODE OF LIFE. " 307 

ordinar}^ friar. The number of his retinue th?.t 
still remained with him was at least fifty, mostly 
Flemings ; -^^ a number not greater, certainly, than 
that maintained by many a private gentleman of 
the country. But among these we recognize those 
officers of state who belong more properly to a 
princely establishment than to the cell of the re- 
cluse. There was the major-domo, the almoner, 
the keeper of the wardrobe, the keeper of the jew- 
els, the chamberlains, two watchmakers, several 
secretaries, the physician, the confessor, besides 
cooks, confectioners, bakers, brewers, game-keep- 
ers, and numerous valets. Some of these follow- 
ers seem not to have been quite so content as their 
master with their secluded way of life, and to 
have cast many a longing look to the pomps and 
vanities of the world they had left behind them. 
At least such were the feelings of Quixada, the 
emperors major-domo, in whom he placed the 
greatest confidence, and who had the charge of his 
household. " His majesty's bedroom," writes the 
querulous functionary, " is good enough ; but the 
view from it is poor, — barren mountains, covered 
with rocks and stunted oaks ; a garden of mod- 

^0 Their names and vocations chard from various documents which 

are specified in the codicil ex- he collected, and which have fur- 

ecuted by Charles a few days be- nished him with the means of cor- 

fore his death. See the document recting the orthofjraphy of Sando- 

entire, ap. Sandoval, Hist, de Car- val, miserably deficient in respect 

los v., tom. II. p. 662. to Flemish names. See Retraite 

A more satisfactory list has been et Mort de Charles-Quint, tom. I 

made out by the indefatigable Ga- p. 1. 


Qrate size, with a few straggling orange-trees ; the 
roads scarcely passable, so steep and stony ; the 
only water, a torrent rushing from the mountains ; 
a dreary solitude ! " The low, cheerless rooms, he 
predicts, must necessarily be damp, boding no good 
to the emperor s infirmity.^^ " As to the friars," 
observes the secretary, Gaztelu, in the same amia- 
ble mood, " please God that his majesty may be 
able to tolerate them, — which will be no easy 
matter ; for they are an importunate race." ^^ It 
is evident that Charles's followers would have been 
very willing to exchange the mortifications of the 
monastic life for the good cheer and gayety of 

The worthy prior of the convent, in addressing 
Charles, greeted him with the title of paternidad, 
till one of the fraternity suggested to him the pro- 
priety of substituting that of magestad}^ Indeed, 

11 "Las vistas de las pie9as de Vazquez, 30 de Noviembre, 1556, 

su magestad no son muy largas, MS. 

si no cortas, y las que se veen, o es The major-domo concludes by 
una montaiia de piedras grandes, requesting Vazquez not to show 
d unos montes de robles no muy it to his mistress, Joanna, the re- 
altos. Campo llano no le ay, ni gent, as he would not be thought 
como podesse pasear, que sea por to run counter to the wishes of* the 
un camino estrecho y Ueno de emperor in anything, 
pledra. Rio yo no vi ninguno, i'^ " Plegue a Dios que los pueda 
sino un golpe de agua que baza de sufrir, que no sera poco, segun 
la liiontana : huerta en casa ay una suelen ser todos muy importunos. 

pequena y de pocos naranjos y mas los que saben menos." Carta 

El aposento baxo no es nada alegre, de Martin de Gaztelu, MS. 

sino muy triste, y como es tan baxo, i^ " Llamando al Emperador 

creo sera humido Esto es lo patermdacU de que luego fue ad- 

que me parece del aposento y sitio vertido de otro frayle que estava 

de la casa y grandissima soledad." a su lado, y acudid con mage-'^iad." 

Carta de Luis Quixada a Juan Ibid. 


to this title Charles had good right, for he was 
still emperor. His resignation of the imperial 
crown, which, after a short delay, had followed 
that of the Spanish, had not taken effect, in con- 
sequence of the diet not being in session at the 
time when his envoy, the prince of Orange, was to 
have presented himself at Ratisbon, in the spring 
of 1557. The war with France made Philip de- 
sirous that his father should remain lord of Ger- 
many for some time longer. It was not, therefore, 
until more than a year after Charles's arrival at 
Yuste, that the resignation was accepted by the 
diet, at Frankfort, on the twenty-eighth of Febru- 
ary, 1558. Charles was still emperor, and con- 
tinued to receive the imperial title in all his cor- 

We have pretty full accounts of the manner in 
which the monarch employed his time. He at- 
tended mass every morning in the chapel, when 
his health permitted. Mass was followed by din- 
ner, which he took early and alone, preferring this 
to occupying a seat in the refectory of the convent. 
He was fond of carving for himself, though his 
gouty fingers were not always in the best condition 
for this exercise.-^^ His physician was usually in 
attendance during the repast, and might, at least, 

14 " Emperador semper augusto el mismo lo que comia, aunque ni 
de Alemania." tenia buenas ni desembueltas las 

15 His teeth seem to have been manos, ni los dientes." Siguen^a, 
m hardly better condition than his Orden de San Geronlmo, parte 
Gngei ' — " Era amigo de cortarse III. p. 192. 


observe how little his patient, who had not the 
virtue of abstinence, regarded his prescriptions. 
The Fleming, Van Male, the emperor's favorite 
gentleman of the chamber, was also not unfre- 
quently present. He was a good scholar ; and 
his discussions with the doctor served to beguile 
the tediousness of their master's solitary meal. 
The conversation frequently turned on some sub- 
ject of natural history, of which the emperor was 
fond; and when the parties could not agree, the 
confessor, a man of learning, was called in to settle 
the dispute. 

After dinner, — an important meal, which occu- 
pied much time with Charles, — he listened to 
some passages from a favorite theologian. In his 
worldly days, the reading he most affected was 
Comines's account of King Louis the Eleventh,^^ 
— a prince whose maxim, ''Qui nescit dissimulare, 
nescit regnare^'' was too well suited to the genius 
of the emperor. He now, however, sought a safer 
guide for his spiritual direction, and would listen 
to a homily from the pages of St. Bernard, or more 
frequently St. Augustine, in whom he most de- 
lighted.^^ ToAvards evening, he heard a sermon 
from one of his preachers. Three or four of the 
most eloquent of the Jeronymite order had been 
brought to Yuste for his especial benefit. When 
he was not in condition to be present at the dis- 

16 De Thou, Hist. Unlverselle, fesor una leccion de San Augu* 
torn. HI. p. 293. tin." El Perfecto Desengaficx 

17 " Quando eomla, leva el con- MS. 


course, he expected to hear a full report of it 
from the lips of his confessor, Father Juan de 
Regla. Charles was punctual in his attention to 
all the great fasts and festivals of the Church. 
His infirmities, indeed, excused him from fasting, 
but he made up for it by the severity of his flagel- 
lation. In Lent, in particular, he dealt with him- 
self so sternly, that the scourge was found stained 
with his blood ; and this precious memorial of his 
piety was ever cherished, we are told, by Philip, 
and by him bequeathed as an heirloom to his son.^® 
Increasing vigilance in his own spiritual con- 
cerns made him more vigilant as to those of 
others, — as the weaker brethren sometimes found 
to their cost. Observing that some of the youngei 
friars spent more time than was seemly in con- 
versing with the women who came on business 
to the door of the convent, Charles procured an 
order to be passed, that any woman who ven- 

*8 Strada, De Bello Belgico, torn, beginning of the following century, 

I. p. 15. — Vera y Figueroa, Vida has become rare, — so rare that 

y Hechos de Carlos V., p. 123. — M. Gachard was obliged to con- 

Siguen^a, Ordcn de San Geroni- tent himself with a few manuscript 

mo, parte III. p. 195. extracts, from the difficulty of pro- 

The last writer is minute in liIs curing the printed original. I was 

notice of the imperial habits and fortunate enough to obtain a copy, 

occupations at Yuste. Siguen9a and a very fine one, through my 

was prior of the Escorial ; and in booksellers, Mes."rs. Rich, Broth- 

that palace-monastery of the Je- ers, London, — worthy sons of a 

ronymites he must have had the sire who for thirty years or more 

Ticans of continually conversing stood preeminent for sagacity and 

with several ofhis brethren who had diligence among the collectors oJ 

been with Charles in his retirement, rare and valuable books 
His work, which appeared at the 


tured to approach within two bowshots of the gate 
should receive a hundred stripes.^^ On another 
occasion, his officious endeavor to quicken the 
diligence of one of the younger members of the 
fraternity is said to have provoked the latter tes- 
tily to exclaim, "Cannot you be contented with 
having so long turned the world upside down, 
without coming here to disturb the quiet of a poor 
convent '? " 

He derived an additional pleasure, in his spirit- 
ual exercises, from his fondness for music, which 
enters so largely into those of the Romish Church. 
He sung well himself, and his clear, sonorous voice 
might often be heard through the open casement 
of his bedroom, accompanying the chant of the 
monks in the chapel. The choir was made up 
altogether of brethren of the order, and Charles 
would allow no intrusion from any other quarter. 
His ear was quick to distinguish any strange voice, 
as well as any false note in the performance, — on 
which last occasion he would sometimes pause in 
his devotions, and, in half-suppressed tones, give 
vent to his wrath by one of those scurrilous 
epithets, which, however they may have fallen in 
with the habits of the old campaigner, were but 
indifferently suited to his present way of life.^^ 

19 "Mando pregonar en los lu- Carlos V., torn. H. p. 612; and 

gares comarcanos que so pena de Sandoval's double, Valparayso, El 

cien acotes muger alguna no pas- Perfecto Desengano, MS. 

Basse dc un humilladero que estasa 20 " Si alguno se errava dezia 

como dos tiros de ballcsta del consigo mismo: Ohidejmtabervejo, 

Monasterio." Sandoval, Hist, de que aquel erro, 6 otro nomhie se- 


Such time as was not given to his religious ex- 
ercises was divided among various occupations, for 
which he had always had a relish, though hitherto 
but little leisure to pursue them. Besides his em- 
ployments in his garden, he had a decided turn for 
mechanical pursuits. Some years before, while in 
Germany, he had invented an ingenious kind of 
carriage for his own accommodation.^^ He brought 
with him to Yuste an engineer named Torriano, 
famous for the great hydraulic works he construct- 
ed in Toledo. With the assistance of this man, 
a most skilful mechanician, Charles amused him- 
self by making a variety of puppets representing 
soldiers, Avho went through military exercises. The 
historian draws largely on our faith, by telling us 
also of little wooden birds which the ingenious 
pair contrived, so as to fly in and out of the win- 
dow before the admiring monks ! ^^ But nothing 
excited their astonishment so much as a little hand- 
mill, used for grinding wheat, which turned out 

mejante." Sandoval, Hist, de Car- dam, ad essedi speciem, prajcellenti 

los v., torn. II. p. 613. arte, et niiro studio proximis hisce 

I will not offend ears polite by mensibus a se eonstructam." Let- 
rendering it in English into corre- tres sur la Vie Interieure de I'Em- 
Bponding Billingsgate. It is but pereur Charles-Quint, ecrites par 
fair to state that the author of the Guillaume van Male, gentilhomme 
Perfecto Desengaiio puts no such de sa chambre, et publiees, pour 
irreverent expression into Charles's la premiere fois, par le Baron de 
mouth. Both, however, profess to Reiffenberg, (Bruxelles, 1843,4to,) 
follow the MS. of the Prior An- ep. 8. 
gulo. 22 u Interdum ligneos passerculoa 

21 " Non aspernatur exercita- emisitcubiculo volantes revolanten 

tiones campestres, in quern usum que." Strada, Dc Bello Belgico, 

(Viratam habet tormcntariam rhc- torn. I. p. 15. 

VOL. I. 8 40 2 B 


meal enough in a single day to support a man for 
a week or more. The good fathers thought this 
savored of downright necromancy ; and it may have 
furnished an argument against the unfortunate 
engineer in the persecution which he afterwards 
underAvent from the Inquisition. 

Charles took, moreover, great interest in the 
mechanism of timepieces. He had a good number 
of clocks and watches ticking together in his apart- 
ments ; and a story has obtained credit, that the 
difficulty he found in making any two of them 
keep the same time drew from him an exclamation 
on the folly of attempting to bring a number of 
men to think alike in matters of religion, when he 
could not regulate any two of his timepieces so as 
to make them agree with each other ; — a philo- 
sophical reflection for which one will hardly give 
credit to the man who, with his dying words, could 
press on his son the maintenance of the Inquisition 
as the great buhvark of the Catholic faith. In the 
gardens of Yuste there is still, or was lately, to be 
seen, a sun-dial constructed by Torriano to enable 
his master to measure more accurately the lapse of 
time as it sflided awav in the monotonous routine 
of the monastery.^ 

Though averse to visits of curiosity or idle cere- 
mony,^* Charles consented to admit some of the 

23 Ford, Handbook of Spain, p. adirl, ant conveniri, nisi segre 
552. adniodum patlebatur." Sepulveda, 

24 « A ncmine, ne a proceribus Opera, torn. II. p. 54] . 
quidcm quacumque ex causa se 


nobles whose estates lay ij;i the surrounding coun- 
try, and who, with feelmgs of loyal attachment to 
their ancient master, were anxious to pay theii 
respects to him in his retirement. But none who 
found their way into his retreat appear to have 
given him so much satisfaction as Francisco Borja, 
duke of Gandia, in later times placed on the roll 
of her saints by the Roman Catholic Church. 
Like Charles, he had occupied a brilliant eminence 
in the world, and like him had found the glory of 
this world but vanity. In the prime of life, he 
withdrew from the busy scenes in which he had 
acted, and entered a college of Jesuits. By the 
emperor's invitation, Borja made more than one 
visit to Yuste ; and Charles found much consola- 
tion in his society, and in conversing with his 
early friend on topics of engrossing interest to 
both. The result of their conferences was to con- 
firm them both in the conviction, that they had 
done wisely in abjuring the world, and in dedicat- 
ing themselves to the service of Heaven. 

The emperor was also visited by his two sisters, 
the dowager queens of France and Hungary, who 
had accompanied their brother, as we have seen, 
on his return to Spain. But the travelling was 
too rough, and the accommodations at Yuste too 
indifferent, to encourage the royal matrons to pro- 
long their stay, or, with one exception on the part 
of the queen of Hungary, to repeat their visit. 

But an object of livelier interest to the emperor 
than either of his sisters was a boy, scarcely twelve 


years of age, who resided in the family of his 
major-domo, Quixada, in the neighboring village 
of Cuacos. This was Don John of Austria, as he 
was afterwards called, the future hero of Lepanto. 
lie was the natural son of Charles, a fact known 
to no one during the father's lifetime, except Qui- 
xada, who introduced the boy into the convent as 
his own page. The lad, at this early age, showed 
many gleams of that generous spirit by which he 
was afterwards distinguished, — thus solacing the 
declining years of his parent, and affording a hold 
for those affections which might have withered in 
the cold atmosphere of the cloister. 

Strangers were sure to be well received who, 
coming from the theatre of Avar, could furnish the 
information he so much desired respecting the 
condition of things abroad. Thus we find him in 
conference with an officer arrived from the Low 
Countries, named Spinosa, and putting a multitude 
of questions respecting the state of the army, the 
organization and equipment of the different corps, 
and other particulars, showing the lively interest 
taken by Charles in the conduct of the cam- 

It has been a common opinion, that the emperor, 
after his retirement to Yuste, remained as one 

25 « Le liizo mas preguntas que cargos tie Italia, y de la Infanteria 

6e pudieran hazer a la donzella y caballeria, artilleria, gastadoros, 

Theodor, de que todo did buena armas de mano y de otras cosas." 

razon y de lo que vid y oyd en Carta de Martin de Gaztelu a Juan 

Francia, provisiones de obispados, Vazquez, 18 de Mayo, 1558, M-S. 



buried alive, totally cut off from intercourse witli 
the world ; — "as completely withdrawn from the 
business of the kingdom and the concerns of gov- 
ernment," says one of his biographers, "as if he 
had never taken part in them " ; ^^ — " so entirely 
abstracted in his solitude," says another contem- 
porary, " that neither revolutions nor wars, nor 
gold arriving in heaps from the Indies, had any 
power to affect his tranquillity." ^^ 

So far was this from being the case, that not only 
did the emperor continue to show an interest in 
public affairs, but he took a prominent part, even 
from the depths of his retreat, in the management 
of them.^^ Philip, who had the good sense to de- 
fer to the long experience and the wisdom of his 
iither, consulted him, constantly, on great ques- 
tions of public policy. And so far was he from 
the feeling of jealousy often imputed to him, that 
we find him on one occasion, when the horizon 

26 " Retirose tanto de los nego- tot retro annis assuetum armorura 
cios del Reyno j cosas de govierno, sono." — Strada, De Bello Belgico, 
como si jamas iiviera tenido parte torn. I. p. 14. 

en ellos." Sandoval, Illst. de Car- '^8 It is singular that Sepulveda, 

los v., torn. II. p. G14. — See also who visited Charles in his retreat, 

Valparayso, (El Perfecto Desenga- should have been the only histo- 

fio, MS.,) who uses the same rian, as far as I am aware, who 

words, probably copying Angulo, recognized the truth of this fact, 

unless, indeed, we suppose him to so perfectly established by the 

have stolen from Sandoval. letters from Yuste. — " Summis 

27 " Ut neque aurum, quod in- enim rebus, ut de bello et pace 
genti copia per id tempus Ilispana se consuli, deque fratris, liberorum 
elassis illi advexit ab India, neque et soi-orum salute, et statu rerum 

stropitus bellorum, quid(juam certiorem fieri non rccusabat." 

potuerint animum ilium flectere. Opera, tom. TI. p. .')41. 

^ 2B* 


looked particularly dark, imploring .he emperor 
to leave his retreat, and to aid him not only by 
his counsels, but by his presence and authority .^^ 
The emperor's daughter Joanna, regent of Cas- 
tile, from her residence at Valladolid, only fifty 
leagues from Yuste, maintained a constant cor- 
respondence with her father, soliciting his advice 
in the conduct of the government. However much 
Charles may have felt himself relieved from re- 
sponsibility for measures, he seems to have been 
as anxious for the success of Philip's administra- 
tion as if it had been his own. "Write more 
fully," says one of his secretaries in a letter to 
the secretary of the regent's council ; " the em- 
peror is always eager to hear more particulars of 
events." ^^ He showed the deepest concern in the 
conduct of the Italian war. He betrayed none of 
the scruples manifested by Philip, but boldly de- 
clared that the war with the pope was a just war, 
in the sight of both God and man.^^ When letters 
came from abroad, he was even heard to express 

29 " Suppllcando con toda hu- 30 " Siempre, en estas co?a§, 

mlldad e instancia a su Magestad pregunta si no hay mas." Carta 

tenga por bien de esforzarse en do Martin de Gaztelii d Juan 

esta coyuntura, soeorriendome y Vazquez, 8 de Noviembre, 155G, 

ayudandome, no solo con su pare- MS. 

cer y consejo que es el mayor 31 u p^gg no se puede hazer otra 

caudal que puedo tener, pero con cosa, y el Key se ha justificado en 

/a presencia de su persona y auto- tantas maneras cumpliendo con 

ridad, saliendo del monasterio, A Dios y el mundo, por escusar los 

la parte y lugar que mas comodo dafios que dello se seguiran, forza- 

sea a su salud." Retiro, Estancia, do sera usar del ultimo remedio." 

etc., ap. Mignet, Charles-Quint, p. Carta del Emperador a Vazquez, 

256, note. 8 de Agosto, 1557, MS. 


his regret that they brought no tidings of Paul's 
death, or Caraffa's ! ^ He was sorely displeased 
with the truce which Alva granted to the pontiff 
intimating a regret that he had not the reins still 
in his own hand. He was yet more discontented 
with the peace, and the terms of it, both public 
and private ; and when Alva talked of leaving 
Naples, his anger, as his secretary quaintly re- 
marks, was " more than was good for his health." ^ 
The same interest he showed in the French w^ar. 
The loss of Calais filled him with the deepest 
anxiety. But in his letters on the occasion, in- 
stead of wasting his time in idle lament, he seems 
intent only on devising in what way he can best 
serve Philip in his distress.^ In the same pro 
portion he was elated by the tidings of the victory 
of St. Quentin. His thoughts turned upon Paris, 
and he was eager to learn what road his son had 
taken after the battle.^ According to Brantome, 
on hearing the new^s, he abruptly asked, " Is Philip 
at Paris'? " — Pie judged of Philip's temper by his 

3^ " Del Papa y de Caraffa se Emperador a Su Alteza, 4 de 

siente aqui que no haya llegado la Febrero, 1558, MS. 

nueva de que se ban muerto." ^5 " gu Magestad estfl con mucbo 

Carta de Martin de Gaztelu d Juan cuidado por saber que camino ara 

Vazquez, 8 de Noviembre, 155G, tornado el Rey dcspues de aeabada 

MS. aquella empresa," Carta de Luis 

33 " Sobre que su magestad dizo de Quixada d Juan A'^azquez, 27 

algunas cosas con mas colera de la de Setiembre, 1557, MS. 

que para su salud conviene." Car- 36 Brantome, CEuvres, torn. I. 

\a de Martin de Gaztelu a Juan p. 11. 

Vazquez, 10 de Enero, 1558, MS. AVhether Charles actually made 

3* See, in particular, Carta del the remark or not, it is clear from 


At another time, we find liim conducting nego- 
tiations with Navarre ; ^^ and then, again, carrying 
on a correspondence with his sister, the regent of 
Portugal, for the purpose of having his grandson, 
Carlos, recognized as hek to the crown, in case of 
the death of the young king, his cousin. The 
scheme failed, for it would be as much as her life 
was worth, the regent said, to engage in it. But 
it was a bold one, that of bringing under the same 
sceptre these two nations, which, by community of 
race, language, and institutions, w^ould seem by 
nature to have been designed for one. It was 
Charles's comprehensive idea ; and it proves that, 
even m the cloister, the spirit of ambition had not 
become extinct in his bosom. How much would 
it have rejoiced that ambitious spirit, could he 
have foreseen that the consummation so much de- 
sired by him would be attained under Philip ! ^^ 

a letter in the Gonzalez collection ^8 The emperor intimates his 

that this was uppermost in his wishes in regard to his grandson's 

thoushts. — " Su Magestad tenia succession in a letter addressed, at 

gran deseo de saber que partido a later period, to Philip. (Carta 

tomaba el rey su hijo despues de del Emperador al Rey, 31 de 

la victoria, y que estaba impacien- Marzo^ 1558, MS.) But a full ac- 

tissimo formando cuentas de que count of the Portuguese mission is 

ya deberia estar sobre Paris." Car- given by Cienfuegos, Vida de S. 

ta de Quixada, 19 de Setiembre, Francisco de Borja, (Barcelona, 

1557, ap. Mignet, Charles-Quint, 1754,) p. 2G9. The person em- 

p. 279. ployed by Charles in this delicate 

It is singular that this interest- business was no other than his friend 

ing letter is neither in M. Ga- Francisco Borja, the ex-duke of 

chard's collection nor in that made Gandia, who, like himself, had 

for me from the same sources. soufrht a retreat from the world in 

37 Cartas del Emperador a Juan the shades of the cloister. The 

Vazquez, de Setiembre 27 y Octu- biographers who record the mira- 

Ore 31, 1557, MS. cles and miraculous virtues of the 



But the department which especially engaged 
Charles's attention in his retirement, singulaii} 
enough, was the financial. "It has been my con 
stant care," he writes to Philip, " in all my letters 
to your sister, to urge the necessity of providmg 
you with funds, — since I can be of little service to 
you m any other way."^^ His interposition, indeed, 
seems to have been constantly invoked to raise sup- 
plies for carrying on the war. This fact may be 
thought to show that those writers are mistaken 
who accuse Philip of withholdmg from his father 
the means of maintaining a suitable establishment 
at Yuste. Charles, in truth, settled the amount of 
his own income ; and in one of his letters we find 
him fixing this at tAventy thousand ducats, instead 

sainted Jesuit, bestow several chap- 
ters on his visits to Yuste. His con- 
versations with the emperor are re- 
ported with a minuteness that Bos- 
well might have envied, and which 
may well provoke our scepticism, 
unless we suppose them to have 
been reported by Borja himself. 
One topic much discussed in them 
was the merits of the order which 
the emperor's friend had entered. 
It had not then risen to that emi- 
nence which, under its singular dis- 
cipline, it subsequently reached ; 
and Charles would fain have per- 
suaded his visitor to abandon it for 
the Jeronymite society with Avhich 
lie was established. But Borja 
seems to have silenced, if not satis- 
fied, his royal master, by arguments 
which prove that his acute mind 
already discerned the germ of fu- 
voL. I. 41 

tufe greatness in the institutions 
of the new order. — Ibid., pp. 273 
- 279. — Ribadeneira, Vita Fran- 
cisci Borgia}, (Lat. trans., Antver- 
piae, 1598,) p. 110 et seq. 

39 Carta del Emperador al Rey, 
25 de Mayo, 1558, MS. 

On the margin of this letter we 
find the following memoranda of 
Philip himself, showing how much 
importance he attached to his fa- 
ther's interposition in this matter. 
" Volverselo a suplicar con gran 
instancia, pues quedamos in tales 
terminos que, si me ayudan con 
dinero, los podriamos atraer k lo 
que conviniesse." " Besalle las 
manos por lo que en osto ha man- 
dado y supliealle lo lleve adelante 
y que de aca se liani lo mismo, y 
avisarle de lo que se han hccho 
hasta airora.** 


of sixteen thousand, as before, to be paid quarterly 
and in advance.*^ That the payments were not 
always punctually made may well be believed, in 
a country where punctuality would have been a 

Charles had more cause for irritation in the con- 
duct of some of those functionaries with whom he 
had to deal in his financial capacity. Nothing ap- 
pears to have stirred his bile so much at Yuste as 
the proceedings of some members of the board of 
trade at Seville. " I have deferred sending to 
you," he writes to his daughter, the regent, " in 
order to see if, with time, my wrath would not sub- 
side. But, far from it, it increases, and will go on 
increasing till I learn that those who have done 
wrong have atoned for it. Were it not for my in- 
firmities," he adds, " I would go to Seville myself, 
and find out the authors of this villany, and bring 
them to a summary reckoning." ^^ "The emperor 
orders me," writes his secretary, Gaztelu, " to com- 
mand that the offenders be put in irons, and in 
order to mortify them the more, that they be car- 
ried, in broad daylight, to Simancas, and there 
lodged, not in towers or chambers, but in a dun- 
geon. Indeed, such is his indignation, and such 
are the violent and hloodthlrsty expressions he com- 

40 Carta del Emperador a Juan tlioritative tone shows that, though 
Vazquez, 31 de Marzo, 1557, MS. he had parted with the crown, he 

41 Carta del Emperador a la had not parted with the temper oi 
Princesa, 31 de Marzo, 1557, MS. a sovereign, and of an absoUile 
— The whole letter is singularly sovereign toe. 

L'haracteristic of Charles. Its au- 

Ch. IX] his interest in public ATFAIIIS. 323 

mands me to use, that you will pardon me if my 
language is not so temperate as it might be."*^ It 
had been customary for the board of trade to re- 
ceive the gold imported from the Indies, whether 
on public or private account, and hold it for the 
use of the government, paying to the merchants 
interested an equivalent in government bonds. 
The merchants, naturally enough, not relishing 
this kind of security so well as the gold, by a col- 
lusion with some of the members of the board of 
trade, had been secretly alloAved to remove their 
own property. In this way the government was 
defrauded — as the emperor regarded it — of a 
large sum on which it had calculated. This, 
it would seem, was the oftence which had roused 
the royal indignation to such a pitch. Charles's 
phlegmatic temperament had ever been liable to 
be ruffled by these sudden gusts of passion ; and 
his conventual life does not seem to have had 
any very sedative influence on him in this par- 

For the first ten months after his arrival at 
Yuste, the emperor's health, under the influence 
of a temperate climate, the quiet of monastic life, 
and more than all, probably, his exemption from 
the cares of state, had generally improved.*^ His 

42 " Es tal su indignacion y tan Juan A^azquez, 12 de Mayo, 1557, 

Bangrientas las palabras y vehe- MS. 

mcncia con (jue manda escrlblr a ^^ u jjjg majesty was so well,'* 

f . m. que me discnlpara sino lo writes Gaztclu, early in the sum- 

hago con mas tcmplan^a y modo." mer of 1557, " that he could rise 

Carta dc Martin de Gaztclu a from his scat, and support his ar- 


attacks of gout had been less frequent and less 
severe than before. But m the spring of 1558, 
the old malady returned with renewed violence. 
" I was not in a condition," he writes to Philip, 
"to listen to a single sermon during Lent."^ For 
months he was scarcely able to write a line with 
his own hand. His spirits felt the pressure of 
bodily suffering, and were still further depressed 
by the death of his sister Eleanor, the queen- 
dowager of France and Portugal, which took place 
m February, 1558. 

A strong attachment seems to have subsisted 
between the emperor and his two sisters. Queen 
Eleanor's sweetness of disposition had particularly 
endeared her to her brother, who now felt her loss 
almost as keenly as that of one of his own children. 
" She was a good Christian," he said to his secre- 
tary, Gaztelu; and, as the tears rolled down his 
cheeks, he added, " We have always loved each 
other. She was my elder by fifteen months ; and 
before that period has passed I shall probably be 
with her."*^ Before half that period, the sad 
augury was fulfilled. 

quebuse, without aid." He could poco acd tan trabajado y flaco que 

even do some mischief with his en toda esta quaresma no he podido 

fowling-piece to the wood-pigeons, oyr un sermon, y esto es la causa 

Carta de Gaztelu a Vazquez, 5 porque no os escribo esta de mi 

de Junio, 1557, MS. mano." Carta del Emperador al 

44 " Porque desde tantos de no- Rey, 7 de Abril, 1558, MS. 
viembre hasta pocos dias hame ha 45 u Sintidlo cierto mucho, y se 

dado [la gota] tres vezes y muy le arrasaron los ojos, y me dijo lo 

rezio, y me ha tcnido muchos dias mucho que el y la de Francia se 

en la cama, y hcstado hasta de habian siempre qucrido, v por 


At this period — as we shall see hereafter — the 
attention of the government was called to the Lu- 
theran heresy, which had already begun to disclose 
itself in various quarters of the country. Charles 
was possessed of a full share of the spirit of bigotry 
which belonged to the royal line of Castile, from 
which he was descended. While on the throne, 
this feeling was held somewhat m check by a re- 
gard for his political interests. But in the seclu- 
sion of the monastery he had no interests to con- 
sult but those of religion ; and he gave free scope 
to the spirit of mtolerance which belonged to his 
nature. In a letter addressed, the third of May, 
1558, to his daughter Joanna, he says : " Tell the 
grand-inquisitor from me to be at his post, and lay 
the axe at the root of the evil before it spreads 
further. I rely on your zeal for bringing the guilty 
to punishment, and for having them punished, with- 
out favor to any one, with all the severity which 
their crimes demand."*^ In another letter to his 
daughter, three weeks later, he writes : " If I had 
not entii'e confidence that you would do your duty, 
and arrest the evil at once by chastising the guilty 

cuan buena cristiana la tenia, y 46 « Y que para ello les deis y 

que le llevaba quince meses de mandeis dar todo el favor y calor 

tiempo, y que, segun el se iba que fuere necesario y para que lo3 

Bintiendo, de poco aed podria ser que fueren culpados sean punidos 

que dentro de ellos le hiciese com- y castigados con la demostracion y 

pania." Carta de Gaztelu a Vaz- rigor que la cualidad de sus culpas 

quez, 21 de Febrero, 1558, ap. mereceran y esto sin exception de 

Gacliard, Retraite et Mort, torn. I. persona alguna." Carta del Era- 

p. 270. — See also ISIignct, Charles- perador a la Princesa, 3 de Mayo, 

Quint, p. 339. 1558, MS. 

8 2C 


in good earnest, I know not how I could help leav 
ing the monastery, and takmg the remedy into my 
own hands." *^ Thus did Charles make his voice 
heard from his retreat among the mountains, and 
by his efforts and influence render himself largely 
responsible for the fiery persecution which brought 
woe upon the land after he himself had gone to his 

About the middle of August, the emperor's old 
enemy, the gout, returned on him with uncommon 
force. It was attended with symptoms of an alarm- 
ing kind, intimatmg, indeed, that his strong consti- 
tution was giving way. These were attributed to 
a cold which he had taken, though it seems there 
was good reason for imputing them to his intem- 
perate living ; for he still continued to indulge his 
appetite for the most dangerous dishes, as freely as 
in the days when a more active way of life had 
better enabled him to digest them. It is true, the 
physician stood by his side, as prompt as Sancho 
Panza's doctor, in his island domain, to remonstrate 
agamst his master's proceedings. But, unhappily, 
he was not armed with the authority of that func- 
tionary ; and an eel-pie, a well-spiced capon, or 
any other savory abomination, offered too great a 
fascination for Charles to heed the warnings of his 

The declining state of the emperor's health may 
have inspired him with a presentiment of his ap- 

47 " No sc si toviera sufrimlento Carta del Empcrador li la Princcsa, 
para no salir de aqui arrcnicdlallo." 25 de Mayo, 1558, MS. 


proaching end, to which, we have seen, he gave 
utterance some time before this, in his conversation 
with Gaztelu. It may have been the sober reflec- 
tions which such a feeling would naturally suggest 
that led him, at the close of the month of August, 
to conceiA^e the extraordinary idea of preparing for 
the final scene by rehearsing his own funeral. He 
consulted his confessor on the subject, and was 
encouraged by the accommodating father to con- 
sider it as a meritorious act. The chapel was ac- 
cordingly hung in black, and the blaze of hundreds 
of wax-lights was not sufficient to dispel the dark- 
ness. The monks in their conventual dresses, and 
all the emperor's household, clad in deep mourn- 
ing, gathered round a huge catafalque^ shrouded 
also in black, which had been raised in the centre 
of the cha}5el. The service for the burial of the 
dead was then performed ; and, amidst the dismal 
wail of the monks, the prayers ascended for the 
departed spirit, that it might be received into the 
mansions of the blessed. The sorrowful attend- 
ants were melted to tears, as the image of their 
master s death was presented to their minds, or they 
were touched, it may be, with compassion for this 
pitiable display of his weakness. Charles, muffled 
in a dark mantle, and bearing a lighted candle in 
his hand, mingled with his household, the spec- 
tator of his own obsequies ; and the doleful cere- 
mon^^ was concluded by his placing the taper in 
the hands of the priest, in sign of his surrendering 
up his soul to the Almighty. 


Sucli is the account of this melancholy farce giv- 
en us by the Jeronymite chroniclers of the cloister 
life of Charles the Fii'th, and which has since been 
repeated — losing nothing m the repetition — by 
every succeeding historian, to the present time.*^ 
Nor does there seem to have been any distrust of 
its correctness till the historical scepticism of our 
own clay had subjected the narrative to a more 
critical scrutiny. It was then discovered that no 
mention of the affair was to be discerned in the 
letters of any one of the emperor's household re- 
siding at Yuste, although there are letters extant 
written by Charles's physician, his major-domo, and 
his secretary, both on the thirty-first of August, 
the day of the funeral, and on the first of Septem- 
ber. With so extraordinary an event fresh in their 
minds, their silence is inexplicable. 

One fact is certain, that, if the funeral did take 
place, it could not have been on the date assigned 
to it ; for on the thirty-first the emperor was labor- 
ing under an attack of fever, of which his physi- 
cs The history of this aflair fur- by leaving the emperor in a swoon 
nishes a good example of the upon tlie floor. Lastly, Robertson, 
crescit eundo. The author of the after making the emperor perform 
MS. discovered by M. Bakhuizen, in his shroud, lays him in his coffin, 
noticed more fully in the next where, after joining in the prayers 
note, though present at the cere- for the rest of his own soul, not 
mony, contents himself with a gen- yet departed, he is left by the 
eral outline of it. Siguenca, who monks to his meditations ! — Where 
follows next in time and in author- Robertson got all these particulars 
ity, tells us of the lighted candle it would not be easy to tell ; cer- 
which Charles delivered to the tainly not from the authoritiea 
priest. Strada, who wrote a gen- cited at the bottom of his page, 
oration later, concludes the scene 



cian has given full particulars, and from which 
he was destined never to recover. That the 
writers, therefore, should have been silent in 
respect to a ceremony wdiich must have had so 
bad an effect on the nerves of the patient, is 
altogether incredible. 

Yet the story of the obsequies comes from one of 
the Jeronymite brethren then living at Yuste, who 
speaks of the emotions which he felt, in common 
with the rest of the convent, at seeing a man tlius 
bury himself alive, as it were, and perform his fu- 
neral rites before his death. ^^ It is repeated by an- 
other of the fraternity, the prior of the Escorial, who 
had ample means of conversing with eyewitnesses.^^ 
And finally, it is confirmed by more than one 
writer near enough to the period to be able to 

49 " Et j'assure que le coeur nous 
fendait de voir qu'un liomme voulut 
en quelque sorte s'enterrer vivant, 
et faire scs obscques avant de 
mourir." Gacliard, lletraite et 
Mort, torn. I. p. Ivi. 

M. Gachard has given a transla- 
tion of the chapter relating to the 
funeral, from a curious MS. account 
of Charles's convent life, discov- 
ered by M. Bakhuizen in the ar- 
L'hives at Brussels. As the author 
was one of the brotherhood who 
occupied the convent at the time 
r>f the emperor's residence there, 
the MS. is stamped with the hio-h- 
est authority; and M. Gachard will 
Joubtless do a good service to let- 
ters by incorporating it in the sec- 

VOL I. § 42 

ond volume of his " Retraite ei 

5^ Siguenca, Hist, de la Orden 
de San Geronimo, parte III. pp. 
200, 201. 

Siguen9a's work, which combines 
much curious learninof with a sim- 
pie elegance of style, was the fruit 
of many years of labor. The third 
volume, containing the part re- 
lating to the emperor, appeared in 
1G05, the year before the death of 
its author, who, as already noticed, 
must have had daily conmrnnica- 
tion with several of the monks, 
when, after Charles's death, they 
had been transferred fi'om Yuste 
to the gloomy shades of the Esco- 

2 C* 


assume himself of the truth.^^ Indeed, the parties 
from whom the account is originally derived were 
so situated that, if the story be without foundation, 
it is impossible to explain its existence by misap- 
prehension on their part. It must be wholly 
charged on a wilful misstatement of facts. It is 
true, the monkish chronicler is not always quite 
so scrupulous in this particular as would be de- 
sirable, — especially where the honor of his order 
is implicated. But what interest could the Jerony- 
mite fathers have had in so foolish a fabrication as 
this '? The supposition is at variance with the re- 
spectable character of the parties, and with the 
air of simplicity and good faith that belongs to 
their narratives.^'^ 

We may Avell be staggered, it is true, by the 
fact that no allusion to the obsequies appears in 
any of the letters from Yuste ; while the date as- 

51 Such, for example, were Vera Angulo could be detected and 
y Figueroa, Conde de la Roca, brought to light. As prior of 
whose little volume appeared in Yuste while Charles was there, his 
1G13; Strada, who wrote some testimony would be invaluable. 
twenty years later ; and tlie mar- Both Sandoval and the marquis of 
quis of Valparayso, whose MS. is Valparayso profess to have relied 
dated 1C38. I say nothing of San- mainly on Angulo's authority. Yet 
doval, often quoted as authority in this very affair of the funeral 
for the funeral, for, as he tells us they disagree, 
that the money which the empe- ^^ Siguen9a's composition may 
ror proposed to devote to a mock be characterized as simplex mun- 
funeral was after all appropriated dlt'ib. The MS. of the monk of 
to his real one, it would seem to Yuste, found in Brussels, is stamptd, 
imply that the former never took says M. Gachard, with the charac- 
place. ter of simplicity and truth. Ke- 
lt were greatly to be wished traite et Mort, tom. L p. xx. 
that the MS. of Frav Martin de 

Ch. IX.J he celebrates Ills OBSEQUIES. 381 

signed for them, moreover, is positively disproved. 
Yet we may consider that the misstatement of a 
date is a very different thing from the invention of 
a story, and that chronological accuracy, as I have 
more than once had occasion to remark, was not 
the virtue of the monkish, or indeed of any other 
historian of the sixteenth century. It would not 
be a miracle if the obsequies should have taken 
place some days before the period assigned to 
them. It so happens that w^e have no letters 
from Yuste between the eighteenth and the twenty- 
seventh of August. At least, I have none myself, 
and have seen none cited by others. If any 
should hereafter come to light, written during 
that interval, they may be found possibly to con- 
tain some allusion to the funeral. Should no 
letters have been written during the period, the 
silence of the parties who wrote at the end of 
August and the beginning of September may be 
explained by the fact, that too long a time had 
elapsed since the performance of the emperor s 
obsequies, for them to suppose it could have any 
connection with his illness, which formed the 
subject of their correspondence. Difficulties will 
present themselves, whichever view we take of 
the matter. But the reader may think it quite 
as reasonable to explain those difficulties by the 
supposition of involuntary error, as by that of 
sheer invention. 

Nor is the former supposition rendered less prob- 
able bv the character of Charles the Fifth. There 



was a taint of insanity in the royal blood of Castile, 
which was most fully displayed in the emperor's 
mother, Joanna. Some traces of it, however faint, 
may be discerned in his own conduct, before he 
took refuge in the cloisters of Yuste. And though 
we may not agree with Paul the Fourth in regard- 
ing this step as sufficient evidence of his madness, ^^ 
we may yet find something in his conduct, on more 
than one occasion, wdiile there, which is near akin 
to it. Such, for example, was the morbid relish 
which he discovered for performing the obsequies, 
not merely of his kindred, but of any one whose 
position seemed to him to furnish an apology for 
it. Not a member of the toison died, but he was 
prepared to commemorate the event with solemn 
funeral rites. These, in short, seemed to be the 
festivities of Charles's cloister life. These lugu- 
brious ceremonies had a fascination for him, that 
may remind one of the tenacity with which his 
mother, Joanna, clung to the dead body of her 
husband, taking it with her wherever she went. 
It was after celebrating the obsequies of his par- 
ents and his wife, which occupied several succes- 
sive days, that he conceived, as we are told, the 

a piece of 

when we reflect on the state of morbid excitement 
to which his mind may have been brought by 
dwelling so long on the dreary apparatus of death. 

idea of rehearsing his own funeral, 
extravagance which becomes the more 

53 Mlgnet, Charlcs-Qulnt, p. 1. 

Ch. ix.j his last illness. 333 

But whatever be thought of the account of the 
mock funeral of Charles, it appears that on the 
thirtieth of August he was affected by an indispo- 
sition which on the following day was attended 
with most alarming symptoms. Here also we 
have some particulars from his Jeronymite biog- 
raphers which we do not find in the letters. On 
the evening of the thirty-first, according to their 
account, Charles ordered a portrait of the empress, 
his wife, of whom, as we have seen, he had more 
than one in his collection, to be brought to him. 
He dwelt a long while on its beautiful features, 
" as if," says the chronicler, " he were imploring 
her to prepare a place for him in the celestial 
mansions to which she had gone."^* He then 
passed to the contemplation of another picture, — 
Titian's "Agony in the Garden," and from this to 
that immortal production of his pencil, the " Glo- 
ria," as it is called, which is said to have hung 
over the high altar at Yuste, and which, after 
the emperor's death, followed his remains to the 
Escorial.^^ He gazed so long and with such rapt 
attention on the picture, as to cause apprehension 
in his physician, who, in the emperor's debili- 
tated state, feared the effects of such excitement 
on his nerves. There was good reason for appre- 

54 " Estuvo un poco contem- 55 This famous picture, painted 

plandole, devia de pedirle, que le in the artist's best style, forms now 

previniesse lugar en el Alcazar one of the noblest ornaments ol 

glorioso que habltava." Vera y the Museo of Madrid. See Ford, 

Figueroa, Carlos Quinto, p. 127. Handbook of Spain, p. 758. 


hension ; for Charles, at length, rousing from his 
reverie, turned to the doctor, and complained that 
he was ill. His pulse showed him to be in a high 
fever. As the symptoms became more unfavor- 
able, his physician bled him, but without any good 
effect.^^ The Regent Joanna, on learning her fa- 
ther's danger, instantly despatched her own physi- 
cian from Valladolid to his assistance. But no 
earthly remedies could avail. It soon became evi- 
dent that the end was approaching.^^ 

Charles received the intelligence, not merely with 
composure, but with cheerfulness. It was what he 
had long desired, he said. His first care was to 
complete some few arrangements respecting his 
affairs. On the ninth of September, he executed 
a codicil to his will. The will, made a few years 
previous, was of great length, and the codicil had 
not the merit of brevity. Its principal object was 
to make provision for those who had followed 
him to Yuste. No mention is made in the codicil 
of his son Don John of Austria. He seems to 
have communicated his vicAvs in regard to him 
to his major-domo, Quixada, who had a private 
interview of some length with his master a few 
days before his death. Charles's directions on the 

56 For the above account of the 57 Vera y Figueroa, Carlos 

beginning of Charles's illness, see Quinto, p. 127. — Siguenca, Orden 

Siguen(j;a, Orden de San Geroni- de San Geronimo, parte IK. p. 

mo, parte IH. p. 201 ; Vera y 201. — Carta de Luis Quixada 

Figueroa, Carlos Quinto, p. 127; al Rey, 17 de Sctiembre, 1558, 

V^alparayso, el Perfecto Desengano, MS. 

:;h. ix.j his last illness. 335 

subject appear to have been scrupulously regarded 
by Philip.^^ 

One clause in the codicil deserves to be noticed. 
The emperor conjures his son most earnestly, by 
the obedience he owes him, to follow up and bring 
to justice every heretic in his dominions ; and this 
without exception, and without favor or mercy to 
any one. He conjures Philip to cherish the Holy 
Inquisition, as the best instrument for accom- 
plishing this good work. " So," he concludes, 
" shall you have my blessing, and the Lord shall 
prosper all your undertakings."^^ Such were the 
last w^ords of the dying monarch to his son. They 
did not fall on a deaf ear ; and the parting admo- 
nition of his father served to give a keener edge to 
the sword of persecution which Philip had already 
begun to wield. 

On the nineteenth of September, Charles's 
strength had declined so much that it was 

56 The Regent Joanna, it seems, and that, as no allusion had been 
"Suspected, for some reason or oth- made to him in the emperor's will, 
er, that the boy in Quixada's care there could be no foundation for 
was in fact the emperor's son. A the rumor. " Scr ansy que yo 
few weeks after her fiither's death tenya un nmchacho de hun ca- 
she caused a letter to be addressed ballero amygo myo (jue me abia 
to the major-domo, asking him di- encomendado anos a, y que pues 
rectly If this were the case, and S. M. en su testamento ni code- 
intimating a desire to make a cilyo, no azia memorya del, que 
suitable provision for the youth, hera razon tenello por burla." 
The wary functionary, who tells Carta de Luis Quixada al Rey, 28 
tliis in his private correspondence de Noviembre, 1;3;38, MS. 
with Plilllp, endeavored to put the 59 Codicilo del Emperador, ap. 
recent ofl" the scent by staling that Sandoval, Illst. de Carlos V torn, 
'.he lid was the son of a friend, II. p. G57. 


thought proper to administer extreme unction to 
him. He preferred to have it in the form adopted 
by the friars, which, comprehending a litany, the 
seven penitential psalms, and sundry other pas- 
sages of Scripture, was much longer and more 
exhausting than the rite used by the laity. His 
strength did not fail under it, however; and the 
following day he desired to take the communion, 
as he had frequently done during his illness. 
On his confessor's representing that, after the sac- 
rament of extreme unction, this was unnecessary, 
he answered, " Perhaps so, but it is good provision 
for the long journey I am to set out upon."®^ 
Exhausted as he was, he knelt a full quarter of 
an hour in his bed during the ceremony, offering 
thanks to God for his mercies, and expressing the 
deepest contrition for his sins, with an earnestness 
of manner that touched the hearts of all present.^^ 
Throughout his illness he had found consola- 
tion in having passages of Scripture, especially the 
Psalms, read to him. Quixada, careful that his 
master should not be disquieted in his last mo- 
ments, would allow very few persons to be present 
in his chamber. Among the number was Bar- 
tolome de Carranza, who had lately been raised to 
the archiepiscopal see of Toledo. He had taken 

CO " Si bien no sea necessario no mentos del Emperador Carlos V., 

OS parece, que es buena compania escrlta en Yuste, el 27 de Setiem- 

para Jornada tan larga." Ibid., bre, 1558, ap. Documentos Inedi- 

p. 617. tos, torn. VL p. 668. 

6' Carta sobrc los liltimos mo- 


a prominent part in the persecution in England 
under Mary. For the remainder of his life he 
was to be the victim of persecution himself, from a 
stronger arm than his, that of the Inquisition. 
Even the words of consolation which he uttered in 
this chamber of death were carefully treasured up 
by Charles's confessor, and made one of the charges 
against him in his impeachment for heresy. 

On the twenty-first of September, St. Matthew's 
day, about two hours after midnight, the em- 
peror, who had remained long without speaking, 
feeling that his hour had come, exclaimed, 
*' Now it is time ! " The holy taper was placed 
lighted in his right hand, as he sat up lean- 
ing on the shoulder of the faithful Quixada. 
With his left he endeavored to clasp a silver 
crucifix. It had comforted the empress, his wife, 
in her dying hour ; and Charles had ordered Qui- 
xada to hold it in readiness for him on the like 
occasion.^ It had lain for some time on his 
breast; and as it was now held up before his 
glazing eye by the archbishop of Toledo, Charles 
fixed his gaze long and earnestly on the sacred 
symbol, — to him the memento of earthly love as 
well as heavenly. The archbishop was repeating 
the psalm De Profundis, — " Out of the depths 
have I cried unto thee, O Lord ! " — when the 
dying man, making a feeble efibrt to embrace 

^ Carta de Luis Quixada a Juan de Setiembre, 1558, MS. — Carta 

Vazquez, 25 de Setiembre, 1558, del Arzobispo de Toledo a la Prlii- 

MS. — Carta del misrao al Rey, 30 cesa, 21 de Setiembre, 1558, MS. 

VOL. I. 8 43 2D 


the crucifix, exclaimed, in tones so audible as to 
be heard in the adjoining room, " Ai/ Jesus!'' 
and, sinking back on the pillow, expired without 
a struggle.^ He had always prayed — perhaps 
fearing the hereditary taint of insanity — that he 
might die in possession of his faculties.^* His 
prayer was granted. 

The emperor s body, after being embalmed, and 
placed in its leaden coffin, lay in state in the 
chapel for three days, during which three dis- 
courses were pronounced over it by the best preach- 
ers in the convent. It was then consigned to the 
earth, with due solemnity, amidst the prayers and 
tears of the brethren and of Charles's domestics, 
in presence of a numerous concourse of persons 
from the surrounding country. 

The burial did not take place, however, with- 
out some difficulty. Charles had requested by 
his will that he might be laid partially under the 

6^ " Tomo la candela en la mano — Carta del Medico del Empera- 

derecha la qual yo tenya y con la dor (Henrico Matisio) a Juan Vaz- 

yzquyerda tomo el crucifixo de- quez, 21 de Setiembre, MS. — ■ 

ziendo, ya es tiempo, y con dezir Carta sobre los ultimos momcntos 

Jesus acabo." Carta de Luis Qui- del Emperador, 27 de Setiembre, 

xada a Juan Vazquez, 25 de Se- ap. Documentos Ineditos, vol. VI. 

tiembre, 1558, MS. p. 667. — Sandoval, Hist, de Carlos 

For the accounts of this death- V., torn. II. p. 618. 
bed scene, see Carta del mismo al The MSS. referred to may now 

mismo, 21 de Setiembre, MS. — be all found in the printed collec- 

Carta del mismo al Rey, 21 de tion of Gachard. 
Setiembre, MS. — Carta del mismo 6"* " Temiendo siempre no lo 

al mismo, 30 de Setiembre, MS. — podcr tener en aquel tiempo." 

Carta del Arzobispo de Toledo a Carta de Luis Quixada al Rey 

la IVincesa, 21 de Setiembre, MS. 30 de Setiembre, MS. 


great altar, in such a manner that his head and 
the upper part of his body might come under the 
spot where the priest stood when he performed the 
service. This was dictated in all humility by the 
emperor ; but it raised a question among the scru- 
pulous ecclesiastics as to the propriety of permit- 
ting any bones save those of a saint to occupy so 
holy a place as that beneath the altar. The dis- 
pute waxed somewhat warmer than was suited to 
the occasion ; till the momentous affair w as finally 
adjusted by having an excavation made in the 
wall, within which the head was inti educed, so 
as to allow the feet to touch the verge of the 
hallowed ground.^ The emperor's body did not 
long abide in its resting-place at Yuste. Before 
many years had elapsed, it w^as transported, by 
command of Philip the Second, to the Escorial^ 
and in that magnificent mausoleum it has con- 
tinued to repose, beside that of the Empress 

The funeral obsequies of Charles were celebrated 
with much pomp by the court of Rome, by the Re 
gent Joanna at Valladolid, and, with yet greatei 
magnificence, by Philip the Second at Brussels. 
Philip was at Arras when he learned the news of 
nis father s death. He instantly repaired to a 
monastery in the neighborhood of Brussels, where 
he remained secluded for several weeks. Mean- 
while he ordered the bells in all the churches and 
ronvents throughout the Netherlands to be tolled 

6S Documcntos Inedltos, torn. VI. p. 6G9. 


thrice a day for four months, and during that time 
that no festivals or public rejoicings of any kind 
should take place. On the twenty-eighth of De- 
cember the king entered Brussels by night, and on 
the following day, before the hour of vespers, a 
procession was formed to the church of St. Gudule, 
which still challenges the admiration of the trav- 
eller as one of the noblest monuments of mediaeval 
architecture in the Netherlands. 

The procession consisted of the principal clergy, 
the members of the different religious houses, 
bearing lighted tapers in their hands, the nobles 
and cavaliers about the court, the great officers of 
state and the royal household, all clad in deep 
mourning. After these came the knights of the 
Golden Fleece, wearing the insignia and the su- 
perb dress of the order. The marquis of Aguilar 
bore the imperial sceptre, the duke of Villaher- 
mosa the sword, and the prince of Orange carried 
the globe and the crown of the empire. Philip 
came on foot, wrapped in a sable mantle, with his 
head buried in a deep cowl. His train was borne 
by Ruy Gomez de Silva, the favorite minister. 
Then followed the duke of Savoy, walking also 
alone, with his head covered, as a prince of the 
blood. Files of the Spanish and German guard, 
in their national uniforms, formed an escort to the 
procession, as it took its way through the prin- 
cipal streets, which were illumined with a blaze of 
torchlight, that dispelled the gathering shadows of 

Ch. ix.j his death and character. 341 

A conspicuous part of the procession was a long 
train of horses led each by two gentlemen, and 
displaying on their splendid housings, and the ban- 
ners which they carried, the devices and arms of 
the several states over which the emperor presided. 

But no part of the pageant attracted so much 
notice from the populace as a stately galley, hav- 
ing its sides skilfully painted with battle-pieces 
suggested by different actions in which Charles 
had been engaged; while its sails of black silk 
were covered with inscriptions in letters of gold, 
that commemorated the triumphs of the hero. 

Although the palace was at no great distance 
from St. Gudule's, the procession occupied two 
hours in passing to the church. In the nave of 
the edifice stood a sort of chapel, constructed for 
the occasion. Its roof, or rather canopy, display- 
ing four crowns embroidered in gold, rested on 
four Ionic pillars curiously wrought. Within lay 
a sarcophagus covered with a dark pall of velvet, 
surmounted by a large crimson cross. The im- 
perial crown, together with the globe and sceptre, 
was deposited in this chapel, which was lighted 
up with three thousand wax tapers. 

In front of it was a scaffolding covered with 
black, on which a throne was raised for Philip. 
The nobles and great officers of the crown occu- 
pied the seats, or rather steps, below. Drapery 
of dark velvet and cloth of gold, emblazoned 
with the imperial arms, was suspended across the 

irches of the nave ; above which ran galleries, 
8 2D* 


appropriated to the duchess of Lorraine and the 
ladies of the court.^^ 

The traveller who at this time visits this ven- 
erable pile, where Charles the Fifth was wont 
to hold the chapters of the Golden Fleece, while 
he gazes on the characteristic effigy of that mon- 
arch, as it is displayed on the superb window^s ot 
painted glass, may call to mind the memorable 
day when the people of Flanders, and the rank 
and beauty of its capital, were gathered together 
to celebrate the obsequies of the great emperor; 
when, amidst clouds of incense and the blaze ot 
myriads of lights, the deep tones of the organ, 
vibrating through the long aisles, mingled with 
the voices of the priests, as they chanted their sad 
requiem to the soul of their departed sovereign.^^ 

66 Sandoval, Hist, dc Carlos V., 
torn. H. p. 620. 

67 At least, such were the images 
suogested to my mind, as 1 wandered 
through the aisles of this fine old ca- 
thedral, on a visit which I made to 
Brussels a few years since, — in 
the summer of 1850. Perhaps the 
reader will excuse, as germaine to 
this matter, a short sketch relat- 
ing to it, from one of my letters 
written on the spot to a distant 
friend : — 

" Then the noble cathedral of 
Brussels, dedicated to one Saint 
Gudule, — the superb organ filling 
its Ions aisles with the most heart- 
thrilling tones, as the voices of the 
priests, dressed in their rich robes 
of {jurple and gold, rose in a chant 

that died away in the immense 
vaulted distance of the cathedral. 
It was the service of the dead, 
and the coffin of some wealthy 
burgher probably, to judge from 
its decorations, was in the choir. 
A number of persons were kneel- 
ing and saying their prayers in 
rapt attention, little heeding the 
Protestant strangers who were cu- 
riously gazing at the pictures and 
statues with which the edifice was 
filled. I was most struck with one 
poor woman, who was kneeling 
before the shrine of the saint, 
whose marble corpse, covered by 
a decent white gauze veil, lay just 
before her, separated only by a 
light railing. The setting sun wa? 
streaming in through tl»e rich coU 

Ch. ix;] his death and character. 343 

I have gone somewhat into detail in regard to 
the latter days of Charles the Fifth, who exercised, 
in his retirement, too important an influence on 
public affairs for such an account of him to b6 
deemed an impertinent ej^isode to the history 
of Philip the Second. Before parting from him 
forever, I will take a brief view of some peculi- 
arities in his personal, rather than his political 
character, which has long since been indelibly 
traced by a hand abler than mine. 

Charles, at the time of his death, was in the 
fifty-eighth year of his age. He was older in con- 
stitution than in years. So much shaken had he 
been, indeed, in mind as well as body, that he may 
be said to have died of premature old age. Yet 
his physical development had been very slow. He 
was nearly twenty-one years old before any beard 
was to be seen on his chin.^^ Yet by the time he 
was thirty-six, gray hairs began to make their ap- 
pearance on his temples. At forty the gout had 
made severe inroads on a constitution originally 

ored ]»anes of the magnificent win- dying colors, the effigies of those 

(lows, iiiat rose from the floor to who had once worshipped within 

the celling of the cathedral, some its walls, I was swept back to a 

hundred feet in height. The glass distant period, and felt I was a 

was of the time of Charles the contemporary of the grand old 

Fifth, and I soon recognized his times when Charles the Fifth held 

familiar face, — the protruding jaw the chapters of the Golden Fleece 

of the Austrian line. As I heard in this very building." 
the glorious anthem rise up to ^ " De Rege vero Caesare ajunt, 

heaven in this time-honored cathe- qui ab eo veniunt, barbatum jam 

dral, which had witnessed genera- esse." Petri Marty ris Opus Epis« 

tion after generation melt away, tolarum, (Amstelodami, 1G70, fol.,) 

and which now displayed, In un- ep. 734. 


strong ; and before he was fifty, the man who could 
keep the saddle day and night m his campaigns, 
who seemed to be insensible to fatigue as he 
followed the chase among the wild passes of the 
Alpuxarras, was obliged to be carried in a litter, 
like a poor cripple, at the head of his armies.^ 

His mental development was equally tardy with 
his bodily. So long as Chievres lived, — the 
Flemish noble who had the care of his early 
life, — Charles seemed to have no will of his 
own. During his first visit to Spain, where he 
came when seventeen years old, he gave so little 
promise, that those who approached him nearest 
could discern no signs of his future greatness. 
Yet the young prince seems to have been con- 
scious that he had the elements of greatness with- 
in him, and he patiently bided his time. " Non- 
dtim " — " Not yet " — was the motto which he 
adopted for his maiden shield, when but eigh- 
teen years old, at a tournament at Valladolid. 

But when the death of the Flemish minister 
had released the young monarch from this state 
of dependence, he took the reins into his own 
hands, as Louis the Fourteenth did on the death 
of Mazarin. He now showed himself in an en- 
tirely new aspect. He even displayed greater 
independence than his predecessors had done. 

69 In this outline of the eharac- arch, in the introduction to that 

ter of Charles the Fifth, I have portion of his great work on the 

not hesitated to avail myself of the nations of Southern Europe wl ich 

masterly touches which Ranke has he has devoted to Spain, 
given to the portrait of this mon- 


He no longer trusted everything, like them, to 
a couninl of state. He trusted only to himself; 
and if he freely communicated with some one 
favorite minister, like the elder Granvelle, and 
the cardinal, his son, it was in order to be coun- 
selled, not to be controlled by their judgments. 
He patiently informed himself of public affairs ; 
and when foreign envoys had their audiences of 
him, they were surprised to find him possessed 
of everything relating to their own courts and 
the objects of their mission. 

Yet he did not seem to be quick of apprehen 
sion, or, to speak more correctly, he was slow in 
arriving at his results. He would keep the cou- 
rier waiting for days before he could come to a 
decision. When he did come to it, no person on 
earth could shake it. Talking one day with the 
Venetian Contarini about this habit of his mind, 
the courtly minister remarked, that " it was not 
obstinacy to adhere to sound opinions." " True," 
said Charles, " but I sometimes adhere to those 
that are unsound." ^^ 

His indefatigable activity both of mind and body 
formed a strong contrast to the lethargy of early 
years. His widely scattered empire, spreading 
over the Low Countries, Spain, Germany, and the 
New World, presented embarrassments which most 
princes would have found it impossible to over- 
come. At least, they would have been compelled 

"0 " Qualclie fiate io son fermo Ranke, Ottoman and Spanish Em- 
\\\ le cattivo." Contarini, cited by pires, p. 29. 
vt)L. I. 44 


to govern, in a great measure, by deputy, — to 
transact their , business by agents. But Charles 
chose to do everything himself, — to devise his 
own plans, and to execute them in person. The 
number of his journeys by land and by water, 
as noticed in his farewell address, is truly won- 
derful ; for that was not the day of steamboats 
and railways. He seemed to lead the life of a 
courier. But it was for no trivial object that he 
made these expeditions. He knew where his pres- 
ence was needed ; and his promptness and punc- 
tuality brought him, at the right time, on the right 
spot. No spot in his broad empire was far re- 
moved from him. He seemed to possess the power 
oi' ubiquity. 

The consciousness of his own strength roused to 
a flame the spark of ambition which had hitherto 
slept in his bosom. His schemes were so vast, 
that it was a common opinion he aspired to uni- 
versal monarchy. Like his grandfather, Ferdi- 
nand, and his own son, Philip, he threw over 
his schemes the cloak of religion. Or, to deal 
with him more fairly, religious principle prob- 
ably combined with personal policy to determine 
his career. He seemed always ready to do battle 
for the Cross. He affected to identify the cause 
of Spain with the cause of Christendom. He 
marched against the Turks, and stayed the tide 
of Ottoman inroad in Hungary. He marched 
against the Protestants, and discomfited their 
armies in the heart of Germany. He ciosseJ 

Ch. ix.j his death and character. 347 

the Mediterranean, and humbled the Crescent at 
Algiers. He threw himself on the honor of Fran- 
cis, and travelled through France to take ven- 
geance on the rebels of Flanders. He tAvice 
entered France as an enemy, and marched up 
to the gates of Paris. Instead of the modest 
legend on his maiden shield, he now assumed 
the proud motto, ''Plus ultra'' ; and he vindicated 
his right to it, by sending his fleets across the 
ocean, and by planting the banner of Castile on 
the distant shores of the Pacific. In these enter- 
prises he was generally successful. His success 
led him to rely still more on himself. " My- 
self, and the lucky moment," was his favorite 
saying. The " star of Austria " was still a prov- 
erb. It was not till the evening of life that he 
complained of the fickleness of fortune; that his 
star, as it descended to the horizon, was obscured 
by clouds and darkness. 

Thus Charles's nerves were kept in a state of 
perpetual excitement. No wonder that his health 
should have sunk under it ; like a plant forced 
by extraordinary stimulants to an unnatural pro- 
duction at the expense of its own vitality. 

His habits were not all of them the most con- 
ducive to health. He slept usually only four 
hours ; too short a time to repair the waste caused 
by incessant toil.^ His phlegmatic temperament 

7' See Bradford, Correspondence of England and France, with a 
of the Emperor Charles the Fifth conncctino; Narrative and Bio* 
and his Ambassadors at the Courts graphical Notices of the Emperor, 


did not incline him to excess. Yet there was one 
excess of which he was guilty, — the indulgence 
of his appetite to a degree most pernicious to his 
health. A Venetian contemporary tells us, that, 
before rising m the morning, potted capon was 
usually served to him, dressed with sugar, milk, 
and spices. At noon, he dined on a variety of 
dishes. Soon after vespers he took another meal ; 
and later in the evening supped heartily on ancho- 
vies, or some other gross and savory food of which j 
he was particularly fond."^^ On one occasion, com- 
plaining to his maitre d hotel that the cook sent! 
him nothmg but dishes too insipid and tasteless 
to be eaten, the perplexed functionary, knowing 
Charles's passion for timepieces, replied, that " he 
did not know what he could do, unless it were to 
serve his majesty a ragout of watches ! " The wit- 
ticism had one good effect, that of provoking a 
hearty laugh from the emperor, — a thing rarely 
witnessed in his latter days.^^ 

(London, 1850,) p. 367, — a work Badovaro, Notizie delli Stati et 

which contains some interesting Corti di Carlo Quinto Imperatore 

particulars, little known, respect- et del Re Cattolico, MS. 
ing Charles the Fifth. ''^ " Disse una volta al Magglor- 

7-2 " Nel mangiare ha S. Maestk domo Monfalconetto con sdegno, 

sempre eccesso La mattina ch' aveva corrotto il giudicio a dare 

svegliata ella pigliava una scodella ordine a' cuochi, perche tutti i 

di pesto cappone con latte, zucchero cibi erano insipidi, dal quale le fu 

et spezierie, popol il quale tornava risposto : Non so come dovere tro- 

a riposare. A mezzo giorno desi- vare piu modi da compiacere alia 

nava molte varieta di vivande, et maesta V. se io non fb prova di 

poco da pol vespro merendava, et fa,rleunanuovavivandadi])ottaggio 

dir hora di notte se n' andava alia di rogoli, il clie la mosse a quel 

cena mangiando cose tutte da ge- magglore et piii lungo riso che sia 

nerare humori jj-rossi et viscosi." mai stato vcduto in hu." Hid. 


It was in vain that Cardinal Loaysa, his con- 
fessor, remonstrated, with an independence that 
does him credit, against his masters indulgence 
of his appetite, assuring him that resistance here 
would do more for his soul than any penance with 
the scourge.'* It seems a pity that Charles, con- 
sidering his propensities, should have so easily 
obtained absolution from fasts, and that he should 
not, on the contrary, have transferred some of the 
penance which he inflicted on his back to the 
offending part. Even in the monastery of Yuste 
he still persevered in the same pernicious taste. 
Anchovies, frogs' legs, and eel-pasties were the 
dainty morsels with which he chose to be regaled, 
even before the eyes of his physician. It would 
not have been amiss for him to have exchanged 
his solitary repast more frequently for the simpler 
fare of the refectory. 

With these coarser tastes Charles combined many 
others of a refined and intellectual character. We 
have seen his fondness for music, and the delight 
he took in the sister art of design, — especially in 
the works of Titian. He was painted several times 
by this great master, and it was by his hand, as we 
hdve seen, that he desired to go down to posterity. 
The emperor had, moreover, another taste, perhaps 

"^^ Briefe an Kaiser Karl V., the early period of his history, are 

gcsehrlcben von seinem Beichtva- preserved in the Arcliives of Si- 

ter, (Berlin, 1848,) p. 159 et al. maneas. The edition above re- 

These letters of Charles's con- ferred to contains the oriirinal 

fessor, which afford some curious Castilian, accompanied by a Ger- 

Darticulars for the illustration of man translation. 

8 2E 


talent, which, with a difterent training and in a 
different sphere of life, might have led him to 
the craft of authorship. 

A curious conversation is reported as having 
been held by him with Borja, the future saint, dur- 
ing one of the visits paid by the Jesuit to Yuste. 
Charles inquired of his friend whether it were 
wrong for a man to write his autobiography, pro- 
vided he did so honestly, and with no motive of 
vanity. He said that he had written his own 
memoirs, not from the desire of self-glorification, 
but to correct manifold mistakes which had been 
circulated of his doings, and to set his conduct in 
a true lightJ^ One might be curious to know the 
answer, which is not given, of the good father to 
this question. It is to be hoped that it was not 
of a kind to induce the emperor to destroy the 
manuscript, which has never come to light. 

However this may be, there is no reason to doubt 
that at one period of his life he had compiled a por- 
tion of his autobiography. In the imperial house- 
hold, as I have already noticed, was a Flemish 
scholar, William Van Male, or Malina^us, as he is 
called in Latin, who, under the title of gentleman 
of the chamber, wrote many a long letter for 
Charles, while standing by his bedside, and read 

'5 *' SI hallais," said the royal es prodigioso Panegerista en causa 

author, with a degree of humility propria), la arrojare de la mano al 

rarely found in brethren of the punto, para dar al viento lo que ea 

craft, " que alguna vanidad secreta del viento." Cienfuegos, Vida de 

pucdc mover la pluma (que siempre Boi ja, p. 2G9. 


many a weary hour to him after the monarch had 
gone to rest, — not, as it would seem, to sleepJ^ 
This personage tells us that Charles, when sailing 
on the Rhine, wrote an account of his expeditions 
to as late a date as 1550J^ This is not very defi- 
nite. Any account written under such circum- 
stances, and in so short a time, could be nothing 
but a sketch of the most general kind. Yet Van 
Male assures us that he had read the manuscript, 
which he commends for its terse and elegant dic- 
tion ; and he proposes to make a Latin version of 
it, the style of which should combine the separate 
merits of Tacitus, Livy, Suetonius, and Caesar ! ^® 
The admiring chamberlain laments that, instead of 
giving it to the world, Charles should keep it jeal 
ously secured under lock and key.^^ 

■'^ « Factus est anagnostes insa- plain, with tears in his eyes, that 

tiabiHs, audit legentem me singulis Quixada had taken them away 

noctibus facta coenula sua, mox from him. But he remembered 

iibrum repeti jubet, si forte ipsum enough of their contents, he said, 

torquet insomnia." Lettres sur la to make out another life of his 

Vie Interieure de Charles-Quint, master, which he intended to do. 

ecrites par G. Van Male, ep. 7. (Papiers d'Etat de Granvelle, torn. 

77 " Scripsi liberalissimas VI. p. 29.) Philip, thinking that 

ejus occupationes in navigatione Van Male might have carried his 

fluminis Rheni, dum ocii occasione intention into execution, ordered 

invitatus, scriberet in navi pere- Granvelle to hunt among his pa- 

grinationes et expeditioncs quas ab pers, after the poor gentleman's 

anno XV. in praBsentem usque death, and if he found any such 

diem, suscepisset." Ibid., ep. 5. MS. to send it to him, that he 

78 " Statui novum quoddam scri- might throw it into the fire! (Ibid., 
bendi temperatum efiingere, mix- p. 273.) Pliilip, in his tenderness 
tum ex Livio, Caesare, Suetonio, et for his father's memory, may have 
Tacito." Ibid. thought that no man could be a 

79 At the emperor's death, these hero to his own valet-de-chambre. 
Memoirs were in possession of Van On searching, however, no memoirs 
Male, who afterwards used to com- were found. 


The emperor's taste for authorship showed itself 
also in another form. This was by the translation 
of the ^'Chevalier Delihere^'' a French poem then 
popular, celebrating the court of his ancestor, 
Charles the Bold of Burgundy. Van Male, who 
seems to have done for Charles the Fifth what 
Voltaire did for Frederick, w^hen he spoke of 
himself as washing the king's dirty linen, was 
employed also to overlook this translation, which 
he pronounces to have possessed great merit in 
regard to idiom and selection of language. The 
emperor then gave it to Acufia, a good poet of the 
court, to be done into Castilian verse. Thus meta- 
morphosed, he proposed to give the copy to Van 
Male. A mischievous wag, Avila the historian, 
assured the emperor that it could not be worth 
less than five hundred gold crowns to that func- 
tionary. " And William is well entitled to them," 
said the monarch, " for he has sweat much over 
the work."^^ Two thousand copies were forthwith 
ordered to be printed of the poem, which was to 
come out anonymously. Poor Van Male, who 
took a very different view of the profits, and 
thought that nothing was certain but the cost of 
the edition, would have excused himself from this 
proof of his master's liberality. It was all in vain ; 
Charles w^as not to be balked in his generous pur- 
pose ; and, without a line to propitiate the public 
favor by stating in the preface the share of the 

80 " Bono jure, ait, fructns ille rimiim in opere illo sudarit." Ibid.^ 
ad Gulielmum redeat, ut qui plu- ep. 6. 

Cn. IX.] 



royal hand in the composition, it was ushered into 
the woiid.^^ 

Whatever Charles may have done in the way of 
an autobiography, he was certainly not indifferent 
to posthumous fame. He knew that the greatest 
name must soon pass into oblivion, unless em- 
balmed in the song of the bard or the page of the 
chronicler. He looked for a chronicler to do for 
him with his pen what Titian had done for him 
with his pencil, — exhibit him in his true propor- 
tions, and in a permanent form, to the eye of pos- 
terity. In this he does not seem to have been so 
much under the influence of vanity as of a natural 
desire to have his character and conduct placed in 
a fair point of view, — what seemed to him to be 

81 "Ne in proemio quidcm passus 
est ullam solertioe suae laudem 
adscribi." Ibid. 

Van Male's Latin correspond- 
ence, from which this annising 
incident is taken, was first pub- 
lished by the Baron ReiHenberg 
for the society of Bibliophiles Bel- 
gifjues, at Brussels, in 1843. It 
contains some interesting notices 
of Charles the Fifth's personal hab- 
its during the five years preceding 
his abdication. Van Male accom- 
panied his master into his retire- 
ment ; and his name appears in 
the codicil, among those of the 
household who received pensions 
from the emperor. This doubt- 
»ess stood him in more stead than 
his majesty's translation, which, 
although it passed through sev- 

VOL. I. y 45 

eral editions in the course of 
the century, probably put little 
money into the pocket of the 
chamberlain, who died in less 
than two years after his mas- 

A limited edition only of Van 
Male's correspondence was printed, 
for the benefit of the members of 
the association. For the copy 
used by me, I am indebted to 
Mr. Van de Weyer, the accom- 
plished Belgian minister at the 
EnMish court, whose love of let- 
ters is shown not more by the li- 
brary he has formed — one of the 
noblest private collections in Eu- 
rope — than by the liberality witd 
which he accords the use of it to 
the student. 

2 E* 


such, — for the contemplation or criticism of man- 

\ The person whom the emperor selected for this 
delicate office was the learned Sepulveda. Sleidan 
he condemned as a slanderer ; and Giovio, who 
had taken the other extreme, and written of him 
with what he called the " golden pen " of history, 
he no less condemned as a flatterer.^^ Charles 
encouraged Sepulveda to apply to him for informa- 
tion on matters relating to his government. But 
when requested by the historian to listen to what 
he had written, the emperor refused. " I will 
neither hear nor read," he replied, " what you have 
said of me. Others may do this, when I am gone. 
But if you wish for information on any point, I 
shall be always ready to give it to you."^^ A his- 
tory thus compiled was of the nature of an auto- 
biography, and must be considered, therefore, as 
entitled to much the same confidence, and open to 
the same objections, as that kind of writing. Se- 
pulveda was one of the few who had repeated 
access to Charles in his retirement at Yuste ; ^^ 
and the monarch testified his regard for him, by 

^2 Paulo Giovio got so little in legent alii cum ipse a vita discesse- 

return for his honeyed words, that ro ; tu siquid ex me scire ciipis, 

his eyes were opened to a new percimctare, nee enim respondere 

trait in the character of Charles, gravabor." Ibid., p. 533. 
whom he afterwards stigmatized as S'* Charles, however willing he 

parsimonious. See Sepulveda, De might be to receive those strangers 

llebus Gestis Caroli V.. lib. XXX. who brought him news from for- 

p. 534. eign parts, Avas not very tolerant, 

8^ " Haud mihi gratum est legere as the historian tells us, of visits of 

vel audire quae de me scribuntur ; idle ceremony. Ibid., p. 54L 


directing that particular care be taken that no 
harm should come to the historian's manuscript 
before it was committed to the press.^^ 

Such are some of the most interesting traits and 
personal anecdotes I have been able to collect of 
the man who, for nearly forty years, ruled over 
an empire more vast, with an authority more 
absolute, than any monarch since the days oi 
Charlemagne. It may be thought strange that I 
should have omitted to notice one feature in his 
character, the most prominent in the line from 
which he was descended, at least on the mother's 
side, — his bigotry. But in Charles this was less 
conspicuous than in many others of his house ; 
and while he sat upon the throne, the extent to 
which his religious principles were held in subor- 
dination by his political, suggests a much closer 
parallel to the policy of his grandfather, Ferdi- 
nand the Catholic, than to that of his son, Philip 
the Second, or of his imbecile grandson, Philip the 

But the religious gloom which hung over Charles's 
mind took the deeper tinge of fanaticism after he 
had withdrawn to the monastery of Yuste. With 
his dying words, as we have seen, he bequeathed 
the Inquisition as a precious legacy to his son. 
In like manner, he endeavored to cherish in the 
Regent Joanna's bosom the spirit of persecution.^^ 

'^^ Carta del Einperador al Sccre- dlspusicion de podello hacer tam- 

^rio Vazquez, Ode Julio, 1558, MS. blen procurara de enfor^arine en 

^ " SI me hallara con fuercas y este caso d toiuar cualquier trabajo 


And if it were true, as his biographer assures 
us, that Charles expressed a regret that he had 
respected the safe-conduct of Luther,^^ the world 
had little reason to mourn that he exchanged the 
sword and the sceptre for the breviary of the friar, 
— the throne of the Caesars for his monastic retreat 
among the wilds of Estremadura. 

para procurar por ml parte el re- gado a guardalle la palabra per ser 

medio y castigo dc lo sobre diclio la culpa del hereje contra otro 

sin embargo de los que por ello he mayor Senor, que era Dios." San- 

padescido." Carta del Emperador doval, Hist, de Carlos V., tom. H. 

a la Princesa, 3 de Mayo, 1558, p. 613. 
MS. See also Vera y Figueroa, Carlos 

^"^ *' Yo erre en no matar a Lu- Quinto, p. 124. 

thero, porque yo no era obli- 

Tlie preceding chapter was written in the summer of 1851, a year 
before the appearance of Stirling's " Cloister Life of Charles the Fifth,'* 
wliich led the way in that brilliant series of works from the pens cf 
Amedee Pichot, Mignet, and Gachard, which has made the darkest 
recesses of Yuste as light as day. The publication of these works has 
deprived my account of whatever novelty it might have possessed, 
since it rests on a similar basis with theirs, namely, original documents in 
the Archives of Simancas. Y''et the important influence which Charles 
exerted over the management of affairs, even in his monastic retreat, 
has made it impossible to dispense with the chapter. On the contrary, 
I have profited by these recent publications to make sundry additions, 
which may readily be discovered by the reader, from the references I 
have been careful to make to the sources whence they are derived. 

The public has been hitherto indebted for its knowledge of the reign 
of Charles the Fifth to Robertson, — a writer who, combining a truly 
philosophical spirit with an acute perception of character, is recom- 
mended, moreover, by a classic elegance of style which has justly given 
him a preeminence among the historians of the great emperor. But in 
his account of the latter days of Charles, Robertson mainly relies on 


commonplace authorities, whose information, gathered at second hand, 
is far from being trustworthy, — as is proved by the contradictory tenor 
of such authentic documents as the letters of Charles himself, with 
those of his own followers, and the narratives of the brotherhood of 
Yuste. Tliese documents are, for the most part, to be found in the 
Archives of Simancas, where, in Robertson's time, they were guarded, 
with the vigilance of a Turkish harem, against all intrusion of native 
as well as foreigner. It was not until very recently, in 1844, that the 
more liberal disposition of the government allowed the gates to be un- 
barred which had been closed for centuries ; and then, for the first 
time, the student might be seen toiling in the dusty alcoves of Siman- 
cas, and busily exploring the long-buried memorials of the past. It 
was at this period that my friend, Don Pascual de Gayangos, having 
obtained authority from the government, passed some weeks at Siman- 
cas in collecting materials, some of which have formed the groundwork 
of the preceding chapter. 

While the manuscripts of Simancas were thus hidden from the world, 
a learned keeper of the archives, Don Tomas Gonzalez, discontented 
with the unworthy view which had been given of the latter days of 
Charles the Fifth, had profited by the materials which lay around him, 
to exhibit his life at Yuste in a new and more authentic light. To the 
volume which he compiled for this purpose he gave the title of " Reih'O, 
Estancla, y Muerte del Emperador Carlos Quinto en el Monasterio de 
Yuste." The work, the principal value of which consists in the copious 
extracts with which it is furnished from the correspondence of Charles 
and his household, was sufiercd by the author to remain in manu- 
script ; and, at his death, it passed into the hands of his brother, who 
prepared a summary of its contents, and endeavored to dispose of the 
volume at a price so exorbitant that it remained for many years without 
a purchaser. It was finally bought by the French government at a 
gi-eatly reduced price, — for four thousand francs. It may seem strange 
that it should have even brought this sum, since the time of the sale 
was that in which the new arrangements were made for giving admis- 
sion to the archives that contained the original documents on which 
the Gonzales IMS. was founded. The work thus bought by the French 
government was transferred to the Archives dcs Affaires Etrangeres, then 
under the direction of M. Mignet. The manuscript could not be in bet- 
ter hands than those of a scholar who has so successfully carried the 
torch of criticism into some of the darkest passages of Spanish history. 
His occupations, however, took him in another direction ; and for eight 
years the Gonzalez MS. remained as completely hidden from the world 


in the Parisian archives as it had been in those of Simancas. When,, 
at length, it was applied to the historical uses for which it had been 
intended, it was through the agency, not of a French, but of a British 
writer. This was Mr. Stiriing, the author of the " Annals of the Artists 
of Spain," — a work honorable to its author for the familiarity it shows, 
not only with the state of the arts in that country, but also with its lit- 

Mr. Stirling, during a visit to the Peninsula, in 1849, made a pil- 
grimage to Yuste ; and the traditions and hoary reminiscences gathered 
round the spot left such an impression on the traveller's mind, that, 
on his return to England, he made them the subject of two elaborate 
papers in Eraser's Magazine, in the numbers for April and May, 1851. 
Although these spirited essays rested wholly on printed w^orks, which 
had long been accessible to the scholar, they were found to contain 
many new and highly interesting details ; showing how superficially 
Mr. Stirling's predecessors had examined the records of the emperor's 
residence at Yuste. Still, in his account the author had omitted the 
most important feature of Charles's monastic life, — the influence which 
he exercised on the administration of the kingdom. This was to be 
gathered from the manuscripts of Simancas. 

Mr. Stirling, who through that inexhaustible repository, the Hand- 
book of Spain, had become acquainted with the existence of the Gon- 
zalez MS., was, at the time of writing his essays, ignorant of its fate. 
On learning, afterwards, where it was to be found, he visited Paris, 
and, having obtained access to the volume, so far profited by its con- 
tents as to make them the basis of a separate work, which he entitled 
" The Cloister Life of Charles the Fifth." It soon attracted the atten- 
tion of scholars, both at home and abroad, went through several edi- 
tions, and was received, in short, with an avidity which showed both 
the importance attached to the developments the author had made, 
and the attractive form in which he had presented them to the reader. 

The Parisian scholars were now stimulated to turn to account the 
treasure which had remained so long neglected on their shelves. In 
1854, less than two years after the appearance of Mr. Stirling's book, 
M. Amedee Pichot published his '•'' Clironique de Charles- Quint ^^' a work 
which, far from being confined to the latter days of the emperor, covers 
the whole range of his biography, presenting a large amount of informa- 
tion in regard to his personal habits, as well as to the interior organiza- 
tion of his government, and the policy which directed it. The whole 
is enriched, moreover, by a multitude of historical incidents, which 
may be regarded rather as subsidiary than essential to the conduct ot 

Ch. IX.J memoirs of CHARLES. 35 D 

the narrative, which is enlivened by much ingenious criticism on the 
state of manners, arts, and moral culture of the period. 

It was not long after the appearance of this work that M. Gachard^ 
whom I have elsewhere noticed as having been commissioned by the 
Belo-ian oovernment to make extensive researches in the Archives of 
Simancas, gave to the public some of the fruits of his labors, in the 
first volume of his " Reiraite et Mort de Charles- Quint." It is devoted to 
the letters of the emperor and his household, which forms the staple of 
the Gonzalez MS. ; thus placing at the disposition of the future biog- 
rapher of Charles the original materials with which to reconstruct the 
history of his latter days. 

Lastly came the work, long expected, of M. Mignet, ^'' Charles- Quint ; 
son Abdication, son Sejour, et sa Mort au Monastere de Yuste" It was 
the reproduction, in a more extended and elaborate form, of a series of 
papers, the first of which appeared shortly after the publication of M/. 
Stirling's book. In this work the French author takes the clear and 
comprehensive view of his subject so characteristic of his genius. The 
difficult and debatable points he discusses with acuteness and precision ; 
and the whole story of Charles's monastic life he presents in so lumi- 
nous an aspect to the reader as leaves nothing further to be desired. 

The critic may take some interest in comparing the different man- 
ners in which the several writers have dealt with the subject, each ac- 
cordliifj to his own taste, or the bent of his genius. Thus through Stir- 
ling's more free and familiar narrative there runs a pleasant vein of 
humor, with piquancy enough to give it a relish, showing the author's 
sensibility to the ludicrous, for which Charles's stingy habits, and ex- 
cessive love of good cheer, even in the convent, furnish frequent 

Quite a different conception is formed by Mignet of the emperor's 
character, which he has cast in the true heroic mould, not deigning to 
recognize a single defect, however slight, which may at all impair the 
majesty of the proportions. Finally, Amedee Pichot, instead of the 
classical, may be said to have conformed to the romantic school in the 
arrangement of his subject, indulging in various picturesque episodes, 
which he has, however, ( cmblned so successfully with the main body of 
the narrative as not to impair the unity of mterest. 

Whatever may be thought of the comparative merits of these emi- 
nent writers In the execution of their task, the effect of their labors 
has imdoubtedly been to make that the plainest which was before the 
tnosl obscure portion of the history of Charles the Fifth. 




Oiril Institutions. — Commercial Prosperity. — Character of the People 
— Protestant Doctrines. — Persecution by Charles the Fifth. 

We have now come to that portion of the 
narrative which seems to be rather in the nature 
of an episode, than part and parcel of our history ; 
though from its magnitude and importance it is 
better entitled to be treated as an independent 
history by itself This is the War of the Nether- 
lands ; opening the way to that great series of 
revolutions, the most splendid example of which 
is furnished by our own happy land. Before en- 
tering on this vast theme, it will be well to give a 
brief view of the country which forms the subject 
of it. 

At the accession of Philip the Second, about 
the middle of the sixteenth century, the Nether- 
lands, or Flanders, as the country was then usually 
(;alled,^ comprehended seventeen provinces, occu- 

1 " Vocatur quoque synechdo- pam, Flandria, idque ob ejus Pro- 
chirc, per univcrsam fcrmc Euro- vincia3 potentiam atquc splendo- 


pying much the same territory, but somewhat 
abridged, with that included in the present king- 
doms of Holland and Belgium.^ These provinces, 
under the various denominations of duchies, coun- 
ties, and lordships, formed anciently so many 
separate states, each under the rule of its re- 
spective prince. Even when two or three of 
them, as sometimes happened, were brought to- 
gether under one sceptre, each still mamtained 
its own independent existence. In their insti- 
tutions these states bore great resemblance to 
one another, and especially in the extent of the 
immunities conceded to the citizens as compared 
with those enjoyed in most of the countries of 
Christendom. No tax could be imposed, with 
out the consent of an assembly consisting of the 
clergy, the nobles, and the representatives of the 
towns. No foreigner was eligible to office, and 
the native of one province was regarded as a 
foreigner by every other. These were insisted 
on as inalienable rights, although in later times 

rem: quamvis sint, qui contendant, oris Germaniae Descriptio, (Amste- 
vocabulum ipsum Flandria, k fre- lodami, 1652,) p. 6. 
quenti exterorum in ea quondam 2 These provinces were the 
Frovincia mercatorum commercio, duchies of Brabant, Limburg, Lux- 
derivatum, atquc inde in omnes embourg, and Gueldres; the coun 
partes diilusum ; ahi rursus, quod ties of Artois, Hainault, Flanders, 
haee ipsa Flandria, strictius sumta, Namur, Ziitphen, Holland, and 
Gallis, Anglis, Hispanis, atque Italis Zealand ; the margraviate of Ant- 
sit vicinior, ideoque et notior si- werp ; and the lordships of Fries- 
mul et celebrior, totam Belgiam land, Mechlin, Utrecht, OverysscJ, 
eo nomine indigitatam pcrhibent." and Groningen. 
Guiccia.dini, Bclgicac, sive Inferi- 

VOL. 1-8 46 2 F 


none were more frequently disregarded by the 

The condition of the commons in the Nether- 
lands, during the Middle Ages, was far in advance 
of what it was in most other European countries at 
the same period. For this they were indebted to 
the character of the people, or rather to the pecu- 
liar circumstances which formed that character. 
Occupying a soil Avhich had been redeemed with 
infinite toil and perseverance from the waters, their 
life was passed in perpetual struggle with the 
elements. They were early familiarized to the 
dangers of the ocean. The Flemish mariner was 
distmguished for the intrepid spirit with which 
he pushed his voyages into distant and unknown 
seas. An extended commerce opened to him a 
wide range of observation and experience ; and to 
the bold and hardy character of the ancient Nether- 
lander was added a spirit of enterprise, with such 
enlarged and liberal views as fitted him for taking 

3 Basnage, Annales des Provin- gravati senza che mai facesse alcun 

ccs-Unies, avec la Description His- resentimento forte piii de I'honesto. 

iorique de leur Gouvernement, Ma cosi come in questa parte sem- 

(La Haye, 1719,) torn. I. p. 3. — preliannomostratolasuaprontezza 

Guicciardini, Belgicse Descriptio, cosi sono stati duri et difficili, che 

p. 81 et seq. ponto le fossero sminuiti 11 lore 

The Venetian minister Tiepolo privilegii et autorita, ne che ne i 

warmly commends the loyalty of loro stati s' introducessero nuove 

these people to their princes, not leggi, et nuove ordini ad instantia 

to be shaken so long as their con- massime, et perricordo di genta 

stitutional privileges were respect- straniera." Relatione di M. A. 

ed. "Sempre si le sono mostrati Tiepolo, ritornato Ambasciatore 

quel Popoli molto afVcttionati, et dal Scr"'" Re Cattolico, 1567, IMS. 
amorcvoli contcntandosi de csscr 


part in the great concerns of the community. 
Villages and towns grew up rapidly. Wealth 
flowed in from this commercial activity, and the 
assistance which these little communities were thus 
enabled to aiford their princes drew from the latter 
the concession of important political privileges, 
which established the independence of the citizen. 

The tendency of things, however, was still to 
maintain the distinct individuality of the provinces, 
rather than to unite them into a common political 
body. They were peopled by different races, speak 
ing different languages. In some of the provinces 
French was spoken, in others a dialect of the Ger- 
man. Their position, moreover, had often brought 
these petty states into rivalry, and sometimes into 
open war, with one another. The effects of these 
feuds continued after the causes of them had 
passed away; and mutual animosities still lin- 
gered in the breasts of the inhabitants, operating 
as a permanent source of disunion. 

From these causes, after the greater part of the 
provinces had been brought together under the 
sceptre of the ducal house of Burgundy, in the 
fifteenth century, it was found impossible to fuse 
them into one nation. Even Charles the Fifth, 
with all his power and personal influence, found 
himself unequal to the task.* He was obliged 
to relinquish the idea of consolidating the differ- 
ent states into one monarchy, and to content him 

4 Basnagc, Annalcs dcs Provinccs-Unles, torn. I. p. 8 . 


self with the position — not too grateful to a 
Spanish despot — of head of a republic, or, to 
speak more properly, of a confederacy of re- 

There was, however, some approach made to a 
national unity in the institution which grew up 
after the states were brought together under one 
sceptre. Thus, while each of the provinces main- 
tained its own courts of justice, there was a su- 
preme tribunal established at Mechlin, with appel- 
late jurisdiction over all the provincial tribunals. 
In like manner, while each state had its own 
legislative assembly, there were the states-general, 
consisting of the clergy, the nobles, and the rep- 
resentatives of the towns, from each of the prov- 
inces. In this assembly — but rarely convened — 
were discussed the great questions having reference 
to the interests of the whole country. But the 
assembly was vested with no legislative authority. 
It could go no further than to present petitions to 
the sovereign for the redress of grievances. It pos- 
sessed no right beyond the right of remonstrance. 
Even in questions of taxation, no subsidy could be 
settled in that body, without the express sanction 
of each of the provincial legislatures. Such a form 
of government, it must be admitted, was altogether 
too cumbrous in its operations for efficient execu- 
tive movement. It was by no means favorable to 
the promptness and energy demanded for military 
enterprise. But it was a government which, how 
ever ill suited in this respect to the temper of 


Charles the Fifth, was well suited to the geni as ol 
the inhabitants, and to their circumstances, which 
demanded peace. They had no ambition for for- 
eign conquest. By the arts of peace they had 
risen to this unprecedented pitch of prosperity, 
and by peace alone, not by war, could they hope 
to maintain it. 

But under the long rule of the Burgundian 
princes, and still more under that of Charles the 
Fifth, the people of the Netherlands felt the influ- 
ence of those circumstances, which in other parts 
of Europe were gradually compelling the popular, 
or rather the feudal element, to give way to the 
spirit of centralization. Thus in time the sove- 
reign claimed the right of nominating all the 
higher clergy. In some instances he appointed 
the judges of the provincial courts; and the su- 
preme tribunal of Mechlin was so far dependent on 
his authority, that all the judges were named and 
their salaries paid by the crown. The sovereign's 
authority was even stretched so far as to interfere 
not unfrequently with the rights exercised by the 
citizens in the election of their own magistrates, — 
rights that should have been cherished by them as 
of the last importance. As for the nobles, we can- 
not over-estimate the ascendency which the master 
of an empire like that of Charles the Fifth must 
have obtained over men to whom he could open 
such boundless prospects in the career of ambition ^ 

5 Ibid., loc. cit. — Bcntivoglio, Guerra (II Fiandra, (Milano, 1806,) 
8 2 F* 


But the personal character and the peculiar 
position of Charles tended still further to enlarge 
the royal authority. lie was a Fleming by birth. 
He had all the tastes and habits of a Fleming. 
His early days had been passed in Flanders, and he 
loved to return to his native land as often as his 
busy life would permit him, and to seek in the free 
and joyous society of the Flemish capitals some 
relief from the solemn ceremonial of the Castilian 
court. This preference of their lord was repaid by 
the people of the Netherlands with feelings of 
loyal devotion. 

But they had reason for feelings of deeper grati- 
tude in the substantial benefits which the favor 
of Charles secured to them. It Avas for Flemings 
that the highest posts even in Spain were re- 
served, and the marked preference thus shown by 
the emperor to his countrymen was one great 
source of the troubles in Castile. The soldiers 
of the Netherlands accompanied Charles on his 
military expeditions, and their cavalry had the 
reputation of being the best appointed and best 
disciplined in the imperial army. The vast extent 
cf his possessions, spreading over every quarter 
of the globe, offered a boundless range for the 
commerce of the Netherlands, which was every- 
where admitted on the most favorable footing. 

p. 9 et seq. — Ranke, Spanish Em- ticular facts that illustrate most 

pire, p. 79. forcibly the domestic policy of the 

The last writer, with his usual Netherlands under Chr.vles the 

discernment, has selected the par- Fifth. 


Notwithstanding his occasional acts of violence and 
extortion, Charles was too sagacious not to foster 
the material interests of a country which contrib- 
uted so essentially to his own resources. Undet 
his protecting policy, the industry and ingenuity 
of the Flemings found ample scope in the various 
departments of husbandry, manufactures, and trade. 
The country was as thickly studded with large towns 
as other countries were with villages. In the mid- 
dle of the sixteenth century it was computed to con- 
tain above three hundred and fifty cities, and more 
than six thousand three hundred towns of a smaller 
size.^ These towns were not the resort of monks 
and mendicants, as in other parts of the Continent, 
but they swarmed with a busy, laborious population. 
No man ate the bread of idleness in the Neth- 
erlands. At the period with which we are occu- 
pied Ghent counted 70,000 inhabitants, Brussels 
75,000, and Antwerp 100,000. This was at a 
period when London itself contained but ISOjOOO.*^ 
The country, fertilized by its countless canals 
and sluices, exhibited everywhere that minute and 

6 " Urbes in ea sive moenibus ' Guicciardini, BelgicsB Descrlp- 

clausae, sive elausis magnitudine tio, p. 207 et seq. 

propemodum pares, supra trecen- The geographer gives us tlie 

tas et quinquaginta ccnseantur ; population of several of the most 

pagi vero majores ultra sex millia considerable capitals in Europe in 

ac trecentos numerentur, ut nihil the middle of the sixteenth cen- 

de minoribus vicis arcibusque lo- tury. That of Paris, amounting to 

quar, quibus supra omnem nume- 300,000, seems to have much ex- 

rum consitus est Belgicus ager." ceeded that of every othei great 

Strada, Dc Bello Belgico, torn. 1 city except Moscow 
p. 32 


patient cultivation which distinguishes it at the 
present day, but which in the middle of the six- 
teenth century had no parallel but m the lands 
tilled by the Moorish inhabitants of the south of 
Spain. The ingenious spirit of the people was 
shown in their dexterity in the mechanical arts, 
and in the talent for invention which seems to be 
characteristic of a people accustomed from infancy 
to the unfettered exercise of their faculties. The 
processes for simplifying labor were carried so far, 
that children, as we are assured, began, at four or 
five years of age, to earn a livelihood.^ Each of the 
principal cities became noted for its excellence in 
some branch or other of manufacture. Lille was 
known for its woollen cloths, Brussels for its tapestry 
and carpets, Valenciennes for its camlets, while the 
towns of Holland and Zealand furnished a simpler 
staple in the form of cheese, butter, and salted fish.^ 
These various commodities were exhibited at the 
great fairs held twice a year, for the space of twenty 
days each, at Antwerp, which were thronged by 
foreigners as well as natives. 

In the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries the 

8 " Atque hinc adeo fit, ut isti The ambassador does not hes- 
opera sua ea dexteritate, facilitate, itate to compare Antwerp, for the 
ordineque disponant, ut et parvuli, extent of its commerce, to his own 
ac quadriennes modo aut quin- proud city of Venice. " Anversa 
quennes eoruni filioli, victum illico corrisponde di mercantia benissimo 
sibi incipiant qua^rere." Guicciar- a Venetia, Lavania di studio a 
dini, Belgicae Descriptio, p. 55. Padova, Gante per grandezza a 

9 Relatione di M. Cavallo tornato Verona, Brusscllis per il sito a 
Ambasciatore dal Im[)eratore, 1551, Brescia." 



Flemings imported great quantities of wool from 
England, to be manufactured into cloth at home 
But Flemish emigrants had carried that manu- 
facture to England ; and in the time of Philip the 
Second the cloths themselves were imported from 
the latter country to the amount of above five mil- 
lions of crowns annually, and exchanged for the 
domestic products of the Netherlands.-^^ This 
single item of trade with one of their neigh- 
bors may suggest some notion of the extent of 
the commerce of the Low Countries at this pe- 

But in truth the commerce of the country 
stretched to the remotest corners of the globe. 
The inhabitants of the Netherlands, trained from 
early youth to battle with the waves, found their 
true element on the ocean. "As much as Nature," 
says an enthusiastic writer, " restricted their do- 
main on the land, so much the more did they 
extend their empire on the deep." ^^ Their fleets 
were to be found on every sea. In the Euxine and 
in the Mediterranean they were rivals of the Vene- 
tian and the Genoese, and they contended with the 

10 « Liquido enim constat, eorum, n " Quas vero ignota marium 

anno annum pensante, et carisaeis Htora, quasve desinentis mnndi 

aliisque pannieuHs ad integros pan- oras scrutata non est Belgarum 

nos reductis, ducenta et ampHus nautica ? Nimirum quanto illos 

milliaannuatim nobis dlstrlbui, quo- natura intra fines terras contrac- 

rum singuli minimum aestimentur tiores inclusit, tanto ampliores ipsi 

vicenis quinis scutatis, ita ut in sibi aperuere oceani campos." 

quinque et amplius milliones ratio Strada, Do Bello Belgico, lib. I 

tandem excrescat." Guicciardini, p. 32. 
Belgicae Descriptio, p. 244. 

vol.. I. 47 


English, and even witli the Spaniards, for superi- 
ority on the " narrow seas " and the great ocean. 

The wealth which flowed into the country 
from this extended trade was soon shown in the 
crowded population of its provinces and the splen 
dor of their capitals. At the head of these stood 
the city of Antwerp, which occupied the place in 
the sixteenth century that Bruges had occupied 
in the fifteenth, as the commercial metropolis of 
the Netherlands. Two hundred and fifty vessels 
might often be seen at the same time taking in 
their cargoes at her quays.-^^ Two thousand loaded 
wagons from the neighboring countries of France, 
Germany, and Lorraine daily passed through her 
gates ; ^^ and a greater number of vessels, freighted 
with merchandise from difierent quarters of the 
world, were to be seen floating at the same time on 
the waters of the Scheldt.^* 

The city, in common with the rest of Brabant, 
was distinguished by certain political privileges, 
which commended it as a place of residence even 
to foreigners. Women of the other provinces, it 
is said, when the time of their confinement drew 
near, would come to Brabant, that their ofl'spring 
might claim the franchises of this favored portion 
of the Netherlands.^^ So jealous were the people of 

12 Schiller, Abfall der Nieder- l^ " In quorum (Brabantlnorum) 

lande, (Stuttgart, 1838,) p. 44. Provinciam seimus transferre se 

^^ Ibid., ubi supra. solitas e vicinis locis parituras mu- 

14 Burgon, Life of Sir Thomas lieres, ut Brabantinas immunitates 

Gresham, (London, 1839,) vol. I. filiis eo solo genitis acquierent, 

p. 72. erederes ab agrieolis ehgi plantaria, 

Th. i.j their commercial prosperity. 371 

this province of their liberties, that in their oath 
of allegiance to their sovereign, on his accession, it 
was provided that this allegiance might lawfully be 
withheld whenever he ceased to respect their privi- 

Under the shelter of its municipal rights, for- 
eigners settled in great numbers in Antwerp. The 
English established a factory there. There was 
also a Portuguese company, an Italian company, 
a company of merchants from the Hanse Towns, 
and, lastly, a Turkish company, which took up its 
residence there for the purpose of pursuing a trade 
with the Levant. A great traffic was carried on 
in bills of exchange. Antwerp, in short, became 
the banking-house of Europe ; and capitalists, the 
Rothschilds of their day, whose dealings ^vere with 
sovereign princes, fixed their abode in Antwerp, 
which was to the rest of Europe in the sixteenth 
century what London is in the nineteenth, — the 
great heart of commercial circulation.^^ 

In 1531, the public Exchange was erected, the 
finest building of its kind at that time anywhere to 
be seen. The city, indeed, was filled with stately 
edifices, the largest of which, the great cathedral, 
havmg been nearly destroyed by fire, soon after the 
opening of the Exchange, was rebuilt, and still re- 

in quibus enatae arbusculae, prlmo- ^^ HIstoIre des Provinces-Unlcs 

que illo terrae velut ab ubcre lac- dcs PaVs-Bas, (La Hayc, 1704,) 

tentcs, alio dein sccum auferant torn. I. p. 88. 
tlotes liospi talis soli." Strada, Do i^ Guicciardini, Pclgicae Diy 

licllo Bc'lgi ;o, lib. II. p. Gl. scriptio, p. 225 ct scq 


mains a noble specimen of tlie architectural science 
of the time. Another age was to see the walls of 
the same cathedral adorned with those exquisite 
productions of E-ubens and his disciples, which 
raised the Flemish school to a level with the great 
Italian masters. 

The rapidly increasing opulence of the city 
was visible in the luxurious accommodations and 
sumptuous way of living of the inhabitants. The 
merchants of Antwerp rivalled the nobles of other 
lands in the splendor of their dress and domes- 
tic establishments. Something of the same sort 
showed itself in the middle classes ; and even in 
those of humbler condition, there was a comfort 
approaching to luxury in their households, which 
attracted the notice of an Italian writer of the 
sixteenth century. He commends the scrupulous 
regard to order and cleanliness observed in the 
arrangement of the dwellings, and expresses his 
admiration, not only of the careful attention given 
by the women to their domestic duties, but also of 
their singular capacity for conducting those busi- 
ness affairs usually reserved for the other sex. 
This was particularly the case in HoUand.^^ But 
this freedom of intercourse was no disparagement 
to tlieir feminine qualities. The liberty they as- 
sumed did not degenerate into license ; and he 
concludes his animated portraiture of these Flemish 

ly " Ut in multis terras Provin- suarum curam uxoribus '^pepe ro 
ciis, Ilollandia noniinatim atque linquant." Ibid., p. 58. 
Zelaiidia, viri omnium fere rerum 


matrons by pronouncing them as discreet as they 
were beautiful. 

The humbler classes, in so abject a condition 
in other parts of Europe at that day, felt the 
good effects of this general progress in comfort 
and civilization. It was rare to find one, we 
are told, so illiterate as not to be acquainted 
with the rudiments of grammar ; and there was 
scarcely a peasant who could not both read and 
write ;-^^ — this at a time when to read and write 
were accomplishments not always possessed, in 
other countries, by those even in the higher 
walks of life. 

It was not possible that a people so well ad- 
vanced in the elements of civilization should long 
remain insensible to the great religious reform 
which, having risen on their borders, was now 
rapidly spreading over Christendom. Besides the 
contiguity of the Netherlands to Germany, their 
commerce with other countries had introduced 
them to Protestantism as it existed there. The 
foreign residents, and the Swiss and German mer- 
cenaries quartered in the provinces, had imported 
along with them these same principles of the 
Reformation ; and lastly, the Flemish nobles, who, 
at that time, were much in the fashion of going 

1^ " Majori gentis parti nota markable fact, had ample oppor- 

Grammatleae rudimenta, ct vel ipsi tunity for ascertaining the truth ot 

etiam rustici legendi scribendiquc it, since, though an It-aHan by birth, 

pcriti sunt." Ibid., p. 53. he resided in the Netltcrlands for 

Guicciardlni, who stalc.-^ this re- forty years or more. 

8 2G 


abroad to study in Geneva, returned from that 
strong-hold of Calvin well fortified with the doc- 
trines of the great Reformer.^^ Thus the seeds of 
the Reformation, whether in the Lutheran or the 
Calvinistic form, were scattered wide over the land, 
and took root in a congenial soil. The phleg- 
matic temperament of the northern provinces, es- 
pecially, disposed them to receive a religion which 
addressed itself so exclusively to the reason, while 
they were less open to the influences of Catholi- 
cism, which, with its gorgeous accessories, ap- 
pealing to the passions, is better suited to the 
lively sensibilities and kindling imaginations of 
the south. 

It is not to be supposed that Charles the Fifth 
could long remain insensible to this alarming de- 
fection of his subjects in the Netherlands ; nor 
that the man whose life was passed in battling 
with the Lutherans of Germany could patiently 
submit to see their detested heresy taking root in 
his own dominions. He dreaded this innovation 
no less in a temporal than in a spiritual vieM'> 
Experience had shown that freedom of speculation 
in aflairs of religion naturally led to free inquiry 
into political abuses ; that the work of the reformer 
was never accomplished so long as anything re- 
mained to reform, in state as well as in church. 

20 Schiller, Abfall dcr Niedcr- Grocn Van Prinstcrer, Archives 

Icinde, p. 53. — Vandcrvyrickt, His- ou Correspondance Incdite de la 

toirc dos Troubles d(^s Pavs-Baf^, Maison d' Orange-Nassau, (Leidc, 

(Bruxellcs, 1822,) lorn. II. p. G.— 1811,) torn. I. p. 164*. 


Charles, with the instinct of Spanisn despotism, 
sought a remedy in one of those acts of arbitrary 
power in which he indulged without scruple when 
the occasion called for them. 

In March, 1520, he published the first of his 
barbarous edicts for the suppression of the new 
faith. It was followed by several others of the 
same tenor, repeated at intervals throughout his 
reign. The last appeared in September, 1550.^^ 
As this in a manner suspended those that had pre- 
ceded it, to which, however, it substantially con- 
formed, and as it became the basis of Philip's sub- 
sequent legislation, it will be well to recite its chief 

By this edict, or " placard," as it was called, it 
was ordained that all who were convicted of heresy 
should suffer death " by fire, by the pit, or by the 
sword ";^ in other words, should be burned alive, be 
buried alive, or be beheaded. These terrible pen- 
alties were incurred by all who dealt in heretical 
books, or copied or bought them, by all who held 
or attended conventicles, by all who disputed on the 
Scriptures in public or private, by all who preached 
or defended the doctrmes of reform. Informers 
were encouraged by the promise of one half of the 
confiscated estate of the heretic. No suspected 

21 Tlie whole number of " pla- Pays-Bas, (Bruxelles, 1848,) toni 

cards" issued by Charles the Fifth I. pp. 105, 106. 

amounted to eleven. See the dates '-^-^ " Le /er, la fosse, et le feu.''* 

in Gac'hard, Correspondance de Ibid., ubi supra. 
Philippe II. sur les Aifaires des 


person was allowed to make any donation, or sell 
any of his effects, or dispose of theia by will. 
Finally, the courts were instructed to grant no 
remission or mitigation of punishment under the 
fallacious idea of mercy to the convicted party, and 
it was made penal for the friends of the accused to 
solicit such indulgence on his behalf.^^ 

The more thoroughly to enforce these edicts, 
Charles took a hint from the terrible tribunal 
with which he was familiar in Spain, — the In- 
quisition. He obtained a bull from his old pre- 
ceptor, Adrian the Sixth, appointing an inquisitor- 
general, who had authority to examme persons sus- 
pected of heresy, to imprison and torture them, to 
confiscate their property, and finally sentence them 
to banishment or death. These formidable powers 
were intrusted to a layman, — a lawyer of emi- 
nence, and one of the council of Brabant. But this 
zealous functionary employed his authority with 
so good effect, that it speedily roused the general 
indignation of his countrymen, who compelled him 
to fly for his life. 

By another bull from Rome, four inquisitors 
were appointed in the place of the fugitive. These 
inquisitors were ecclesiastics, not of the fierce Do- 
minican order, as in Spain, but members of the 

23 Meteren, Illstoire des Pays- 10. — Brandt, History of the Ref- 

Bas, ou Recueil des Guerres et ormation in the Lew Countries, 

Choses memorables, depuis I'An translated from the Dutch, (Lon- 

1315, jusques a I'An 1612, traduit don, 1720,) vol. I. p. 88. 
de Flamend, (La Haye, 1G18,) fol. 


secular clergy. All public officers were enjoined t^ 
aid them in detecting and securing suspected per- 
sons, and the common prisons were allotted for the 
confinement of their victims. 

Tb*^ people would seem to have gained little by 
the substitution of four inquisitors for one. But 
in fact they gained a great deal. The sturdy re- 
sistance made to the exercise of the unconstitu- 
tional powers of the inquisitor-general compelled 
Charles to bring those of the new functionaries 
more within the limits of the law. For twenty 
years or more their powers seem not to have been 
well defined. But in 1546 it was decreed that 
no sentence whatever could be pronounced by an 
inquisitor without the sanction of some member of 
the provincial council. Thus, however barbarous 
the law agamst heresy, the people of the Nether- 
lands had this security, that it was only by their 
own regular courts of justice that this law was to 
be interpreted and enforced.^^ 

Such were the expedients adopted by Charles 
the Fifth for the suppression of heresy in the 
Netherlands. Notwithstandmg the name of " in- 
quisitors," the new establishment bore faint resem- 
blance to the dread tribunal of the Spanish Inqui- 
sition, with which it has been often confounded.^ 

24 Correspondance de Philippe ^5 YigHus, afterwards president 

n., torn. I. p. 108. — Grotlus, An- of the privy council, says plainly, 

nales et Ilistorlas de Rebus Belgi- in one of his letters to Granvelle, 

CIS, (Amstelaedami, 1G57,) p. 11. that the name oi' Sj)anlsh Inqmni- 

— Brandt, Reformation in the Low tion was fastened on the Flemish, 

Coup 'Ties, vol. I. p. 88. in order to make it odious to the 

vof . I. 8 48 2 G * 


The Holy Office presented a vast and complicated 
machinery, skilfully adapted to the existing insti- 
tutions of Castile. It may be said to have formed 
part of the government itself, and, however re- 
stricted in its original design, it became in time a 
formidable political engine, no less than a religious 
one. The grand-mquisitor was clothed with an 
authority before which the monarch himself might 
tremble. On some occasions, he even took prece- 
dence of the monarch. The courts of the Inquisi- 
tion were distributed throughout the country, and 
were conducted with a solemn pomp that belonged 
to no civil tribunal. Spacious buildings were 
erected for their accommodation, and the gigantic 
prisons of the Inquisition rose up, like impregnable 
fortresses, in the principal cities of the kingdom. 
A swarm of menials and officials waited to do its 
bidding. The proudest nobles of the land held it 
an honor to serve as familiars of the holy office. 
In the midst of this external pomp, the impenetra- 
ble veil thrown over its proceedings took strong 
hold of the imagination, investing the tribunal 
with a sort of supernatural terror. An individual 
disappeared from the busy scenes of life. No one 
knew whither he had gone, till he reappeared. 

people. " Queruntur autem im- Inqulsitio, quam ea, quag cum jure 

primis, a nobis novam inductam scrlpto scilicet Canonico, couA'enit, 

in(|uisitionem, quam vocant Ilis- et usitata antea fuit in liac Proving 

panicam. Quod falso populo a cia." Viglii Epistola? Selectas, ap. 

quibusdam persuadetur, ut nomine Hoynck, Analecta Belgica, (Hagaa 

ipso rem odiosam reddant, cum Comitum, 1743,) torn. II. pars 1 

nulla alia ab ^a3sare sit instituta p. 349. 


clothed in the fatal garb of the san henito^ to take 
part in the tragic spectacle of an auto de fL This 
was the great triumph of the Inquisition, rivalling 
the ancient Roman triumph in the splendor of the 
show, and surpassing it in the solemn and myste- 
rious import of the ceremonial. It was hailed with 
enthusiasm by the fanatical Spaniard of that day, 
who, in the martyrdom of the infidel, saw only n 
sacrifice most acceptable to the Deity. The Inqui- 
sition succeeded in Spain, for it was suited to the 
character of the Spaniard. 

But it was not suited to the free and independent 
character of the people of the Netherlands. Free- 
dom of thought they claimed as their birthright; 
and the attempt to crush it by introducing the per- 
nicious usages of Spain was everywhere received 
with execration. Such an institution was an acci- 
dent, and could not become an integral part of the 
constitution. It was a vicious graft on a healthy 
stock. It could bear no fruit, and sooner or later 
it must perish. 

Yet the Inquisition, such as it was, did its work 
while it lasted in the Netherlands. This is true, 
at least, if we are to receive the popular statement, 
that fifty thousand persons, in the reign of Charles 
the Fifth, sufi'ered for their religious opinions by 
the hand of the executioner!^^ This monstrous 
statement has been repeated by one historian after 

26 Grotius swells the number to certain point of the incredible, one 
one hundred thousand ! (Annales, ceases to estimate probabilities. 
p. 12.) It is all one; beyond a 


another, with apparently as little distrust as ex- 
amination. It affords one among many examples 
of the facility with which men adopt the most 
startling results, especially when conveyed in the 
form of numerical estimates. There is something 
that strikes the imagination, in a numerical esti- 
mate, which settles a question so summarily, in a 
form so precise and so portable. Yet whoever has 
had occasion to make any researches into the past, 
— that land of uncertainty, — will agree that there 
is nothing less entitled to confidence. 

In the present instance, such a statement might 
seem to carry its own refutation on the face of 
it. Llorente, the celebrated secretary of the Holy 
Office, whose estimates will never be accused of 
falling short of the amount, computes the whole 
number of victims sacrificed during the first eigh- 
teen years of the Inquisition in Castile, when it 
was in most active operation, at about ten thou- 
sand.^^ The storm of persecution there, it will be 
remembered, fell chiefly on the Jews, — that ill- 
omened race, from whom every pious Catholic 
would have rejoiced to see his land purified by 
fire and fagot. It will hardly be believed that 
Rye times the number of these victims perished 
in a country like the Netherlands, in a term of 
time not quite double that occupied for their 
extermination in Spain ; — the Netherlands, where 
every instance of such persecution, mstead of 


lllstolrc (le rinquisilion d'Espagno, (Paris, 1818,) torn. I. p. 280 


being hailed as a triumph of the Cross, was re- 
garded as a fresh outrage on the liberties of the 
nation. It is not too much to say, that such a 
number of martyrs as that pretended would have 
produced an explosion that would have unsettled 
the authority of Charles himself, and left for his 
successor less territory in the Netherlands at the 
beginning of his reign, than he was destined to 
have at the end of it. 

Indeed, the frequent renewal of the edicts, 
which was repeated no less than nine times during 
Charles's administration, intimates plainly enough 
the very sluggish and unsatisfactory manner in 
which they had been executed. In some provin- 
ces, as Luxembourg and Groningen, the Inquisi- 
tion was not introduced at all. Gueldres stood on 
its privileges, guarantied to it by the emperor 
on his accession. And Brabant so effectually 
remonstrated on the mischief which the mere 
name of the Inquisition would do to the trade 
of the country, and especially of Antwerp, its 
capital, that the emperor deemed it prudent to 
qualify some of the provisions, and to drop the 
name of Inquisitor altogether.^^ There is no way 
more sure of rousing the sensibilities of a com- 
mercial people, than by touching their pockets. 
Charles did not care to press matters to such ex- 
tremity. He was too politic a prince, too large 
a gainer by the prosperity of his people, willingly 

28 Corrcspondancc dc Philippe IL, torn. I. pp. 123, 124. 


to put it in peril, even for conscience' sake. In this 
lay the difference between him and Philip. 

Notwithstanding, therefore, his occasional abuse 
of power, and the little respect he may have had 
at heart for the civil rights of his subjects, the 
government of Charles, as already intimated, was 
on the whole favorable to their commercial in- 
terests. He was well repaid by the enlarged 
resources of the country, and the aid they af- 
forded him for the prosecution of his ambitious 
enterprises. In the course of a few years, as we 
are informed by a contemporary, he drew from the 
Netherlands no less than twenty-four millions of 
ducats.^^ And this supply — furnished not un- 
grudgingly, it is true — was lavished, for the 
most part, on objects in which the nation had no 
interest. In like manner, it was the revenues 
of the Netherlands which defrayed great part 
of Philip's expenses in the war that followed 
his accession. " Here," exclaims the Venetian 
envoy, Soriano, " were the true treasures of the 
king of Spain ; here were his mines, his Indies, 
which furnished Charles with the means of car- 
rying on his wars for so many years with the 
French, the Germans, the Italians, which pro- 
vided for the defence of his own states, and 
maintained his dignity and reputation." ^^ 

29 " Donde che 1' Imperatore ha 30 u Questi sono li tesori del Re 

potuto cavare in 24 millioni d' oro di Spagna, queste le mincre, qiieste 

in pocld anni." Relatione dl Sori- 1' Indie che hanno sostenuto V im- 

ano, IVIS prese dell' Imperatore tanti aiini 


Such then was the condition of the country at 
the time when the sceptre passed from the hands of 
Charles the Fifth into those of Philip the Second ; 
— its broad plains teeming with the products of an 
elaborate culture ; its cities swarming with arti- 
sans, skilled in all kinds of ingenious handicraft ; 
its commerce abroad on every sea, and bring- 
ing back rich returns from distant climes. The 
great body of its people, well advanced in the arts 
of civilization, rejoiced in " such abundance of all 
things," says a foreigner who witnessed their pros- 
perity, " that there was no man, however humble, 
who did not seem rich for his station." ^^ In this 
active development of their powers, the inquisitive 
mind of the inhabitants naturally turned to those 
great problems in religion which were agitating 
the neighboring countries of France and Germany. 
All the efforts of Charles were unavailing to check 
the spirit of inquiry; and in the last year of his 
reign he bitterly confessed the total failure of his 
endeavor to stay the progress of heresy in the 
Netherlands.^ Well had it been for his successor, 
had he taken counsel by the failure of his father, 
and substituted a more lenient policy for the in- 
effectual system of persecution. But such was 
not the policy of Philip. 

nelle guerre dl Francia, d' Italia et clie sia, cLc per il suo grado non 

1' Alemagna, et lianno conservato sia ricco." Relatione di Cavallo, 

et diffeso li stati, la dignitk et la MS. 

ijj»atatione sua." Ibid. 32 g^c an extract from the origi- 

'^^ " Et pcro in ogiii luogo cor- nal letter of Charles, dated J>rus- 

roiio tanto i dcnari et lanto il scls, January 27, 1555, ap. Cor- 

Bpaccianiento d'ogni che non respondance dc Phih'[>pe II., to'n 

vi e huonio per basso et inerte, 1. p. cxxii. 



Unpopular Manners of Philip. — He enforces tbe Edicts. — Increase of 
Bishoprics. — Margaret of Parma Regent. — Meeting of the States- 
General. — Their spirited Conduct. — Organization of the Coun- 
cils. — Rise and Character of Granvelle. — Philip's Departure. 


Philip the Second was no stranger to the 
Netherlands. He had come there, as it will be 
remembered, when very young, to be presented 
by his father to his future subjects. On that oc- 
casion he had greatly disgusted the people by 
that impenetrable reserve which they construed 
into haughtiness, and which strongly contrast- 
ed with the gracious manners of the emperor. 
Charles saw with pain the impression which his 
son had left on his subjects ; and the effects of 
his paternal admonitions were visible in a marked 
change in Philip's deportment on his subsequent 
visit to England. But nature lies deeper than 
manner ; and when Philip returned, on his father's 
abdication, to assume the sovereignty of the Neth- 
erlands, he wore the same frigid exterior as in ear- 
lier days. 


His first step was to visit the different prov 
inces, and receive from them their oaths of alle- 
giance. No better occasion could be offered for 
conciliating the good-will of the inhabitants. 
Everywhere his approach was greeted with fes- 
tivities and public rejoicing. The gates of the 
capitals were thrown open to receive him, and 
the population thronged out, eager to do homage 
to their new sovereign. It was a season of ju- 
bilee for the whole nation. 

In this general rejoicing, Philip's eye alone re- 
mained dark.^ Shut up in his carriage, he seemed 
desirous to seclude himself from the gaze of his 
new subjects, who crowded around, anxious to 
catch a glimpse of their young monarch.^ His 
conduct seemed like a rebuke of their enthusi- 
asm. Thus chilled as they were in the first flow 
of their loyalty, his progress through the land, 
which should have won him all hearts, closed all 
hearts against him. 

The emperor, when he visited the Netherlands, 
was like one coming back to his native country. 

1 It is the fine expression of Coaches were a novelty then in 

Schiller, applied to Philip on an- Flanders, and indeed did not make 

other occasion. Abfall der Nie- their appearance till some years lat- 

derlande, p. 61. er in London. Sir Thomas Gresh- 

'■^ " II se cachait ordinairement am writes from Antwerp, in 1560, 

dans le fond de son carosse, pour " The Regent ys here still ; and 

se dcrober k la curiosite d'un every other day rydes abowght 

peuple qui couralt audevant de this town in her cowche, brave 

lui et s'empressait k le voir ; le come le sol, trymmed after the 

peuple se erut dcdaigne et me- Itiillione fasshone." Burgon, Lilie 

prise." Vandervynckt, Troubles of Gresham, vol. I. p. 305. 
des Pays-Bas, torn. II. p. 17. 

VOL. I. 8 40 2 II 


He spoke the language of the people, dressed in 
then' dress, conformed to their usages and way of 
life. But Philip was in everything a Spaniard. 
He spoke only the Castilian. He adopted the 
Spanish etiquette and burdensome ceremonial. He 
was surrounded by Spaniards, and, with few ex- 
ceptions, it was to Spaniards only that he gave 
his confidence. Charles had disgusted his Span 
ish subjects by the marked preference he had 
given to his Flemish. The reverse now took 
place, and Philip displeased the Flemings by his 
partiality for the Spaniards. The people of the 
Netherlands felt with bitterness that the sceptro 
of their country had passed into the hands of a 

During his progress Philip caused reports to be 
prepared for him of the condition of the several 
provinces, their population and trade, — present- 
ing a mass of statistical details, in which, with his 
usual industrv, he was careful to instruct himself. 
On his return, his first concern was to provide for 
the interests of religion. He renewed his father's 
edicts relating to the Inquisition, and in the follow- 
ing year confirmed the " placard " respecting heresy. 
In domg this, he was careful, by the politic advice 
of Granvelle. to conform as nearly as possible to 
the language of the original edicts, that no charge 
of innovation might be laid to him, and thus the 
odium of these unpopular measures might remain 
with their original author.^ 

3 Crrresjwndaiice dc riiilippc 11., torn. I. pp. 108, 126. — Van- 


But the object wliicli Philip had most at heart 
was a reform much needed in the ecclesiastical 
establishment of the country. It may seem strange 
that in all the Netherlands there were but three 
bishoprics, — Arras, Tournay, and Utrecht. A 
large part of the country was incorporated with 
some one or other of the contiguous German dio- 
ceses. The Flemish bishoprics were of enormous 
extent. That of Utrecht alone embraced no less 
than three hundred walled towns, and eleven hun- 
dred churches.* It was impossible that any pastor, 
however diligent, could provide for the wants of a 
flock so widely scattered, or that he could exer- 
cise supervision over the clergy themselves, who 
had fallen into a lamentable decay both of disci- 
pline and morals. 

Still greater evils followed from the circum- 
stance of the episcopal authority's being intrusted 
to foreigners. From their ignorance of the insti- 
tutions of the Netherlands, they were perpetually 
trespassing on the rights of the nation. Another 
evil consequence was the necessity of carrying up 
ecclesiastical causes, by way of appeal, to foreign 
tribunals ; a thing, moreover, scarcely practicable 
in time of war. 

Charles the Fifth, whose sagacious mind has left 
its impress on the permanent legislation of the 
Netherlands, saw the necessity of some reform 

rlervynckt, Troubles des Pays-Bas, < Correspondancc de Philippe 
torn. II. p. 10. — Brandt, Reforma- IL, torn. I. p. 94. 
tion in the Low Countries, torn. I. 
p 107. 


in this matter. He accordingly applied to E-ome 
for leave to erect six bishoprics, in addition to 
those previously existing in the country. But his 
attention was too much distracted by other objects 
to allow time for completing his design. With 
his son Philip, on the other hand, no object was 
allowed to come in competition with the interests 
of the Church. He proposed to make the reform 
on a larger scale than his father had done, and 
applied to Paul the Fourth for leave to create 
fourteen bishoprics and three archbishoprics. The 
chief difficulty lay in providing for the support of 
the new dignitaries. On consultation with Gran- 
velle, who had not been advised of the scheme till 
after Philip's application to Rome, it was arranged 
that the income should be furnished by the abbey 
lands of the respective dioceses, and that the ab- 
beys themselves should hereafter be placed under 
the control of priors or provosts depending alto- 
gether on the bishops. Meanwhile, until the bulls 
should be received from Rome, it was determined 
to keep the matter profoundly secret. It was 
easy to foresee that a storm of opposition would 
arise, not only among those immediately inter- 
ested in preserving the present order of things, 
but among the great body of the nobles, who 
would look with an evil eye on the admission 
into their ranks of so large a number of persona 
servilely devoted to the interests of the crown.^ 

5 Ibid., ubi supra. — Illstoria el Caballero Renom tie Francia. 
de Ids Alborotos de Flandes, per Senor do Noycllcs, y Prcsldente 


Having concluded his arrangements for the in- 
ternal settlement of the country, Philip naturally 
turned his thoughts towards Spain. He was the 
more desirous of returning thither from the re- 
ports he received, that even that orthodox land 
was becoming every day more tainted with the 
lieretical doctrines so rife in the neighboring 
countries. There were no hostilities to detain him 
longer in the Netherlands, now that the war 
with France had been brought to a close. The 
provinces, as we have already stated, had fur- 
nished the king with important aid for carrying 
on that war, by the grant of a stipulated annual 
tax for nine years. This had not proved equal 
to his necessities. It was in vain, however, to 
expect any further concessions from the states. 
They had borne, not without murmurs, the heavy 
burdens laid on them by Charles, — a monarch 
whom they loved. They bore still more im- 
patiently the impositions of a prince whom they 
loved so little as Philip. Yet the latter seemed 
ready to make any sacrifice of his permanent in- 
terests for such temporary relief as would extri- 
cate him from his present embarrassments. His 
correspondence with Granvelle on the subject, 
unfolding the suicidal schemes which he sub- 
mitted to that minister, might form an edifying 
chapter in the financial history of that day.^ The 

de Mallnas, MS. — Metcrcn, Illst. letter, in wLIch he proposes to turn 

:los Pays-Bas, fol. 31. to his own account the sinking 

*• Sco, in particular, the king's fund provided by the states fbi 

8 2 II* 


difficulty of carrying on the government of the 
Netherlands in this crippled state of the finances 
doubtless strengthened the desire of the monarch 
to return to his native land, where the manners 
and habits of the people were so much more con- 
genial with his own. 

Before leaving the country, it was necessary to 
provide a suitable person to whom the reins of gov- 
ernment might be intrusted. The duke of Savoy, 
who, since the emperor s abdication, had held the 
post of regent, was now to return to his own do- 
minions, restored to him by the treaty of Cateau- 
Cambresis. There were several persons who pre- 
sented themselves for this resj)onsible office in the 
Netherlands. One of the most prominent was La- 
moral, prince of Gavre, count of Egmont, the hero 
of St. Quentin and of Gravelines. The illustrious 
house from which he was descended, his chivalrous 
spirit, his frank and generous bearing, no less than 
his brilliant military achievements, had made him 
the idol of the people. There were some who in- 
sisted that these achievements inferred rather the 
successful soldier than the great captain ; ^ and that, 
whatever merit he could boast in the field, it was 
no proof of his capacity for so important a civil sta- 
tion as that of governor of the Netherlands. Yet it 

the (liscliarge of the debt they had di Capitano nuovamente perche 

ah-eady contracted for him, Pa- una glornata vinta o per vertu o 

piers d'Etat de Granvelle, torn, per fortuna, una sola fattione ben 

V. p. 594. riuscita, porta all' huomini riputa- 

7 " II Duca di Scssa et il Conte tione et grandezza." Relatione di 

d' Egmont hano acquistato il nome Soriano, MS. 

Sr^r.-zvi/l ^j J.Jr?-.' 

MKW.QyA'm.'ET OF FAmM^o 


m .^ TTi rn 



could not be doubted that his nomination would 
be most acceptable to the people. This did not 
recommend him to Philip. 

Another candidate was Christine, duchess of 
Lorrame, the king's cousin. The large estates of 
her house lay in the neighborhood of the Nether- 
lands. She had shown her talent for political 
affairs by the part she had taken in effecting the 
arrangements of Cateau-Cambresis. The prince 
of Orange, lately become a widower, was desirous, 
it was said, of marrying her daughter. Neither 
did this prove a recommendation with Philip, who 
was by no means anxious to raise the house of 
Orange higher in the scale, still less to intrust 
it with the destinies of the Netherlands. In a 
word, the monarch had no mind to confide the 
regency of the country to any one of its powerful 

The mdividual on whom the king at length 
decided to bestow this mark of his confidence was 
his half-sister, Margaret, duchess of Parma. She 
was the natural daughter of Charles the Fifth, 
born about four years before his marriage with 
Isabella of Portugal. Margaret's mother, Mar- 
garet Vander Gheenst, belonged to a noble Flemish 
house. Her parents both died during her infancy. 
The little orphan was received into the family of 
Count Hoogstraten, who, with his wife, reared her 
with the same tenderness as they did their o^vn 

® Strada, De Bello Bcl<];ico, lib. Flandes, MS. — BentivogHo, Guei^ 
I. p 42. — Francia, Alborotos de ra di Fiandra, p. 25. 


ofFspring. At the age of seventeen she was unfor- 
tunate enough to attract the eye of Charles the 
Fifth, who, then in his twenty-third year, was 
captivated by the charms of the Flemish maiden. 
Margaret's virtue was not proof against the seduc- 
tions of her royal suitor ; and the victim of love — 
or of vanity — became the mother of a child, who 
received her own name of Margaret. 

The emperor's aunt, then regent of the Nether- 
lands, took charge of the infant ; and on the death 
of that princess, she was taken into the family 
of the emperor's sister, Mary, queen of Hungary, 
who succeeded in the regency. Margaret's birth 
did not long remain a secret ; and she received 
an education suited to the high station she was 
to occupy in life. When only twelve years of age, 
the emperor gave her in marriage to Alexander 
de' Medici, grand-duke of Tuscany, some fifteen 
years older than herself. The ill-fated connection 
did not subsist long, as, before twelve months had 
elapsed, it was terminated by the violent death of 
her husband. 

When she had reached the age of womanhood, 
the hand of the young widow was bestowed, to- 
gether with the duchies of Parma and Placentia as 
her dowry, on Ottavio Farnese, grandson of Paul 
the Third. The bridegroom was but twelve years 
old. Thus again it was Margaret's misfortune that 
there should be such disparity between her own age 
and that of her husband as to exclude anything 
like sympathy or similarity in their tastes. In the 


present instance, the boyish years of Ottavio in- 
spired her with a sentiment not very different from 
contempt, that in later life settled into an indiffer- 
ence in which both parties appear to have shared, 
and which, as a contemporary remarks with naivete^ 
was only softened into a kindlier feeling when the 
nusband and wife had been long separated from 
each other.^ In truth, Margaret was too ambitious 
of power to look on her husband in any other light 
than that of a rival. 

In her general demeanor, her air, her gait, she 
bore great resemblance to her aunt, the regent. 
Like her, Margaret was excessively fond of hunt- 
ing, and she followed the chase with an intrepidity 
that might have daunted the courage of the keen- 
est sportsman. She had but little of the natural 
softness that belongs to the sex, but in her whole 
deportment was singularly masculine ; so that, to 
render the words of the historian by a homely 
phrase, in her woman's dress she seemed like a 
man in petticoats.-^^ As if to add to the illusion, 
Nature had given her somewhat of a beard ; and, 
to crown the whole, the malady to which she was 
constitutionally subject was a disease to which 
women are but rarely liable, — the gout.^^ It 

9 Strada, De Bello Belgico, lib. ^^ " Nee deerat allqua mento 

I. p. 52. superiorique labello barbula : ex 

^^ " Sed etiam habitus quidam qua virilis ei non magis species, 

••orporis inccssusque, quo non tam qukm auctoritas conciliabatur. Im- 

temina sortlta viri spiritus, qu^m mo, quod raro in mulieres, noc 

vir ementitus veste feminam vide- nisi in praevalidas cadit, podagra 

retur." Ibid., ubi supra. idemtidem laborabat." Ibid., p. 53. 

VOL. I. 50 


was good evidence of her descent from Charles the 

Though masculine in her appearance, Margaret 
was not destitute of the kindlier qualities which 
are the glory of her sex. Her disposition was 
good ; but she relied much on the advice of 
others, and her more objectionable acts may 
probably be referred rather to their influence 
than to any inclination of her own. 

Her understanding was excellent, her appre- 
hension quick. She showed much versatility in 
accommodating herself to the exigencies of her po- 
sition, as well as adroitness in the management of 
affairs, which she may have acquu^ed in the schools 
of Italian politics. In religion she was as ortho- 
dox as Philip the Second could desire. The fa- 
mous Ignatius Loyola had been her confessor in 
early days. The lessons of humility which he 
inculcated were not lost on her, as may be in- 
ferred from the care she took to perform the cere- 
mony, in Holy Week, of washing the dirty feet — 
she preferred them in this condition — of twelve 
poor maidens ; ^^ outstripping, in this particular, 
the humility of the pope himself. — Such was the 
character of Margaret, duchess of Parma, who 
now, in the thirty-eighth year of her age, w^as 
called, at a most critical period, to take the helm 
of the Netherlands. 

i2 « Ob earn causam singulis (quos a sordibus purgatos ant^ 
annis, turn in sanction hebdoniada, vetuerat) abluebat." Ibid., ubi 
duodenis pauperibus puellis pedes supra. 


The appointment seems to have given equal 
satisfaction to herself and to her husband, and no 
objection was made to Philip's purpose of taking 
back with him to Castile their little son, Alex- 
ander Farnese, — a name destined to become in 
later times so renowned in the Netherlands. The 
avowed purpose was to give the boy a training 
suited to his rank, under the eye of Philip ; com- 
bined with which, according to the historian, was 
the desire of holding a hostage for the fidelity of 
Margaret and of her husband, whose dominions 
in Italy lay contiguous to those of Philip in that 

Early in June, 1559, Margaret of Parma, hav- 
ing reached the Low Countries, made her en- 
trance in great state into Brussels, where Philip 
awaited her, surrounded by his whole court of 
Spanish and Flemish nobles. The duke of Savoy 
was also present, as well as Margaret's husband, 
the duke of Parma, then in attendance on Philip. 
The appointment of Margaret was not distasteful 
to the people of the Netherlands, for she was 
their countrywoman, and her early days had been 
passed amongst them. Her presence was not less 
welcome to Philip, who looked forward with eager- 
ness to the hour of his departure. His first i)ur- 
pose was to present the new regent to the nation, 
and for this he summoned a meeting of the states- 
general at Ghent, in the coming August. 

ly Ibid., pp. 46-53, 513. — Ca- 2. — Vandcrvynckt, Troubles dea 
brera, Filipc Segundo, lib. V cap. Pays-Ba.«<, torn. II. p. 13. 


On the twenty-fifth of July, he repaired with 
his court to this ancient capital, which still smarted 
under the effects of that chastisement of his father, 
which, terrible as it was, had not the power to 
break the spirits of the men of Ghent. The pres- 
ence of the court was celebrated with public re- 
joicings, which continued for three days, during 
which Philip held a chapter of the Golden Fleece 
for the election of fourteen knights. The cere- 
mony was conducted with the magnificence with 
which the meetings of this illustrious order were 
usually celebrated. It was memorable as the last 
chapter of it ever held.^* Founded by the dukes 
of Burgundy, the order of the Golden Fleece drew 
its members immediately from the nobility of the 
Netherlands. When the Spanish sovereign, who 
remained at its head, no more resided in the 
country, the chapters were discontinued; and the 
knights derived their appointment from the simple 
nomination of the monarch. 

On the eighth of August, the states-general 
assembled at Ghent. The sturdy burghers who 
took their seats in this body came thither in no 
very friendly temper to the government. Various 
subjects of complaint had long been rankling in 
their bosoms, and now found vent in the form of 
animated and angry debate. The people had been 
greatly alarmed by the avowed policy of their rulers 
to persevere in the system of religious persecution, 

1* A''andcrvynckt, Troubles dcs Pays-Bas, torn. 11. p 21. 


as shown especially by the revival of the ancient 
edicts against heresy and in support of the Inquisi- 
tion. Rumors had gone abroad, probably with 
exaggeration, of the proposed episcopal reforms. 
However necessary, they were now regarded only 
as part of the great scheme of persecution. Differ- 
ent nations, it was urged, required to be guided by 
different laws. What suited the Spaniards would 
not for that reason suit the people of the Nether- 
lands. The Inquisition was ill adapted to men ac- 
customed from their cradles to freedom of thought 
and action. Persecution was not to be justified 
in matters of conscience, and men were not to be 
reclaimed from spiritual error by violence, but by 
gentleness and persuasion. 

But what most called forth the invective of the 
Flemish orators was the presence of a large body of 
foreign troops in the country. When Philip dis- 
banded his forces after the French war had termi- 
nated, there still remained a corps of the old Span- 
ish infantry, amounting to some three or four 
thousands, which he thought proper to retain in 
the western provinces. His avowed object was to 
protect the country from any violence on the part 
of the French. Another reason assigned by him 
was the difficulty of raising funds to pay their 
arrears. The true motive, in the opinion of the 
states, was to enforce the execution of the new 
measures, and overcome any resistance that might 
be made in the country. These troops, like most 
of the soldiers of that day, who served for plunder 
8 2 1 


quite as much as for pay, had as little respect for 
the rights or the property of their allies, as foi 
those of their enemies. They quartered them- 
selves on the peaceful inhabitants of the country, 
and obtained full compensation for loss of pay by 
a system of rapine and extortion that beggared the 
people, and drove them to desperation. Conflicts 
with the soldiery occasionally occurred, and in 
some parts the peasantry even refused to repair 
the dikes, in order to lay the country under water 
rather than submit to such outrages ! " How is 
it," exclaimed the bold syndic of Ghent, " that we 
find foreign soldiers thus quartered on us, in open 
violation of our liberties ? Are not our own troops 
able to protect us from the dangers of invasion ? 
Must we be ground to the dust by the exactions 
of these mercenaries in peace, after being bur- 
dened with the maintenance of them in war I '* 
These remonstrances were followed by a petition 
to the throne, signed by members of the other 
orders as well as the commons, requesting that the 
king would be graciously pleased to respect the 
privileges of the nation, and send back the foreign 
troops to their own homes. 

Philip, who sat in the assembly with his sister, 
the future regent, by his side, was not prepared for 
this independent spirit in the burghers of the 
Netherlands. The royal ear had been little ac- 
customed to this strain of invective from the sub- 
ject. For it was rare that the tone of remonstrance 
was heard in the halls of Castilian legislation, since 


the power of the commons had been broken on the 
field of Villalar. Unable or unwilling to conceal 
his displeasure, the king descended from his throne, 
and abruptly quitted the assembly.^^ 

Yet he did not, like Charles the First of Eng- 
lang, rashly vent his indignation by imprisoning 
or persecuting the members who had roused it. 
Even the stout syndic of Ghent was allowed to go 
unharmed. Philip looked above him to a mark 
more worthy of his anger, — to those of the higher 
orders who had encouraged the spirit of resistance 
in the commons. The most active of these male- 
contents was William of Orange. That noble, as 
it may be remembered, was one of the hostages 
who remained at the court of Henry the Second 
for the fulfilment of the treaty of Cateau-Cam- 
bresis. While there, a strange disclosure was 
made to the prince by the French monarch, who 
told him that, through the duke of Alva, a secret 
treaty had been entered into with his master, the 
king of Spain, for the extirpation of heresy through- 
out their dommions. This inconsiderate avowal of 
the French king was made to William on the 
supposition that he was stanch in the Koman 
Catholic faith, and entirely in his master's con- 
fidence. Whatever may have been the prince's 
claims to orthodoxy at this period, it is certain he 

15 Bentivogllo, Guerra dl Fian- des Pays-Bas, torn. IT. p. 22. — 

dra, p. 27 et seq. — Cabrera, Fi- Meteren, Hist, des Pays-Bas, fol. 

,ipe Segundo, lib. V. cap. 2. — 24. — Schiller, Abfall der Nieder- 

Strada, l)e Bello Belgico, lib. I. lande, p. 84. 
p. 57. — Vandervynckt, Troubles 


was not in Philip's confidence. It is equally cer 
tain that he possessed one Christian virtue which 
belonged neither to Philip nor to Henry, — the 
virtue of toleration. Greatly shocked by the intel- 
ligence he had received, William at once commu- 
nicated it to several of his friends in the Nether- 
lands. One of the letters unfortunately fell into 
Philip's hands. The prince soon after obtained 
permission to return to his own country, bent, as 
he tells us in his Apology, on ridding it of the 
Spanish vermin.^^ Philip, who understood the 
temper of his mind, had his eye on his movements, 
and knew well to what source, in part at least, he 
was to attribute the present opposition. It was 
not long after, that a Castilian courtier intimated 
to the prince of Orange and to Egmont, that it 
would be well for them to take heed to themselves ; 
that the names of those who had signed the peti- 
tion for the removal of the troops had been noted 
down, and that Philip and his council were re- 
solved, when a fitting occasion offered, to call them 
to a heavy reckoning for their temerity.^^ 

Yet the king so far yielded ^o the wishes of the 

16 " Je confesse que je fus tell^ avolent consenti et signe la Re- 
ment esmeu de pitie et de compan- queste, par laquelle on demandoit 
Bion que des lors j'entrepris a bon nue la Gendarmerie Espaignolle 
esclent d'ayder h faire chasser cette s'en allast, qu'on auroit souvenance 
vermine d'Espalgnols hors de ce de les chastier avec le temps, et 
Pays." Apology of the Prince of quand la commodite s'en presente- 
Orange, ap. Dumont, Corps Diplo- roit, et qu'il les en advertissoit 
matique, torn. V. p. 392. comme amy." Meteren, Hist, des 

17 " Que le Roi et son Conseil Pays-Bas, fol. 25. 
avoyent arreste que tons ceux qui 


people as to promise the speedy departure of the 
troops. But no power on earth could have been 
strong enough to shake his purpose where the 
interests of religion were involved. Nor would 
he abate one jot of the stern provisions of the 
edicts. When one of his ministers, more hardy 
than the rest, ventured to suggest to him that 
perseverance in this policy might cost him the 
sovereignty of the provinces, " Better not reign 
at all," he answered, " than reign over heretics ! " ^^ 
— an answer extolled by some as the height of the 
sublime, by others derided as the extravagance of 
a fanatic. In whatever light we view it, it must 
be admitted to furnish the key to the permanent 
policy of Philip in his government of the Nether- 

Before dissolving the states-general, Philip, un- 
acquainted with the language of the country, 
addressed the deputies through the mouth of the 
bishop of Arras. He expatiated on the warmth 
of his attachment to his good people of the Neth- 
erlands, and paid them a merited tribute for their 
loyalty both to his father and to himself. He 
enjoined on them to show similar respect to the 
regent, their own countrywoman, into w^hose hands 
he had committed the government. They would 
reverence the laws and maintain public tranquil- 
lity. Nothing would conduce to this so much 

18 « Clie egli voleva piuttosto con 1' eresia." Bcntlvoglio, Guerra 
restar senza regnl, che possedergli di Fiandra, p. 31. 
VOL. I. S •'>1 2 I * 


as the faithful execution of the edicts. It was 
their sacred duty to aid in the extermination of 
heretics, — the deadliest foes both of God and 
their sovereign. Philip concluded by assuring 
the states that he should soon return in person 
to the Netherlands, or send his son Don Carlos 
as his representative. 

The answer of the legislature was temperate and 
respectful. They made no allusion to Philip's pro- 
posed ecclesiastical reforms, as he had not author- 
ized this by any allusion to them himself They 
still pressed, however, the removal of the foreign 
troops, and the further removal of all foreigners 
from office, as contrary to the constitution of the 
land. This last shaft was aimed at Granvelle, 
who held a high post in the government, and 
was understood to be absolute in the confidence 
of the king. Philip renewed his assurances of 
the dismissal of the forces, and that within the 
space, as he promised, of four months. The 
other request of the deputies he did not con- 
descend to notice. His feelings on the subject 
were intimated in an exclamation he made to one 
of his ministers : " I too am a foreigner ; will they 
refuse to obey me as their sovereign ? " ^^ 

The regent was to be assisted in the government 
by three councils which of old time had existed in 
the land ; — the council of finance, for the admin- 

19 Ranke, Spanish Empire, p. dl Fiandra, p. 27. — Strada, Do 
81. — Schiller, Abfall der Nieder- Bello Belgico, p. 57. — Meteren, 
lando, p. 85. — Bentivoglio, Giierra Hist, des Pays-Bas, fol. 25. 


istration, as the name implies, of the revenues ; the 
privy council, for affairs of justice and the internal 
concerns of the country ; and the council of state, 
for matters relating to peace and war, and the for- 
eign policy of the nation. Into this last, the su- 
preme council, entered several of the Flemish 
nobles, and among them the prince of Orange 
and Count Egmont. There were, besides. Count 
Barlaimont, president of the council of finance, 
Viglius, president of the privy council, and lastly 
Granvelle, bishop of Arras. 

The regent was to act with the cooperation 
of these several bodies in their respective depart- 
ments. In ■ the conduct of the government, she 
was to be guided by the council of state. But 
by private instructions of Philip, questions of a 
more delicate nature, involving the tranquillity of 
the country, might be first submitted to a select 
portion of this council ; and in such cases, or 
when a spirit of faction had crept into the coun- 
cil, the regent, if she deemed it for the interest 
of the state, might adopt the opinion of the 
minority. The select body with whom Margaret 
was to advise in the more important matters was 
termed the Consulta ; and the members who 
composed it were Barlaimont, Viglius, and the 
bishop of Arras.^^ 

20 The existence of such a con- not given in the instructions to 

fiilential body proved a fruitful the regent, which leave all to her 

source of disaster. The names of discretion. According to Strada, 

the parties who composed it are however, the royal will in the mat- 


The first of these men, Count Baiiaimont, be- 
longed to an ancient Flemish family. With 
respectable talents and constancy of purpose, he 
was entirely devoted to the interests of the crown. 
The second, Yiglius, was a jurist of extensive eru- 
dition, at this time well advanced in years, and 
with infirmities that might have pressed heavily 
on a man less patient of toil. He was person- 
ally attached to Granvelle ; and as his views of 
government coincided very nearly with that min- 
ister's, Viglius was much under his influence. 
The last of the three, Granvelle, from his large 
acquaintance with affairs, and his adroitness in 
managing them, was far superior to his col- 
leagues ; ^^ and he soon acquired such an ascen- 
dency over them, that the government may be 
said to have rested on his shoulders. As there is 
no man who for some years is to take so promi- 
nent a part in the story of the Netherlands, it 
will be proper to introduce the reader to some 
acquaintance with his earlier history. 

Anthony Perrenot — whose name of Granvelle 

ter was plainly Intimated by Philip, dell' al^ri ne tutt' Insleme quanto 

(De Bello Belgico, torn. I. p. 57.) Mons""- d' Aras solo, II quale per il 

Copies of the regent's commission, gran gludlcio che ha et per la longa 

as well asof twodocmnents, the one prattlea del governo del mondo et 

indorsed as "private," the other as nel tentar 1' Imprese grandl plii 

"secret" instructions, and all three accorto et plii animoso di tutti plii 

bearing the date of August 8, 1559, destro et piu sicuro nel maneggiarle 

are to be found entire In the Cor- et nel finlrle plii constante et piu 

respondance de Philippe IL, torn, risoluto." Ilelatlone di Soriano, 

IL, Appendix, Nos. 2-4. MS. 
21 " INIa non dal tanto alcuno ^ 

Ch. it.] rise and character of granvelle. 405 

was derived from an estate purchased by his father 
— was born in the year 1517, at Besancon, a town 
in Franche Comte. His father, Nicholas Perre- 
not, founded the fortunes of the family, and from 
the humble condition of a poor country attorney 
rose to the rank of chancellor of the empire. This 
extraordinary advancement was not owing to ca- 
price, but to his unwearied industry, extensive 
learning, and a clear and comprehensive intellect, 
combined with steady devotion to the interests of 
his master, Charles the Fifth. His talent for 
affairs led him to be employed not merely in 
official business, but in dij^lomatic missions of 
great importance. In short he possessed the con- 
fidence of the emperor to a degree enjoyed by no 
other subject; and when the chancellor died, in 
1550, Charles pronounced his eulogy to Philip 
in a single sentence, saying that in Granvelle they 
had lost the man on whose wisdom they could 
securely repose.^ 

Anthony Perrenot, distinguished from his fa- 
ther in later times as Cardinal Granvelle, was the 
eldest of eleven children. In his childhood he 
discovered such promise, that the chancellor be- 
stowed much pains personally on his instruction. 
At fourteen he was sent to Padua, and after 
some years was removed to Louvain, then the 
university of greatest repute in the Netherlands. 

^ "MIo figliuolo et io c voi repose on. Letl, Vita di Filippc 
habbiamo perso un buon letto di II., torn. I. p. 195. 
riposo," — literally, a good bed to 


It was not till later that the seminary of Douay 
was founded, under the auspices of Philip the 
Second.^ At the university, the young Perrenot 
soon distinguished himself by the vivacity of his 
mind, the acuteness of his perceptions, an in- 
dustry fully equal to his father's, and remark- 
able powers of acquisition. Besides a large range 
of academic study, he made himself master of 
seven languages, so as to read and converse in 
them with fluency. He seemed to have little 
relish for the amusements of the youth of his 
own age. His greatest amusement was a book. 
Under this incessant application his health gave 
way, and for a time his studies were suspended. 

Whether from his father's preference or his 
own, young Granvelle embraced the ecclesiastical 
profession. At the age of twenty-one he was 
admitted to orders. The son of the chancellor 
was not slow in his advancement, and he was 
soon possessed of several good benefices. But 
the ambitious and worldly temper of Granvelle 
was not to be satisfied with the humble duties 
of the ecclesiastic. It was not long before he 
was called to court by his father, and there a bril- 
liant career was opened to his aspiring genius. 

The young man soon showed such talent for 

83 A principal motive of Philip language without going abroad into 

the Second in founding this uni- foreign countries for it. Recueil 

versity, according to Hopper, was et Memorial dcs Troubles des Pays- 

to give Flemings the means of get- Bas, cap. 2, ap. Hoynck, Analecta 

ting a knowledge of the French Belgica, torn. II. 


business, and such shrewd insight into character, 
as, combined with the stores of learning he had 
at his command, made his services of great value 
to his father. He accompanied the chancellor on 
some of his public missions, among others to the 
Council of Trent, where the younger Granvelle, 
who had already been promoted to the see of 
Arras, first had the opportunity of displaying 
that subtle, insinuating eloquence, which capti- 
vated as much as it convinced. 

The emperor saw with satisfaction the promise af- 
forded by the young statesman, and looked forward 
to the time when he would prove the same pillar 
of support to his administration that his father had 
been before him. Nor was that time far distant. 
As the chancellor's health declined, the son be- 
came more intimately associated with his father 
m the counsels of the emperor. He justified this 
confidence by the unwearied toil with which he 
devoted himself to the business of the cabinet; a 
toil to which even night seemed to afibrd no res- 
pite. He sometimes employed five secretaries at 
once, dictating to them in as many different lan- 
guages.^ The same thing, or something as mi- 
raculous, has been told of other remarkable men, 
both before and since. As a mere tour de force. 

2* " On remarque de lui ce qu*on differentes langues." Levesque, 

avoit remarque de Cesar, et meme Mcmoires pour servir a rHistoira 

d'une fa9on plus singulicre, c'est du Cardinal de Granvelle, (Paria^ 

qiC'il occupoit cinq secretaires a la 1753,) torn. I. p. 215. 
lois, en leur dictant des lettres en 


Granvelle may possibly have amused himself with 
it. But it was not in this way that the corre- 
spondence was written which furnishes the best 
key to the events of the time. If it had been so 
written, it would never have been worth the pub- 

Every evening Granvelle presented himself be- 
fore the emperor, and read to him the pro- 
gramme he had prepared of the business of the 
following day, with his own suggestions.^^ The 
foreign ambassadors who resided at the court 
were surprised to find the new minister so en- 
tirely in the secrets of his master; and that he 
was as well instructed in all their doings as the 
emperor himself^^ In short, the confidence of 
Charles, given slowly and with much hesitation, 
was at length bestowed as freely on the son as 
it had been on the father. The two Granvelles 
may be truly said to have been the two persons 
who most possessed the confidence of the em- 
peror, from the time that he took the reins of 
government into his own hands. 

When raised to the see of Arras, Granvelle was 

25 " Di modo cliG ogni sera sopra negotiatione con gli Ambasciatori 
un foglio di carta die lor chlamano et altri ad esso Monsignore, di 
beliero esso Granvela, manda all' modo che et io et tutti gl' altri 
Jmperatore II siio parere del quale Ambasciatori si sono avveduti es- 
sopra II negotll del scguente glorno sendo rimesse a Monsignor Gi'an- 
Bua maestk ha da fare." Relatione vela che sua Eccellenza ha Inteso 
di Soriano, MS. ogni particolare et quasi ognl parola 

26 " Havendo prima lul senza passata fra 1* Imperatorc et lore.'* 
risolverc cosa alcuna mandata ogn' Ibid. 

Inlbrmatlonc et ogni particolare 


but twenty-five years old. It is rare that the mitre 
has descended on a man of a more ambitious spirit. 
Yet Granvelle was not averse to the good things 
of the world, nor altogether insensible to its pomps 
and vanities. He affected great state in his man- 
ner of living, and thus necessity, no less than taste, 
led him to covet the possession of wealth as well as 
of power. He obtained both ; and his fortunes 
were rapidly advancing when, by the abdication of 
his royal master, the sceptre passed into the hands 
of Philip the Second. 

Charles recommended Granvelle to his son as 
every way deserving of his confidence. Granvelle 
knew that the best recommendation — the only 
effectual one — must come from himself. He 
studied carefully the character of his new sove- 
reign, and showed a wonderful flexibility in con- 
forming to his humors. The ambitious minister 
proved himself no stranger to those arts by which 
great minds, as well as little ones, sometimes con- 
descend to push their fortunes in a court. 

Yet, in truth, Granvelle did not always do vio- 
lence to his own inclinations in conforming to 
those of Philip. Like the king, he did not come 
rapidly to results, but pondered long, and viewed 
a question in all its bearings, before arriving at 
a decision. He had, as we have seen, the same 
patient spirit of application as Philip, so that both 
may be said to have found their best recreation in 
labor. Neither was he less zealous than the king 
for the maintenance of the true faith, though his 

VOL. T. 8 52 2 K 


accommodating nature, if left to itself, might have 
sanctioned a different policy from that dictated by 
the stern, uncompromising spirit of his master. 

Granvelle's influence was further aided by the 
charms of his personal intercourse. His polished 
and insinuating manners seem to have melted even 
the icy reserve of Philip. He maintained his in- 
fluence by his singular tact in suggesting hints 
for carrying out his master's policy, in such a 
way that the suggestion might seem to have come 
from the king himself. Thus careful not to alarm 
the jealousy of his sovereign, he was content to 
forego the semblance of power for the real posses- 
sion of it.^^ 

It was soon seen that he was as well settled in 
the confidence of Philip as he had previously been 
in that of Charles. Notwithstanding the apparent 
distribution of power between the regent and the 
several councils, the arrangements made by the 
king were such as to throw the real authority into 
the hands of Granvelle. Thus the rare example was 
aflbrded of the same man continuing the favorite 
of two successive sovereigns. Granvelle did not 
escape the usual fate of favorites; and whether 

27 A striking example of the Granvelle, if possessed naturally of 

manner in which Granvelle con- a more tolerant spirit than Phil- 

veyed his own views to the king ip, could accommodate himself so 

is shown by a letter to Philip dated far to the opposite temper of his 

Brussels, July 17, 1559, in which master as to furnish him with some 

the minister suggests the arguments very plausible grounds for persecu- 

that might be used to the author- tion. Papiers d'Etat de Granvelle, 

ities of Brabant for enforcing the tom. V. p. 614. 
►edicts. The letter shows, too, that 


from the necessity of the case, or that, as some 
pretend, he did not on his elevation bear his facul^ 
ties too meekly, no man was so generally and so 
heartily detested throughout the country.^^ 

Before leaving the Netherlands, Philip named 
the governors of the several provinces, — the nomi- 
nations, for the most part, only confirming those 
already in office. Egmont had the governments of 
Flanders and Artois ; the prince of Orange, those 
of Holland, Zealand, Utrecht, and West Friesland. 
The commission to William, running in the usual 
form, noticed " the good, loyal, and notable ser- 
vices he had rendered both to the emperor and his 
present sovereign." ^^ The command of two bat- 
talions of the Spanish army was also given to the 
two nobles, — a poor contrivance for reconciling 
the nation to the continuance of these detested 
troops in the country. 

28 Levesque, Memoires de Gran- disposal, by digesting them into 

vcUe, torn. I. p. 207 et seq. — two duodecimo volumes, in which 

Courchetet, Histoire du Cardinal the little that is of value seems to 

de Granvelle, (Bruxclles, 1784,) have been pilfered from the un- 

tom. I. passim. — Strada, De Bello published MS. of a previous biog- 

Belgico, p. 85. — Burgon, Life of rapher of the Cardinal. The work 

Gresham, vol. I. p. 267. of the Benedictine, however, has 

The author of the Memoires de the merit of authenticity. I shall 

Granvelle was a member of a take occasion, hereafter, to give a 

Benedictine convent in Besan^on, more particular account of the 

which, by a singular chance, be- Granvelle collection, 
came possessed of the manuscripts 29 u j^^ consideration des bons, 

of Cardinal Granvelle, more than leaux, notables et agreables servi- 

a century after his death. The ces faits par lui, pendant plusieurs 

good Father Levesque made but a annees, h feu I'Empcrcur, et depuis 

very indillerent use of the rich au Iloi." Correspondance de I'hi- 

store of materials placed at his lippe II., tom. L p. 181. 


Philip had anxiously waited for the arrival of 
the papal bull which was to authorize the erection 
of the bishoprics. Granvelle looked still more 
anxiously for it. He had read the signs of the 
coming storm, and would gladly have encountered 
it when the royal presence might have afforded 
some shelter from its fury. But the court of 
E-ome moved at its usual dilatory pace, and the 
apostolic nuncio did not arrive with the missive 
till the eve of Philip's departure, — too late for 
him to witness its publication.^^ 

Having completed all his arrangements, about 
the middle of August the king proceeded to Zea- 
land, where, in the port of Flushing, lay a gallant 
fleet, waiting to take him and the royal suite to 
Spain. It consisted of fifty Spanish and forty 
other vessels, — all well manned, and victualled 
for a much longer voyage.^^ Philip was escorted 
to the place of embarkation by a large body of 
Flemish nobles, together with the foreign ambas- 
sadors and the duke and duchess of Savoy. A 
curious scene is reported to have taken place as he 
was about to go on board. Turning abruptly round 
to the prince of Orange, who had attended him on 
the journey, he bluntly accused him of being the 
true source of the opposition which his measures 

30 Vandervynckt, Troubles des 31 The royal larder seems to 

Pays-Bas, torn. 11. p. 69 et seq. — have been well supplied in the 

Strada, De Bello Belgieo, p. 40. — article of poultry, to judge from 

Hopper, llecueil et Memorial, cap. one item, mentioned by Meteren, 

2. — Franc'a, AlborotosdeFlandes, of fifteen thousand capons. Hist 

MS. des Pays-Bas, torn. I. fol. 25. 

Cn. II.] nilLIFS DEPARTURE. 415 

had encountered in the states-general. William, 
astonished at the suddenness of the attack, replied 
that the opposition was to be regarded, not as the 
act of an individual, but of the states. " No," re- 
joined the incensed monarch, shaking him at the 
same time violently by the wrist, " not the states, 
but you, you, you ! " ^ an exclamation deriving 
additional bitterness from the fact that the word 
you^ thus employed, in the Castilian was itself 
indicative of contempt. William did not think it 
prudent to reply, nor did he care to trust himself 
with the other Flemish lords on board the royal 

The royal company being at length all on board, 
on the twentieth of August, 1559, the fleet weighed 
anchor ; and Philip, taking leave of the duke and 
duchess of Savoy, and the rest of the noble train 
who attended his embarkation, was soon wafted 
from the shores, — to which he was never to 

32 " Le Roi le prenant par le by the whole tenor of Philip's life, 
poignet, et le lul secoiiant, repliqua in which self-command was a pre- 
en Espagnol, No los Estados, mas dominant trait. The story was 
ro5, vos, vos^ repetant ce vos par originally derived from Aiibcri 
trois fois, tcrme de meprls chez (loc. cit). The chronicler had it, 
les Espagnols, qui veut dire toy, as he tells us, from his father, to 
toy en Francois." Auberi, Me- whom it was told by an intimate 
moires pour servir k THistoire friend of the prince of Orange, 
dTIollande et des autres Provinces- who was present at the scene. 
Unies, (Paris, 1711,) p. 7. Auberi, though a dull writer, was, 

33 One might wish the authority according to Voltaire's admission, 
for this anecdote better than it is, well informed, — " ccrivain mcdi. 
sonsidering that it is contradicted ocre, mais fort instruit." 

8 2 K* 


Luc-Jean-Joscpli Vandervynckt, to whom I have repeatedly had oc- 
casion to refer in the course of the preceding chapter, was a Fleming. 
— born at Ghent in 1691. He was educated to the law, became em- 
inent in his profession, and at the age of thirty-eight was made a mem- 
ber of the council of Flanders. He employed his leisure in studying 
the historical antl(juities of his own country. At the suggestion of Cob- 
lentz, prime minister of Maria Theresa, he compiled his work on the 
Troubles of the Netherlands. It was designed for the instruction of 
the younger branches of the Imperial family, and six copies only of it 
were at first printed, in 1765. Since the author's death, which took 
place in 1779, when he had reached the great age of eighty-eight, the 
work has been repeatedly published. 

As Vandervynckt had the national archives thrown open to his in- 
spection, he had access to the most authentic sources of information. 
He was a man of science and discernment, fair-minded, and temperate 
in his opinions, which gives value to a book that contains, moreover, 
much interesting anecdote, not elsewhere to be found. The work, 
though making only four volumes, covers a large space of historical 
ground, — from the marriage of Philip the Fair, in 1495, to the peace 
of Westphalia, in 1648. Its literary execution is by no means equal 
to its other merits. The work is written in French ; but Vandervynckt, 
unfortunately, while he both wrote and spoke Flemish, and even Latin, 
with facility, was but indifferently acquainted with French. 



Philip's Arrival in Spain. — The Reformed Doctrines. — Their Sup- 
pression. — Autos de Fe. — Prosecution of Carranza. — Extinction 
of Heresy. — Fanaticism of the Spaniards. 


The voyage of King Philip was a short and 
prosperous one. On the twenty-ninth of August, 
1559, he arrived off the port of Laredo. But 
while he was in sight of land, the weather, which 
had been so propitious, suddenly changed. A furi 
ous tempest arose, which scattered his little navy. 
Nine of the vessels foundered, and though the 
monarch had the good fortune, under the care of 
an experienced pilot, to make his escape in a boat, 
and reach the shore in safety, he had the mortifica- 
tion to see the ship which had borne him go down 
with the rest, and with her the inestimable cargo 
he had brought from the Low Countries. It con- 
sisted of curious furniture, tapestries, gems, pieces 
of sculpture, and paintings, — the rich productions 
of Flemish and Italian art, which his father, the 
emperor, had been employed many years of his life 
in collecting. 1'ruly was it said of Charles, tliat 


" he had sacked the land only to feed the ocean." ^ 
To add to the calamity, more than a thousand per- 
sons perished in this shipwreck.^ 

The king, Avithout delay, took the road to Valla- 
dolid ; but on arriving at that capital, whether 
depressed by his late disaster, or from his habitual 
dislike of such empty parade, he declined the hon- 
ors with which the loyal inhabitants would have 
greeted the return of their sovereign to his do- 
minions. Here he was cordially welcomed by his 
sister, the Regent Joanna, who, long since weary 
of the cares of sovereignty, resigned the sceptre 
into his hands, with a better will than that with 
which most persons would have received it. Here, 
too, he had the satisfaction of embracing his son 
Carlos, the heir to his empire. The length of 
Philip's absence may have allowed him to see 
some favorable change in the person of the young 
prince, though, if report be true, there was little 
change for the better in his disposition, which, 
headstrong and imperious, had already begun to 
make men tremble for the future destinies of their 

Philip had not been many days in Valladolid 
when his presence was celebrated by one of those 
exhibitions, which, unhappily for Spain, may be 

1 " Carlo V. haueua saccheggiato V. cap. 3. — Sepulvcda, De Rebus 
la Terra, per arrichirne il Mare." Gestis Philippi II., Opera, torn. III. 
Leti, Vita di FIlIppo IL, torn. I. p. p. 53. — Leti, Vita dl Filippo IL, 
335. torn. L p. 335. 

2 Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. 


called national. This was an auto de ft^ not, 
however, as formerly, of Jews and Moors, l)iit of 
Spanish Protestants. The Reformation had been 
silently, but not slowly, advancing in the Peninsula ; 
and intelligence of this, as we have already seen, 
was one cause of Philip's abrupt departure from 
the Netherlands. The brief but disastrous attempt 
at a religious revolution in Spain is an event of 
too much importance to be passed over in silence 
by the historian. 

Notwithstanding the remote position of Spain, 
under the imperial sceptre of Charles she was 
brought too closely into contact with the other 
states of Europe not to feel the shock of the great 
religious reform which was shaking those states to 
their foundations. Her most intimate relations, 
indeed, were with those very countries in which 
the seeds of the Keformation were first planted. 
It was no uncommon thing for Spaniards, in the 
sixteenth century, to be indebted for some portion 
of their instruction to German universities. Men 
of learning, who accompanied the emperor, became 
familiar with the religious doctrines so widely 
circulated in Germany and Flanders. The troops 
gathered the same doctrines from the Lutheran 
soldiers, who occasionally served with them under 
the imperial banners. These opinions, crude for 
the most part as they were, they brought back to 
their own country ; and a curiosity was roused 
which prepared the mind for the reception of tlie 
great truths which were quickening the other 

VOL. I. 53 


nations of Europe. Men of higher education, on 
their return to Spain, found the means of dissemi- 
nating these truths. Secret societies were estab- 
lished ; meetings were held ; and, with the same 
secrecy as in the days of the early Christians, the 
Gospel was preached and explained to the growing 
congregation of the faithful. The greatest diffi- 
culty was the want of books. The enterprise ol 
a few self-devoted proselytes at length overcame 
this difficulty. 

A Castilian version of the Bible had been printed 
in Germany. Various Protestant publications, 
whether originating in the Castilian or translated 
into that language, appeared in the same country. 
A copy, now and then, in the possession of some 
private individual, had found its way, without 
detection, across the Pyrenees. These instances 
were rare, when a Spaniard named Juan Hernan- 
dez, resident in Geneva, where he followed the 
business of a corrector of the press, undertook, 
from no other motive but zeal for the truth, to 
introduce a larger supply of the forbidden fruit 
into his native land. 

With great adroitness, he evaded the vigilance 
of the custom-house officers, and the more vigilant 
spies of the Inquisition, and in the end succeeded 
in landing two large casks filled with prohibited 
works, which were quickly distributed among the 
members of the infant church. Other intrepid 
converts followed the example of Hernandez, and 
with similar success ; so that, with the aid of 


books and spiritual teachers, the number of the 
faithful multiplied daily throughout the country.'* 
x^mong this number was a much larger proportion, 
it was observed, of persons of rank and education 
than is usually found in like cases ; owing doubt- 
less to the circumstance, that it was this class of 
persons who had most frequented the countries 
where the Lutheran doctrines were taught. Thus 
the Ileformed Church grew and prospered, not 
indeed as it had prospered in the freer atmospheres 
of Germany and Britain, but as well as it could 
possibly do under the blighting influence of the 
Inquisition ; like some tender plant, which, nur- 
tured in the shade, waits only for a more genial 
season for its full expansion. That season was not 
in reserve for it in Spain. 

It may seem strange that the spread of the 
Reformed religion should so long have escaped 
the detection of the agents of the Holy Office. 

3 The editors of the " Documen- d Espana, al principio por los 

tos Ineditos para la Historia dc puertos de mar, y despucs cuando 

Espana," in a very elaborate notice ya hubo mas vigilancia de parte 

of the prosecution of Archbishop del gobierno, los envial)an a Leon 

Carranza, represent the literary de Francia desde donde se intro- 

intercourse between the German ducian en la peninsula por Navar- 

and Spanish Protestants as even ra y Aragon. Un tal Vilman 

more extensive than it is stated librero de Amberes tenia tienda 

to be in the text. According to en Medina del Campo y en Sevilla 

them, a regular dipot was estab- donde vendia las obras de los 

lished at Medina del Campo and protestantes en espanol y latin. 

Seville, for the sale of the forbid- Estos llbros de Francfort sc daban 

Jen books at very Ioav rates. " De a buen mercado ])ara que circu- 

\as imprentas de Alemania se de- lasen con mayor faci!ida<l." Doo- 

spachaban u Flandes, y desde alii umentos Ineditos, torn. V. p. 3'J'J. 


Yet it is certain that the first notice which the 
Spanish inquisitors received of the fact was from 
their brethren abroad. Some ecclesiastics in the 
train of Philip, suspecting the heresy of several of 
their own countrymen in the Netherlands, had 
them seized and sent to Spain, to be examined by 
the Inquisition. On a closer investigation, it was 
found that a correspondence had long been main- 
tained between these persons and their country- 
men, of a similar persuasion with themselves, at 
home. Thus the existence, though not the 
extent, of the Spanish Heformation was made 

No sooner was the alarm sounded, than Paul 
the Fourth, quick to follow up the scent of heresy 
in any quarter of his pontifical dominions, issued 
a brief, in February, 1558, addressed to the Span- 
ish inquisitor-general. In this brief, his holiness 
enjoins it on the head of the tribunal to spare no 
efforts to detect and exterminate the growing evil ; 
and he empowers that functionary to arraign and 
bring to condign punishment all suspected of 
heresy, of whatever rank or profession, — whether 
bishops or archbishops, nobles, kings, or emperors. 
Paul the Fourth was fond of contemplating him- 
self as seated in the chair of the Innocents and the 

4 For the preceding pages see of sundry subtlll Practises of tho 

riorentc, Ilistoire de I'lnquisition Holy Inquisition of Spayne, (Lon« 

d'Espagnc, torn. II. p. 282; torn, don, 1569,) p. 73. — Scpulveda, 

HI. pp. 191, 258. — IMontanus, Opera, torn. III. p. 54 
Oiscovcry and playne Declaration 


Gregories, and like them setting his pontifical 
foot on the necks of princes. His natural arro- 
gance was probably not diminished by the con- 
cessions which Philip the Second had thought 
proper to make to him at the close of the 
Koman war. 

Philip, far from taking umbrage at the swelling 
tone of this apostolical mandate, followed it up, in 
the same year, by a monstrous edict, borrowed 
from one in the Netherlands, which condemned 
all who bought, sold, or read prohibited works 
to be burned alive. 

In the following January, Paul, to give greater 
efficacy to this edict, published another bull, in 
which he commanded all confessors, under pain 
of excommunication, to enjoin on their penitents 
to inform against all persons, however nearly 
allied to them, who might be guilty of such 
practices. To quicken the zeal of the informer, 
Philip, on his part, revived a law fallen some- 
what into disuse, by which the accuser was to 
receive one fourth of the confiscated property of 
the convicted party. And finally, a third bull 
from Paul allowed the inquisitors to withhold 
a pardon from the recanting heretic, if any doubt 
existed of his sincerity ; thus placing the life as 
well as fortune of the unhappy prisoner entirely 
!•' the mercy of judges who had an obvious in- 
terest in finding him guilty. In this way the 
pope and the king continued to play into each 
other's hands, and while his holiness artfully 
8 2L 


spread the toils, the king devised the means for 
driving the quarry into them.^ 

Fortunately for these plans, the Inquisition was 
at this time under the direction of a man pecu- 
liarly fitted to execute them. This was Fernando 
Valdes, cardinal-archbishop of Seville, a person of 
a hard, inexorable nature, and possessed of as 
large a measure of fanaticism as ever fell to a 
grand-inquisitor since the days of Torquemada. 
Valdes readily availed himself of the terrible 
machinery placed under his control. Careful not 
to alarm the suspected parties, his approaches 
were slow and stealthy. He was the chief of a 
tribunal which sat in darkness, and which dealt 
by invisible agents. He worked long and silently 
under ground before firing the mine which was 
to bury his enemies in a general ruin. 

His spies were everywhere abroad, mingling 
with the suspected, and insinuating themselves 
into their confidence. At length, by the treach- 
ery of some, and by working on the nervous ap- 
prehensions or the religious scruples of others, he 
succeeded in detecting the lurking-places of the 
new heresy, and the extent of ground which it 
covered. This was much larger than had been im- 
agined, although the Keformation in Spain seemed 
less formidable from the number of its pros- 
elytes than from their character and position. 
Many of them were ecclesiastics, especially in- 

5 Llorcntc, Hist do I'lnquisition d'Espagnc, torn. I. pp. 470, 471 
torn. 11. pp. 183, 184, 215-217. 


trusted with maintaining the purity of the faith. 
The quarters in which the heretical doctrines 
most prevailed were Aragon, which held an easy 
communication with the Huguenots of France, 
and the ancient cities of Seville and Valladolid, 
indebted less to any local advantages than to the 
influence of a few eminent men, who had early 
embraced the faith of the Reformers. 

At length, the preliminary information having 
been obtained, the proscribed having been marked 
out, the plan of attack settled, an order was given 
for the simultaneous arrest of all persons suspected 
of heresy, throughout the kingdom. It fell like a 
thunderbolt on the unhappy victims, who had gone 
on with their secret associations, little suspecting 
the ruin that hung over them. No resistance was 
attempted. Men and women, churchmen and lay- 
men, persons of all ranks and professions, were 
hurried from their homes, and lodged in the secret 
chambers of the Inquisition. Yet these could not 
furnish accommodations for the number, and many 
were removed to the ordinary prisons, and even to 
convents and private dwellings. In Seville alone 
eight hundred were arrested on the first day. 
Fears were entertained of an attempt at rescue, 
and an additional guard was stationed over the 
places of confinement. The inquisitors were in 
the condition of a fisherman whose cast has been 
so successful that the draught of fishes seem8 
likely to prove too heavy for his nct.^ 

•> McCne, History of the Reformation in Spain, (Edinburgh, 1829,) 


The arrest of one party gradually led to the 
detection of others. Dragged from his solitary 
dungeon before the secret tribunal of the Inquisi- 
tion, alone, without counsel to aid or one friendly 
face to cheer him, without knowing the name 
of his accuser, without being allowed to confront 
the witnesses who were there to swear away his 
life, without even a sight of his own process, ex- 
cept such garbled extracts as the wily judges 
thought fit to communicate, is it strange that the 
imhappy victim, in his perplexity and distress, 
should have been drawn into disclosures fatal to 
his associates and himself? If these disclosures 
were not to the mind of his judges, they had 
only to try the efficacy of the torture, — the 
rack, the cord, and the pulley, — until, when 
every joint had been wrenched from its socket, 
the barbarous tribunal was compelled to suspend, 
not terminate, the application, from the inabil- 
ity of the sufferer to endure it. Such were the 
dismal scenes enacted in the name of religion, 
and by the ministers of religion, as well as of 
the Inquisition, — scenes to which few of those 
who had once witnessed them, and escaped with 
life, dared ever to allude. For to reveal the se- 
crets of the Inquisition was death.^ 

At the expiration of eighteen months from the 

p. 243. — Relaclon del Auto que matter will find a more particular 
Be 11190 en Valladolld el dia de account of the origin and organ- 
la Sanctissima Trinidad, Ano de ization of the modern Inquisition 
1559, MS. in the " History of Ferdinand ai/1 
' The reader curious in the Isabella," part I. cap. 9. 

Cir. ITT] AUTOS DK FE 425 

period of the first arrests, many of the trials had 
been concluded, the doom of the prisoners was 
sealed, and it was thought time that the pris- 
ons should disgorge their superfluous inmates. 
Valladolid was selected as the theatre of the first 
auto de fe^ both from the importance of the cap- 
ital and the presence of the court, which would 
thus sanction and give greater dignity to the cel- 
ebration. This event took place in May, 1559. 
The Regent Joanna, the young prince of the 
Asturias, Don Carlos, and the principal grandees 
of the court, were there to witness the spectacle. 
By rendering the heir of the crown thus early 
familiar with the tender mercies of the Holy 
Office, it may have been intended to conciliate 
his favor to that institution. If such was the 
object, according to the report it signally failed, 
since the woful spectacle left no other impres- 
sions on the mind of the prince than those of 
indignation and disgust. 

The example of Valladolid was soon followed 
by autos de fe in Granada, Toledo, Seville, Barce- 
lona, — in short, in the twelve capitals in which 
tribunals of the Holy Office were established. 
A second celebration at Valladolid was reserved 
for the eighth of October in -the same year, 
when it would be graced by the presence of the 
sovereign himself. Indeed, as several of the pro- 
cesses had been concluded some months before 
this period, there is reason to believe that the 
sacrifice of more than one of the victims had 
VOL. I. 8 54 2 L* 


been postponed, in order to give greater effect to 
the ispectacle.^ 

The auto de fe — " act of faith " — was the most 
imposing, as it was the most awful, of the solem- 
nities authorized by the Roman Catholic Church. 
It was intended, somewhat profanely, as has been 
intimated, to combine the pomp of the Roman 
triumph with the terrors of the day of judgment.^ 
It may remmd one quite as much of those bloody 
festivals prepared for the entertainment of the 
Caesars in the Colisseum. The religious import of 
the auto de fe was intimated by the circumstance 
of its being celebrated on a Sunday, or some other 
holiday of the Church. An indulgence for forty 
days was granted by his holiness to all w^ho should 
be present at the spectacle ; as if the appetite for 
witnessing the scenes of human suffering required 
to be stimulated by a bounty ; that too in Spain, 
where the amusements were, and still are, of the 
most sanguinary character. 

The scene for this second auto de fe at Valla- 
dolid was the great square in front of the church 
of St. Francis. At one end a platform was raised, 
covered with rich carpeting, on which were ranged 
the seats of the inquisitors, emblazoned with the 
arms of the Holy Office. Near to this w^as the 

8 Sec the Register of such as were de la Sanctissima Trinidad, 1559, 

burned at Seville and Valladolld, MS. — Sepulveda, Opera, torn. III. 

in 1559, ap. Montanus, Discovery p. 58. 

of sundry subtill Practises of the 9 McCrie, Keformation in Spain, 

Inquisition. — Relacion del Auto p. 274. 
que se hi^o en Valladolld el dia 

Cn. III.] AUTOS DE FE. 421 

royal gallery, a private entrance to which so ;ured 
the inmates from molestation by the crowd. Op- 
posite to this gallery a large scaffold was erect- 
ed, so as to be visible from all parts of the 
arena, and was appropriated to the unhappy 
martyrs who were to suffer in the auto. 

At six in the morning all the bells in the capi- 
tal began to toll, and a solemn procession was seen 
to move from the dismal fortress of the Inquisi- 
tion. In the van marched a body of troops, to 
secure a free passage for the procession. Then 
came the condemned, each attended by two fa- 
miliars of the Holy Office, and those who were 
to suffer at the stake by two friars, in addition, ex- 
horting the heretic to abjure his errors. Those ad- 
mitted to penitence wore a sable dress ; while the 
unfortunate martyr was enveloped in a loose sack 
of yellow cloth, — the san benito, — with his head 
surmounted by a cap of pasteboard of a conical 
form, which, together with the cloak, was em- 
broidered with figures of flames and of devils fan- 
ning and feeding them ; all emblematical of the 
destiny of the heretic's soul m the world to come, 
as well as of his body in the present. Then came 
the magistrates of the city, the judges of the 
courts, the ecclesiastical orders, and the nobles of 
the land, on horseback. These were followed by 
the members of the dread tribunal, and the fiscal, 
bearing a standard of crimson damask, on one side 
of which were displayed the arms of the Inquisi- 
tion, and on the other the insignia of its found- 


ers, Sixtus the Fifth and Ferdinand the Catho- 
lic. Next came a numerous train of familiars, 
well mounted, among whom were many of the 
gentry of the province, proud to act as the body- 
guard of the Holy Office. The rear was brought 
up by an immense concourse of the common peo- 
ple, stimulated on the present occasion, no doubt, 
by the loyal desire to see their new sovereign, as 
well as by the ambition to share in the triumphs 
of the auto de fL The number thus drawn to- 
gether from the capital and the country, far 
exceeding what was usual on such occasions, is 
estimated by one present at full two hundred 

As the multitude defiled into the square, the 
inquisitors took their place on the seats pre- 
pared for their reception. The condemned were 
conducted to the scaffold, and the royal station 
was occupied by Philip, with the different mem- 
bers of his household. At his side sat his sis- 
ter, the late regent, his son, Don Carlos, his 
nephew, Alexander Farnese, several foreign am- 
bassadors, and the principal grandees and high- 
er ecclesiastics in attendance on the court. It 
was an august assembly of the greatest and the 
proudest in the land. But the most indifferent 
spectator, who had a spark of humanity in his 
bosom, might have turned with feelings of ad- 
miration from this array of worldly power, to 

10 De Castro, Illstoria dc los Protcstantcs Espanolcs, (Cadiz, 1851,) 
p. 177. 

Ch. m.] AUTOS DE Fl5. 4 2D 

the poor martyr, who, with no support but what 
he drew from within, was prepared to defy this 
power, and to lay down his life in vindication of 
the rights of conscience. Some there may have 
been, in that large concourse, who shared in these 
sentiments. But their number was small indeed 
in comparison with those who looked on the 
wretched victim as the enemy of God, and his 
approaching sacrifice as the most glorious tri- 
umph of the Cross. 

The ceremonies began with a sermon, " the 
sermon of the faith," by the bishop of Zamora. 
The subject of it may well be guessed, from 
the occasion. It was no doubt plentifully larded 
with texts of Scripture, and, unless the preacher 
departed from the fashion of the time, with pas- 
sages from the heathen writers, however much out 
of place they may seem in an orthodox discourse. 

When the bishop had concluded, the grand- 
inquisitor administered an oath to the assembled 
multitude, who on their knees solemnly swore to 
defend the Inquisition, to maintain the purity of 
the faith, and to inform against any one who 
should swerve from it. As Philip repeated an 
oath of similar import, he suited the action to the 
word, and, rising from his seat, drew his sword 
from its scabbard, as if to announce himself the 
determined champion of the Holy Office. In the 
earlier autos of the Moorish and Jewish infidels, 
60 humiliating an oath had never been exacted 
from the sovereign. 


After this, the secretary of the tribunal read 
aloud an instrument reciting the grounds for the 
conviction of the prisoners, and the respective sen- 
tences pronounced against them. Those who were 
to be admitted to penitence, each, as his sentence 
was proclaimed, knelt down, and, with his hands 
on the missal, solemnly abjured his errors, and was 
absolved by the grand-inquisitor. The absolution, 
however, was not so entire as to relieve the of- 
fender from the penalty of his transgressions in 
this world. Some were doomed to perpetual im- 
prisonment in the cells of the Inquisition, others 
to lighter penances. All were doomed to the 
confiscation of their property, — a point of too 
great moment to the welfare of the tribunal 
ever to be omitted. Besides this, in many cases 
the offender, and, by a glaring perversion of jus- 
tice, his immediate descendants, were rendered 
forever ineligible to public office of any kind, 
and their names branded with perpetual infamy. 
Thus blighted in fortune and in character, they 
were said, in the soft language of the Inquisition, 
to be reconciled. 

As these unfortunate persons were remanded, 
under a strong guard, to their prisons, all eyes 
were turned on the little company of martyrs, who, 
clothed in the ignominious garb of the san henito, 
stood waiting the sentence of their judges, — with 
cords round their necks, and in their hands a cross, 
or sometimes an inverted torch, typical of their 
own speedy dissohition. The interest of the spec- 

Ch. III.] AUTOS DE FE. 431 

tators was still further excited, in the present 
instance, by the fact that several of these victims 
were not only illustrious for their rank, but yet 
more so for their talents and virtues. In their 
haggard looks, their emaciated forms, and too 
often, alas ! their distorted limbs, it was easy 
to read the story of their sufferings in their long 
imprisonment, for some of them had been con- 
fined in the dark cells of the Inquisition much 
more than a year. Yet their countenances, though 
haggard, far from showing any sign of weakness or 
fear, were lighted up with the glow of holy en- 
thusiasm, as of men prepared to seal their testi- 
mony with their blood. 

When that part of the process showing the 
grounds of their conviction had been read, the 
grand-inquisitor consigned them to the hands of 
the corregidor of the city, beseeching him to deal 
with the prisoners in all kindness and mercy ;^^ a 
honeyed, but most hypocritical phrase, since no 
choice was left to the civil magistrate but to exe- 
cute the terrible sentence of the law against here- 
tics, the preparations for which had been made 
by him a week before.^^ 

The whole number of convicts amounted to 
thirty, of whom sixteen were reconciled^ and tlie 
remainder relaxed to the secular arm, — in other 

^1 " Nous rccommandons dc Ic ^^ Colmcnarcs, Illstoria dc Se- 

traitcr avcc bonte ct miserlcordc." govia, cap. XLII. sec. 8 — Ca]>rcra, 

Llorcnte, IiKjuisltion d'E.spagiic, Filipc Scgundo, lib. V. cap. 3. 
Vjm. 11. p. 253. 


words, turned over to the civil magistrate for ex- 
ecution. There were few of those thus condemned 
who, when brought to the stake, did not so far 
shrink from the dreadful doom that aAvaited them 
as to consent to purchase a commutation of it by 
confession before they died ; m which case they 
were strangled by the garrote^ before their bodies 
were thrown into the flames. 

Of the present number there were only two 
whose constancy triumphed to the last over the 
dread of suflering, and who refused to purchase 
any mitigation of it by a compromise with con- 
science. The names of these martyrs should be 
engraven on the record of history. 

One of them was Don Carlos de Seso, a noble 
Florentine, who had stood high in the favor of 
Charles the Fifth. Being united with a lady of 
rank in Castile, he removed to that country, and 
took up his residence in Valladolid. He had be- 
come a convert to the Lutheran doctrines, which 
he first communicated to his own family, and after- 
wards showed equal zeal in propagating among 
the people of Valladolid and its neighborhood. 
In short, there was no man to whose untiring 
and intrepid labors the cause of the Keformcd 
religion in Spain was more indebted. He was, of 
course, a conspicuous mark for the Inquisition. 

During the fifteen months in which he lay in 
its gloomy cells, cut ofl" from human sympathy and 
support, his constancy remained unshaken. The 
night preceding his execution, when his sentence 


Ch. m.] AUTOS DE FE. 433 

had been announced to him, De Seso called for 
writing materials. It was thought he designed to 
propitiate his judges by a full confession of his 
errors. But the confession he made was of an- 
other kind. He insisted on the errors of the 
"Romish Church, and avowed his unshaken trust 
in the great truths of the Reformation. The 
document, covering two sheets of paper, is pro- 
noiuiced by the secretary of the Inquisition to be 
a composition equally remarkable for its energy 
and precision.^^ AVhen led before the royal gallery, 
on his way to the place of execution, De Seso pa- 
thetically exclaimed to Philip, " Is it thus that you 
allow your innocent subjects to be persecuted '? '* 
To which the king made the memorable reply, 
" If it were my owai son, I would fetch the wood 
to burn him, were he such a wretch as thou art ! " 
It was certainly a characteristic answer.^* 

At the stake De Seso show^ed the same un- 
shaken constancy, bearing his testimony to the 
truth of the great cause for which he gave up 

13 Llorente, Inquisition d'Es- in the cause of the true faith, as 

pagne, torn. II. p. 236. worthy of such a prince. " El 

1"* The anecdote is well attested, primer sentenciado al fucgo en este 

(Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. V. Auto fue Don Carlos de Seso de 

cap. 3.) Father Agustin Davila sangre noble, que osd dezir al Key, 

notices what he styles this sentencia como consentia que le quemascn, 

famo^a in his funeral discourse on y severo respondio, Yo trahere la 

Philip, delivered at Valladolld soon lena para quemar a mi hijo, si 

after that monarch's death. (Ser- fuere tan malo como vos. Acciou 

mones Funerales, en las Honras y palabras dignas de tal Key en 

del Key Don Felipe II., fol. 77.) causa de la suprcnia religion." 

Colmcnares still more emphatically Ilistoria de Segovia, cap. XLII. 

eulojjizes the words thus uttered sec. 3. 

VOL. I. 8 55 2 M 


his life. As the flames crept slowly around him, 
he called on the soldiers to heap up the fagots, 
that his agonies might be sooner ended ; and 
his executioners, indignant at the obstinacy — 
the heroism — of the martyr, were not slow in 
obeying his commands.^^ 

The companion and fellow-sufferer of De Seso 
was Domingo de Roxas, son of the marquis de 
Poza, an unhappy noble, who had seen ^yc of 
his family, including his eldest son, condemned 
to various humiliating penances by the Inquisi- 
tion for their heretical opinions. This one was 
noAV to suffer death. De Roxas was a Do- 
minican monk. It is singular that this order, 
from which the ministers of the Holy Office Avere 
particularly taken, furnished many proselytes to 
the Reformed religion. De Roxas, as was the 
usage with ecclesiastics, was allowed to retain his 
sacerdotal habit until his sentence had been read, 
when he was degraded from his ecclesiastical rank, 
his vestments were stripped off one after another, 
and the hideous dress of the san benito thrown over 
him, amid the shouts and derision of the populace 
Thus apparelled, he made an attempt to address 
the spectators around the scaffold ; but no sooner 
did he begin to raise his voice against the errors 
and cruelties of Rome, than Philip indignantly 
commanded him to be gagged. The gag was a 
piece of deft wood, which, forcibly compressing the 

*^ Llorentc, Inquisition d'Espagnc, torn. 11. p. 237. 


Ch. m.J AUTOS DE FE. 435 

tongue, had the additional advantage of causing 
great pain while it silenced the offender. Even 
when he was bound to the stake, the gag, though 
contrary to custom, was suffered to remain in the 
mouth of De Roxas, as if his enemies dreaded the 
effects of an eloquence that triumphed over the 
anguish of death.^^ 

The place of execution — the quemadero, the 
burning-place, as it was called — was a spot 
selected for the purpose without the walls of 
the city.^^ Those who attended an auto de ft 
were not, therefore, necessarily, as is commonly 
imagined, spectators of the tragic scene that con- 
cluded it. The great body of the people, and 
many of higher rank, no doubt, followed to the 
place of execution. On this occasion, there is 
reason to think, from the language — somewhat 
equivocal, it is true — of Philip's biographer, that 
the monarch chose to testify his devotion to the 
Inquisition by witnessing in person the appalling 
close of the drama ; while his guards mingled with 
the menials of the Holy Office, and heaped up 
the fagots round their victims.^^ 

•6 Montanus, Discovery of sun- a ver llevar i entregar al fuego 

dry subtill Practises of the Inqui- muchos dellnquentes aconpafiados 

sition, p. 52. — Llorente, Inquisi- de sus guardas de a pie i de a 

tion d'Espagne, torn. II. p. 239. cavallo, que ayudaron a la execu- 

— Sepulveda, Opera, torn. III. p. cion." Cabrera, Fllipe Segundo, 

58. lib. V. cap. 3. 

17 Puigblanch, The Inquisition It may be doubted whether the 
Unmasked, (London, 1816,) vol. historian means any thing more than 
I. p. 33G. that Philip saw the unfortunate 

18 " Halldse por esto presente men led to execution, at whicn nis 




Such was the cruel exhibition which, under the 
garb of a religious festival, was thought the most 
fitting ceremonial for welcoming the Catholic mon- 
arch to his dominions ! During the whole time 
of its duration in the public square, from six in 
the morning till two in the afternoon, no symptom 
of impatience was exhibited by the spectators, and, 
as may well be believed, no sign of sympathy for 
the sufferers.^^ It would be difficult to devise a 
better school for perverting the moral sense, and 
deadening the sensibilities of a nation.^^ 

own guards assisted. Davlla, tlie 
friar who, as I have noticed, pro- 
nounced a funeral oration on the 
king, speaks of him simply as hav- 
ing assisted at this act of faith, — 
" Assistir a los actos de Fe, como 
se vio en esta Ciudad." (Sermones 
Funerales, fol. 77.) Could the 
worthy father have ventured to 
give Philip credit for being present 
at the death, he would not have 
failed to do so. Lcti, less scrupu- 
lous, tells us that Philip saw the 
execution from the windoAvs of his 
palace, heard the cries of the dying 
martyrs, and enjoyed the spectacle ! 
The picture he gives of the scene 
loses nothing for want of coloring. 
Vita di Filippo II., tom. I. p. 342. 

19 How little sympathy, may be 
inferred from the savage satisfac- 
tion with which a wise and tem- 
perate historian of the time dis- 
misses to everlasting punishment 
one of the martyrs at the first 
auto at Valladolid. " Jureque 
vivus flammis corpore cruciatus 

miserrimam animam efflavit ad 
supplicia sempiterna." Sepulveda, 
Opera, tom. III. p. 58. 

20 Balmes, one of the most suc- 
cessful champions of the Romish 
faith in our time, fmds in the terri- 
ble apathy thus shown to the suf- 
ferings of the martyrs a proof of a 
more vital religious sentiment than 
exists at the present day ! " We 
feel our hair grow stiff on our 
heads at the mere idea of burning 
a man alive. Placed in society 
where the religious sentiment is con- 
siderably diminished ; accustomed to 
live among men who have a differ- 
ent religion, and sometimes none at 
all ; we cannot bring ourselves to 
believe that it could be, at that 
time, quite an ordinary thing to 
see heretics or the impious led to 
punishment." Protestantism and 
Catholicity compared in their Ef- 
fects on the Civilization of Europe, 
Eng. trans., (Baltimore, 1851,) p. 

Accordinjj to this view of the 

:n. ITT J 



Under the royal sanction, the work of persecu- 
tion now went forward more briskly than ever.'*^* 
No calling was too sacred, no rank too high, to 
escape the shafts of the mformer. In the course 
of a few years, no less than nine bishops were com- 
pelled to do humiliating penance in some form or 
other for heterodox opinions. But the most illus- 
trious victim of the Inquisition was Bartolome 
Carranza, archbishop of Toledo. The primacy of 
Spain might be considered as the post of the high- 
est consideration in the Roman Catholic Church 
after the papacy .^^ The proceedmgs against this 

matter, the more religion there is 
among men, the harder will be their 

21 The zeal of the king and the 
Inquisition together in the work 
of persecution had wellnigh got 
the nation into more than one 
difficulty with foreign countries. 
Mann, the English minister, was 
obliged to remonstrate against the 
manner in which the independence 
of his own household was violated 
by the agents of the Holy Office. 
The complaints of St. Sulpice, the 
French ambassador, notwithstand- 
ing the gravity of the subject, are 
told in a vein of caustic humor 
that may provoke a smile in the 
reader. " I have complained to 
the king of the manner in which 
the Marseillesc, and other French- 
men, are maltreated by the Inqui- 
sition. He excused himself by 
fcMving that he had little power or 
authority in matters which de- 
fended on that bodv ; he could do 
Dotliiiig further than recommend 


the grand-inquisitor to cause good 
and speedy justice to be done to 
the parties. The grand-inquisitor 
promised that they should be treat- 
ed no worse than born Castilians, 
and the ' good and speedy justice * 
came to this, that they were burnt 
alive in the king's presence." Rau- 
mer, Sixteenth and Seventeenth 
Centuries, vol. I. p. 111. 

'2"2 The archbishop of Toledo, 
according to Lucio Marineo Siculo, 
who wrote a few years before this 
period, had jurisdiction over more 
than fifteen large towns, besides 
smaller places, which of course 
made the number of his vassals 
enormous. His revenues also, 
amounting to eighty thousand du- 
cats, exceeded those of any gran- 
dee in the kingdom. The yearly 
revenues of the subordinate ben- 
eficiaries of his church were to- 
gether not less than a hundred 
and eighty thousand ducats. Co- 
sas Memorables de Espana, (Alcaic 
de Henaros, 1539,) fol. 13. 

2 M* 


prelate, on the whole, excited more interest 
throughout Christendom than any other case that 
came before the tribunal of the Inquisition. 

Carranza, who was of an ancient Castilian fam 
ily, had early entered a Dominican convent in the 
suburbs of Guadalajara. His exemplary life, and 
his great parts and learning, recommended him to 
the favor of Charles the Fifth, who appointed him 
confessor to his son Philip. The emperor also 
sent him to the Council of Trent, where he made 
a great impression by his eloquence, as well as by 
a tract which he published against plurality of 
benefices, which, however, excited no little disgust 
in many of his order. On Philip's visit to Eng- 
land to marry Queen Mary, Carranza accompanied 
his master, and while in that country he distin- 
guished himself by the zeal and ability with which 
he controverted the doctrines of the Protestants. 
The alacrity, moreover, which he manifested in the 
work of persecution made him generally odious 
under the name of the " black friar," — a name 
peculiarly appropriate, as it applied not less to 
his swarthy complexion than to the garb of his 
order. On Philip's return to Flanders, Carranza, 
who had twice refused a mitre, was raised — not 
without strong disinclination on his own part — 
to the archiepiscopal see of Toledo. The " nolo 
episcopari^'' in this instance, seems to have been 
sincere. It would have been well for him if it 
had been eft'ectual. Carranza's elevation to the 
primacy was the source of all his troubles. 


The hatred of theologians has passed .nto a 
proverb ; and there would certainly seem to be nc 
rancor surpassing that of a Spanish ecclesiastic. 
Among the enemies raised by Carranza's success, 
the most implacable was the grand-inquisitor, 
Valdes. The archbishop of Seville could ill brook 
that a humble Dominican should be thus raised 
from the cloister over the heads of the proud prel- 
acy of Spain. With unwearied pains, such as hate 
only could induce, he sought out whatever could 
make against the orthodoxy of the new prelate, 
whether in his writings or his conversation. Some 
plausible ground was afforded for this from the 
fact, that, although Carranza, as his whole life had 
shown, was devoted to the Roman Catholic Church, 
yet his long residence in Protestant countries, and 
his familiarity with Protestant works, had given 
a coloring to his language, if not to his opinions, 
which resembled that of the Reformers. Indeed, 
Carranza seems to have been much of the same 
way of thinking with Pole, Contarini, Morone, and 
other illustrious Pomanists, whose liberal natures 
and wide range of study had led them to sanction 
more than one of the Lutheran dogmas which 
were subsequently proscribed by the Council of 
Trent. One charge strongly urged against the 
primate was his assent to the heretical doctrine of 
justification by faith. In support of this. Father 
Pegla, the confessor, as the reader may remember, 
of Charles the Fifth, and a worthy coadjutor of 
Valdes, quoted words of consolation employed by 


Carranza, in his presence, at the death-bed of 
the emperor.^^ 

The exalted rank of the accused made it necessary 
for his enemies to proceed with the greatest caution. 
Never had the bloodhounds of the Inquisition been 
set on so noble a quarry. Confident in his own 
authority, the prelate had little reason for distrust. 
He could not ward off the blow, for it was an 
invisible arm stronger than his own that was 
raised to smite him. On the twenty-second of 
August, 1559, the emissaries of the Holy Office 
entered the primate's town of Torrelaguna. The 
doors of the episcopal palace were thrown open to 
the ministers of the terrible tribunal. The prelate 
was dragged from his bed at midnight, was hurried 
into a coach, and while the inhabitants were or- 
dered not so much as to present themselves at the 
windows, he was conducted, under a strong guard, 
to the prisons of the Inquisition at Valladolid. 
The arrest of such a person caused a groat sensa- 
tion throughout the country, but no attempt was 
made at a rescue. 

The primate would have appealed from the 
Holy Office to the pope, as the only power com- 
petent to judge him. But he was unwilling to 
give umbrage to Philip, who had told him in any 
extremity to rely on him. The king, however, 
was still in the Netherlands, where his mind had 

23 Salazar, Vida de Carranza, 389 et seq. — Llorente, Inquisi- 
(Madrid, 1788,) cap. 1-11.— tion d'Espagne, torn. II. p. 1G3 ; 
Documentos Ineditos, torn. V. p. torn. III. p. 183 et seq. 



been preoccupied, through the archbishop's ene- 
mies, with rumors of his defection. And the mere 
imputation of heresy, in this dangerous crisis, and 
especially in one whom he had so recently raised 
to the highest post in the Spanish church, was 
enough, not only to efface the recollection of past 
services from the mind of Philip, but to turn his 
favor into aversion. For two years Carranza was 
suffered to languish in confinement, exposed to all 
the annoyances which the malice of his enemies 
could devise. So completely was he dead to the 
world, that he knew nothing of a conflagration 
which consumed more than four hundred of the 
principal houses in Valladolid, till some years after 
the occurrence.^^ 

At length the Council of Trent, sharing the 
indignation of the rest of Christendom at the 
archbishop's protracted imprisonment, called on 
Philip to interpose in his behalf, and to remove 
the cause to another tribunal. But the king gave 
little heed to the remonstrance, which the inquisi- 
tors treated as a presumptuous interference with 
their authority. 

In 1566, Pius the Fifth ascended the pontifical 
ihrone. He was a man of austere morals and a 
most inflexible will. A Dominican, like Carranza, 
he was greatly scandalized by the treatment which 

^ " En que se quemaron mas Arzobispo, pero ni lo suf o basti 

de 400 casas princlpales, y ricas, y muchos aiios despues de cstar en 

algiinas en aquel barrio donde el Roma." Salazar, VIda de Carran- 

estaba; no solo no lo entendid el za, cap. 15. 

VOL. r. 5() 


the primate had received, and by the shameful 
length to which his process had been protracted. 
He at once sent his orders to Spain for the re- 
moval of the grand-inquisitor, Valdes, from office, 
summoning, at the same time, the cause and the 
prisoner before his own tribunal. The bold inquis- 
itor, loath to lose his prey, would have defied the 
power of Rome, as he had done that of the Council 
of Trent. Philip remonstrated ; but Pius was firm, 
and menaced both king and inquisitor with excom- 
munication. Philip had no mind for a second 
collision with the papal court. In imagination he 
already heard the thunders of the Vatican rolling 
in the distance, and threatening soon to break upon 
his head. After a confinement of now more than 
seven years' duration, the archbishop was sent un- 
der a guard to Pome. He was kindly received by 
the pontiff, and honorably lodged in the castle of 
St. Angelo, in apartments formerly occupied by the 
popes themselves. But he was still a prisoner. 

Pius now set seriously about the examination of 
Carranza's process. It was a tedious business, re- 
quiring his holiness to wade through an ocean of 
papers, while the progress of the suit was perpetu- 
ally impeded by embarrassments thrown in his 
way by the industrious malice of the inquisitors. 
At the end of six years more, Pius was preparing 
to give his judgment, which it was understood 
would be favorable to Carranza, when, unhappily 
for the primate, the pontiff died. 

The Holy Office, stung by the prospect of its 


failure, now strained every nerve to influence the 
mind of the new pope, Gregory the Thirteenth, 
to a contrary decision. New testimony was col- 
lected, new glosses were put on the primate's text, 
and the sanction of the most learned Spanish 
theologians was brought in support of them. At 
length, at the end of three years further, the holy 
father announced his purpose of giving his final 
decision. It was done with great circumstance. 
The pope was seated on his pontifical throne, 
surrounded by all his cardinals, prelates, and 
functionaries of the apostolic chamber. Before 
this august assembly, the archbishop presented 
himself unsupported and alone, while no one ven- 
tured to salute him. His head was bare. His 
once robust form was bent by infirmity more than 
by years ; and his care-worn features told of that 
sickness which arises from hope deferred. He 
knelt down at some distance from the pope, and 
in this humble attitude received his sentence. 

He was declared to have imbibed the per- 
nicious doctrines of Luther. The decree of the 
Inquisition prohibiting the use of his catechism 
was confirmed. He was to abjure sixteen prop- 
ositions found in his writings ; was suspended 
from the exercise of his episcopal functions for 
five years, during which time he was to be con- 
fined in a convent of his order at Orvieto ; and, 
finally, he was required to visit seven of the prin- 
cipal cliurchcs in Home, and perform mass there 
by way of penance. 


Tliis was the end of eighteen years of doubt, 
anxiety, and imprisonment. The tears streamed 
down the face of the unhappy man, as he lis- 
tened to the sentence; but he bowed in silent 
submission to the will of his superior. The very 
next day he began his work of penance. But 
nature could go no further; and on the second 
of May, only sixteen days after his sentence had 
been pronounced, Carranza died of a broken 
heart. The triumph of the Inquisition was 

The pope raised a monument to the memory 
of the primate, with a pompous inscription, pay- 
ing a just tribute to his talents and his scholar- 
ship, endowing him with a full measure of Chris- 
tian worth, and particularly commending the ex- 
emplary manner in which he had discharged the 
high trusts reposed in him by his sovereign.^'^ 

Such is the story of Carranza's persecution, — 
considering the rank of the party, the unprece- 
dented length of the process, and the sensation 
it excited thoughout Europe, altogether the most 
remarkable on the records of the Inquisition.^^ 

25 Salazar, VIda de Carranza, da, who derived his careful and 
cap. 12-35. — Documentos Inedi- trustworthy narrative from the 
tos, torn. V. pp. 453-463. — Llo- best original sources. Llorente 
rente. Inquisition d'Espagne, torn, had the advantage of access to the 
III. p. 218 et seq. voluminous records of the Holy 

26 The persecution of Carranza Office, of which he was the secre- \ 
has occupied the pens of several tary ; and in his third volume he 
Castiliaii writers. The most am- has devoted a large space to the 
pie biographical notice of him is process of Carranza, which, with 

by the Doctor Salazar de Miran- the whole mass of legal document* | 


Our sympatliy for tHe archbishop's sufferings may 
be reasonably mitigated by the reflection, that he 
did but receive the measure which he had meted 
out to others. 

While the prosecution of Carranza was going 
on, the fires lighted for the Protestants con- 
tinued to burn with fury in all parts of the 
country, until at length they gradually slackened 
and died away, from mere want of fuel to feed 
them. The year 1570 may be regarded as the 
period of the last auto de fc in which the Lu- 
therans played a conspicuous part. The subse- 
quent celebrations were devoted chiefly to relapsed 
Jews and Mahometans ; and if a Protestant heretic 
was sometimes added to this list, it was "but as 
the gleaning of grapes after the vintage is done." ^^ 

Never was there a persecution which did its 
work more thoroughly. The blood of the mar- 
tyr is commonly said to be the seed of the 

growing out of the protracted pros- institutions under which his fathers 

ecution, amounted, as he assures lived. 

us, to no less than twenty-six thou- 27 go says McCrie, whose vol 

Band leaves of manuscript. This ume on the Reformation in Spain 

enormous mass of testimony leads presents in a reasonable compass 

one to suspect that the object of a very accurate view of that inter- 

the Inquisition was not so much to esting movement. The historian 

detect the truth as to cover it up. does not appear to have had access 

The learned editors of the "Do- to any rare or recondite materials; 

cumentos Ineditos " have profited but he has profited well by those 

by both these works, as well as at his command, comprehending 

by some unpublished manuscripts the best published works, and has 

of that day, relating to the affair, digested them into a narrative dis- 

to exhibit it fully and fairly to the tinguished for its temperance and 

Castilian reader, who in this brief truth, 
history may learn the value of the 

8 2N 


church. But the storm of persecution fell as 
heavily on the Spanish Protestants as it did on 
the Albigenses in the thirteenth century ; blight- 
ing every living thing, so that no germ remained 
for future harvests. Spain might now boast that 
the stain of heresy no longer defiled the hem of 
her garment. But at what a price was this pur- 
chased! Not merely by the sacrifice of the lives 
and fortunes of a few thousands of the existing 
generation, but by the disastrous consequences 
entailed forever on the country. Folded undei 
the dark wing of the Inquisition, Spain was shut 
out from the light which in the sixteenth century 
broke over the rest of Europe, stimulating the 
nations to greater enterprise in every department 
of knowledge. The genius of the people was 
rebuked, and their spirit quenched, under the 
malignant influence of an eye that never slum- 
bered, of an unseen arm ever raised to strike. 
How could there be freedom of thought, where 
there was no freedom of utterance'? Or freedom 
of utterance, where it was as dangerous to say 
too little as too much? Freedom cannot go 
along with fear. Every way the mind of the 
Spaniard was in fetters. 

His moral sense was miserably perverted. Men 
were judged, not by their practice, but by their pro- 
fessions. Creed became a substitute for conduct. 
Difference of faith made a wider gulf of separation 
than difference of race, language, or even interestr 
Spam no longer formed one of the great brothei- 

Ch. hi.] fanaticism of the SPANIARDS. 447 

hood of Christian nations. An immeasurable bar- 
rier was raised between that kingdom and the Prot- 
estant states of Europe. The early condition of 
perpetual warfare with the Arabs who overran the 
country had led the Spaniards to mingle religion 
strangely with their politics. The effect continued 
when the cause had ceased. Their wars with the 
European nations became religious wars. In fight- 
ing England or the Netherlands, they were fighting 
the enemies of God. It was the same everywhere. 
In their contest with the unoffending natives of 
the New World, they were still battling with the 
enemies of God. Their wars took the character 
of a perpetual crusade, and were conducted with 
all the ferocity which fanaticism could inspire. 

The same dark spirit of fanaticism seems to 
brood over the national literature ; even that 
lighter literature which in other nations is made 
up of the festive sallies of wit, or the tender 
expression of sentiment. The greatest geniuses of 
the nation, the masters of the drama and of the 
ode, while they astonish us by their miracles of 
invention, show that they have too often kindled 
their inspiration at the altars of the Inquisition. 

Debarred as he was from freedom of speculation, 
the domain of science was closed against the Span- 
iard. Science looks to perpetual change. It turns 
to the past to gather warning, as well as instruc- 
tion, for the future. Its province is to remove 
old abuses, to explode old errors, to unfold new 
truths. Its condition, in short, is that of prog- 


ress. But in Spain, everything not only looked 
to the past, but rested on the past. Old abuses 
gathered respect from their antiquity. Reform 
was innovation, and mnovation was a crime. Far 
from progress, all was stationary. The hand of 
the Inquisition drew the line which said, " No 
further ! " This was the limit of human intelli- 
gence in Spain. 

The effect was visible in every department of 
science, — not in the speculative alone, but in the 
physical and the practical ; in the declamatory 
rant of its theology and ethics, in the childish 
and chimerical schemes of its political economists. 
In every walk were to be seen the symptoms 
of premature decrepitude, as the nation clung to 
the antiquated systems which the march of civil- 
ization in other countries had long since effaced. 
Hence those frantic experiments, so often repeated, 
in the financial administration of the kingdom, 
which made Spain the byword of the nations, 
and which ended in the ruin of trade, the pros- 
tration of credit, and finally the bankruptcy of 
the state. — But we willingly turn from this sad 
picture of the destinies of thf: country to a more 
cheerful scene in the history of Philip. 




Reception of Isabella. — Marriage Festivities. — The Queen's IMode of 
Life. — The Court removed to Madri<l. 


So soon as Philip should be settled in Spain, it 
had been arranged that his young bride, Elizabeth 
of France, should cross the Pyrenees. Early in 
January, 1560, Elizabeth, — or Isabella, to use the 
corresponding name by which she was known to 
the Spaniards, — under the protection of the Cardi- 
nal de Bourbon and some of the French nobility, 
reached the borders of Navarre, where she was 
met by the duke of Infantado, who was to take 
charge of the princess, and escort her to Castile. 

Inigo Lopez de Mendoza, fourth duke of Infan- 
tado, was the head of the most illustrious house in 
Castile. He was at this time near seventy years 
of age, having passed most of his life in attendance 
at court, where he had always occupied the posi- 
tion suited to his high birth and his extensive 
property, which, as his title intimated, lay chiefly 
in the north. lie was a fine specimen of the old 
Castiliau hidalgo, and displayed a magnificence in 

VOL. I. 8 ^7 2 N* 


his \\ay of living that became his station. He was 
well educated, for the time ; and his fondness for 
books did not prevent his excelling in all knightly 
exercises. He was said to have the best library 
and the best stud of any gentleman in Castile.^ 

He appeared on this occasion in great state, 
accompanied by his household and his kinsmen, 
the heads of the noblest families in Spain. The 
duke was attended by some fifty pages, who, in 
their rich dresses of satin and brocade, displayed 
the gay colors of the house of Mendoza. The 
nobles in his train, all suitably mounted, were 
followed by twenty-five hundred gentlemen, well 
equipped, like themselves. So lavish were the 
Castilians of that day in the caparisons of their 
horses, that some of these are estimated, without 
taking into account the jewels with which they 
were garnished, to have cost no less than two 
thousand ducats ! ^ The same taste is visible at 
this day in their descendants, especially in South 
America and in Mexico, where the love of barbaric 
ornament in the housings and caparisons of their 
steeds is conspicuous among all classes of the people. 

Several days were spent in settling the etiquette 

1 A full account of this duke of Infantado as having a body-guard 

Infantado is to be found in the of two hundred men, and of being 

extremely rare work of Nunez de able to muster a force of thirty 

Castro, Historia Ecclesiastica y thousand ! Quincuagenas, MS. 

Seglar de Guadalajara, (Madrid, 2 u ^yj^.^ gualdrapas de dos mil 

1G53,) p. 180 et seq. Oviedo, in ducados de costa sin conputar valor 

his curious volumes on the Castilian de piedras." Cabrera, Filipe Se- 

aristocracy, which he brings down gundo, lib. V. cap. 7. 
to 1550, speaks of the dukes of 


to be observed before the presentation of the duke 
and his follo^ye^s to the princess, — a peiilous 
matter with the Spanish hidalgo. When at length 
the interview took place, the cardinal of Burgos, 
the duke's brother., opened it by a formal and 
rather long address to Isabella, who replied in a 
tone of easy gayety, which, though not undignified, 
savored much more of the manners of her own 
country than of those of Spain. ^ The place of 
meeting was at Roncesvalles, — a name which to 
the reader of romance may call up scenes very 
different from those presented by the two nations 
now met together in kindly courtesy.* 

From Roncesvalles the princess proceeded, under 
the strong escort of the duke, to his town of 
Guadalajara in New Castile, where her marriage 
with King Philip was to be solemnized. Great 
preparations were made by the loyal citizens for 
celebrating the event in a manner honorable to 
their own master and their future queen. A huge 
mound, or what might be called a hill, was raised 
at the entrance of the town, where a grove of 
natural oaks had been transplanted, amongst 
which was to be seen abundance of game. Isa- 

3 " Elle repondit d'un air riant, are to be found in the valuable 

et avec des termes pleins tout en- collection of historical documents, 

gemble de douceur et de majeste." the publication of wliich was be- 

De Thou, torn. TIL p. 42G. ^un under the auspices of I^ouis 

^ We have a minute account of Philippe. Documents Inedits sur 

this interview from the pens of I'Histoire de France, Nei^ociation?, 

•'wo of Isabella's train, who accom- etc. relatives au Regne de Fran- 

panicd her to Castile, and whose c^-ois TI., p. 171 et seq. 
letters to the cardinal of Lorraine • 


bella was received by the magistrates of the 
place, and escorted through the principal streets 
by a brilliant cavalcade, composed of the great 
nobility of the court. She was dressed in ermine, 
and rode a milk-white palfrey, which she managed 
with an easy grace that delighted the multitude. 
On one side of her rode the duke of Infantado, 
and on the other the cardinal of Burgos. After 
performing her devotions at the church, where 
2'e Deum was chanted, she proceeded to the ducal 
palace, in which the marriage ceremony was to be 
performed. On her entering the court, the Prin- 
cess Joanna came down to receive her sister-in- 
law, and, after an affectionate salutation, conducted 
her to the saloon, where Philip, attended by his 
son, was awaiting his bride.^ 

It was the first time that Isabella had seen her 
destined lord. She now gazed on him so intently, 
that he good-humoredly asked her " if she were 
lookmg to see if he had any gray hairs in his 
head." The bluntness of the question somewhat 
disconcerted her.^ Philip's age was not much less 

5 Lucio Marlneo, in his curious vist son mary, elle se mit h le con- 
farrago of notable matters, speaks templer si fixement, que le Roy, 
of the sumptuous residence of the ne le trouvant pas bon, luy de- 
dukes of Infantado in Guadalajara, manda: Que mirais, si tengo canas? 
" Los muy magnificos y sumptico- c'est-a-dire, ' Que regardez-vous, 
SOS palacios que alii estan de los si j'ai les cheveux blancs ? ' Ces 
nmy illustres duques de la casa mots luy toucherent si fort au coeur 
muy antigua de los Mendocas." que depuis on augura mal poui 
Cosas Memorables, fob 13. elle." Brantomc, (Euvres, torn. V 

6 " J'ay ouy conter a une de ses p. 131. 
dames (]ue la premiere fois (ju'elle 


than that at which the first gray hairs made their 
appearance on his father's temples. Yet the dis- 
crepancy between the ages of the parties in the 
present instance was not greater than often hap 
pens in a royal union. Isabella was in her fif 
teenth year/ and Philip in his thirty-fourth. 

From all accounts, the lady's youth was her 
least recommendation. " Elizabeth de Valois," 
says Brantome, who knew her well, " was a true 
daughter of France, — discreet, witty, beautiful, 
and good, if ever woman was so."^ She was well 
made, and tall of stature, and on this account the 
more admired in Spain, where the women are rare- 
ly above the middle height. Her eyes were dark, 
and her luxuriant tresses, of the same dark color, 
shaded features that were delicately fair.^ There 
was sweetness mingled with dignity in her deport- 
ment, in which Castilian stateliness seemed to be 
happily tempered by the vivacity of her own na- 
tion. " So attractive was she," continues the gal- 

7 In this statement I conform to 8 " Elizabeth de France, et 

Sismondi's account. In the pres- vraye fille de France, en tout belle, 

ent instance, however, there is even sage, vertueuse, spirituelle et bonne, 

more uncertainty than is usual in re- s'il en fust oncques." Brantome, 

gard to a lady's age. According to (Euvres, tom. V. p. 12G. 
Cabrera, Isabella was eighteen at 9 " Son visage estoit beau, et 

the time of her marriage ; while De ses cheveux et yeux noirs, qui 

Thou makes her only eleven when adombroient son teint Sa 

the terms of the alliance were ar- taille estoit tres belle, et plus grande 

ranged by the commissioners at que toutes ses soeurs, qui la rendoit 

Cateau-Cambresis. These are the fort admirable en Espagne, d'au- 

extremes, but within them there is tant que les tailles hautes y sont 

no agreement amongst the author- rares, et pour ce fort estimables." 

ities I have consulted. Ibid., p. 128. 



lant old courtier, " that no cavalier durst look on 
her long, for fear of losing his heart, which in that 
jealous court might have proved the loss of his 
life." 10 

Some of the chroniclers notice a shade of melan- 
choly as visible on Isabella's features, which they 
refer to the comparison the young bride was natu- 
rally led to make between her own lord and his 
son, the prince of Asturias, for whom her hand 
had been originally intended.-^^ But the daughter 
of Catherine de Medicis, they are careful to add, 
had been too well trained, from her cradle, not to 
know how to disguise her feelings. Don Carlos 
had one advantage over his father, in his youth ; 
though in this respect, since he was but a boy 
of fourteen, he might be thought to fall as 
much too short of the suitable age as the king 
exceeded it. It is also intimated by the same 
gossiping writers, that from this hour of their 
meeting, touched by the charms of his step-mother, 
the prince nourished a secret feeling of resentment 
against his father, who had thus come between 
him and his beautiful betrothed.-^^ It is this light 

1^ " Les seigneurs ne rosoient d* vn glouine prencipe molto ben 

regarder de peur d'en estre espris, fatto, e che prima deiraltro I'era 

et en causer jalousie au roy son stato promesso in sposo." Leti, 

mary, et par consequent eux courir Vita di Filippo IL, torn. I. p. 345. 
fortune de la vie." Ibid., p. 128. 12 Brantome, who was certainly 

^1 "La regina istessa parue non one of those who beheved in the 

so come sorpressa da vn sentimento jealousy of Philip, if not in the 

di malinconica passione, nel vedersi passion of Isabella, states the cir- 

abbracciare da vn re di 33 anni, cumstance of the king's supplant- 

di garbo ordinario alia presenza ing his son in a manner sufFici'-utly 

Ch iv.j ]\lvrriage festivities. 455 

gossip of the chroniclers that has furnished the 
romancers of later ages with the flimsy materials 
for that web of fiction, which displays in such 
glowing colors the loves of Carlos and Isabella. 
I shall have occasion to return to this subject 
when treatmg of the fate of this unhappy prince. 
When the nuptials were concluded, the good 
people of Guadalajara testified their loyalty by all 
kinds of festivities in honor of the event, — by 
fireworks, music, and dancing. The fountains 
flowed with generous liquor. Tables were spread 
in the public squares, laden with good cheer, and 
freely open to all. In the evening, the regldores 
of the town, to the number of fifty or more, pre- 
sented themselves before the king and queen. 
They were dressed in their gaudy liveries of 
crimson and yellow velvet, and each one of these 
functionaries bore a napkin on his arm, while he 
carried a plate of sweetmeats, which he presented 
to the royal pair and the ladies of the court. The 
following morning Philip and his consort left the 
hospitable walls of Guadalajara, and set out with 
their whole suite for Toledo. At parting, the 
duke of Infantado made the queen and her ladies 
presents of jewels, lace, and other rich articles of 
dress ; and the sovereigns took leave of their noble 

naive. " Mais le roy d'Espagne et fort k son gre, en coupa I'herbe 

son pere, venant k cstrc veuf par soubs le pied k son fils, et la prit 

Ic trespas de la reyne d'Angleterre pour iuy, conimen(;aiit eette charity 

sa femme et sa couslne germaine, a soy mcsme/' CEuvres, torn. V 

ayant vcu Ic pourtraict dc madame p. 127. 
Elizabeth, et la troiivant fort belle 

156 rniLIP'S TinUD marriage. [Book n. 

host, well pleased with the princely entertainment 
he had given them.^^ 

At Toledo preparations were made for the re- 
ception of Philip and Isabella in a style worthy 
of the renown of that ancient capital of the Visi- 
goths. In the broad vega before the city, three 
thousand of the old Spanish infantry engaged in 
a mock encounter with a body of Moorish cavalry, 
having their uniforms and caparisons fancifully 
trimmed and ornamented in the Arabesque fashion. 
Then followed various national dances by beautiful 
maidens of Toledo, dances of the Gypsies, and the 
old Spanish "war-dance of the swords."-^* 

On entering the gates, the royal pair were wel- 
comed by the municipality of the city, who sup- 
ported a canopy of cloth of gold over the heads 
of the king and queen, emblazoned with their 
ciphers. A procession was formed, consisting of 
the principal magistrates, the members of the 
military orders, the officers of the Inquisition, — 
for Toledo was one of the principal stations of 
the secret tribunal, — and, lastly, the chief nobles 
of the court. In the cavalcade might be dis- 
cerned the iron form of the duke of Alva, and his 

1^ Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. del arte, como por lo precioso de 

V. cap 6. — Florez, Reynas Cato- la materia." De Castro, 

licas, p. 897. Guadalajara, p. 116. 

" A la despedida presentd el ^'* " Dan^as de hermosisimas don- 

Duque del Ynfantado al Rey, Rey- zellas de la Sagra, i las de espadas 

na, Damas, Duenas de honor, y a antigua invencion de Espanoles." 

las de la Camara ricas joyas de Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. V 

oro y plata, telas, guantes, y otras cap. 6. 
^rcscas tan ricas, por la prolixidad 


more courtly rival, Ruy Gomez de Silva, count of 
Melito, — the two nobles highest in the royal 
confidence. Triumphal arches, ornamented with 
quaint devices and emblematical figures from an- 
cient mythology, were thrown across the streets, 
which were filled with shouting multitudes. Gay 
wreaths of flowers and flaunting streamers adorned 
the verandas and balconies, which were crowded 
with spectators of both sexes in their holiday at- 
tire, making a show of gaudy colors that reminds 
an old chronicler of the richly tinted tapestries 
and carpetings of Flanders.-^^ In this royal state, 
the new-married pair moved along the streets 
towards the great cathedral ; and after paying 
their devotions at its venerable shrine, they re- 
paired to the alcazar^ — the palace-fortress of 

For some weeks, during which the sovereigns 
remained in the capital, there was a general 
jubilee.^^ All the national games of Spain were 

15 « Por la mucha hermosura que appearance In print till nearly two 
avia en las damas de la ciudad i centuries later, — and then not in 
Corte, el adorno de los miradores his own land, but in Italy. In this 
i calles, las libreas costosas i varias epithalamium, if it may be so called, 
i muchas, que todo hazia un florido the poet represents Juno as invok- 
campo o lien^o de Flandres." Ibid., ing Jupiter to interfere in behalf 
ubi supra. of the French monarchy, that it 

16 The royal nuptials were com- may not be crushed by the arms 
memorated in a Latin poem, in of Spain. Venus, under the form 
two books, " De Pace et Nuptiis of the duke of Alva, — as cfTectual 
rhilippi et IsabcUaB." It was the a disguise as could be imagined. — 
work of Fernando Ruiz de Ville- takes her seat in the royal coun- 
gas, an eminent scholar of that day, cil, and implores Philip to admit 
whose writings did not make their France to terms, and to accept the 

VOL. I. 8 58 2 


exhibited to the young queen ; the bull-fight, the 
Moorish sport of the caiias^ or tilt of reeds, and 
tournaments on horseback and on foot, in both of 
which Philip often showed himself armed cap- 
a-pie in the lists, and did his devoir in the pres- 
ence of his fair bride, as became a loyal knight. 
Another show, which might have been better 
reserved for a less joyous occasion, was exhibited 
to Isabella. As the court and the cortes were 
drawn together in Toledo, the Holy Office took 
the occasion to celebrate an auto de fe^ which, 
from the number of the victims and quality of 
the spectators, was the most imposing spectacle 
of the kind ever witnessed in that capital. 

No country in Europe has so distinct an in- 
dividuality as Spain; shown not merely in the 
character of the inhabitants, but in the smallest 
details of life, — in their national games, their 
dress, their social usages. The tenacity with 
which the people have clung to these amidst all 
the changes of dynasties and laws is truly admi- 
rable. Separated by their mountain barrier from 
the central and eastern parts of Europe, and dur- 

hand of Isabella as the pledge of thology would have scandalized the 

peace between the nations. Philip Holy Office, and exposed its in- 

graciously relents ; peace is pro- genious author to the honors of a 

claimed ; the marriage between the san henito. But the poet wore his 

parties is solemnized, with tlie laurels unscathed, and, for aught I 

proper Christian rites ; and Venus know to the contrary, died quietly 

appears, in her own proper shape, in his bed. See Opera Ferdinandi 

to bless the nuptials! One might Ruizii Villcgatis, (Vcnctiis, 1736,) 

have feared that this jumble of pp. 30 - 70. 
Christian rites and heathen my- 


ing the greater part of their existence brougnt 
into contact with Oriental forms of civilization, 
the Spaniards have been but little exposed to those 
influences which have given a homogeneous com- 
plexion to the other nations of Christendom. 
The system under which they have been trained 
is too peculiar to be much affected by these 
influences, and the ideas transmitted from their 
ancestors are too deeply settled in their minds to 
be easily disturbed. The present in Spain is but 
the mirror of the past. In other countries fash- 
ions become antiquated, old errors exploded, early 
tastes reformed. Not so in the Peninsula. The 
traveller has only to cross the Pyrenees to find 
himself a contemporary of the sixteenth century. 
The festivities of the court were suddenly 
terminated by the illness of Isabella, who was 
attacked by the small-pox. Her life was in 
no danger; but great fears were entertained lest 
the envious disease should prove fatal to her 
beauty. Her mother, Catherine de Medicis, had 
great apprehensions on this point ; and couriers 
crossed the Pyrenees frequently, during the 
queen's illness, bringing prescriptions — some of 
them rather extraordinary — from the French 
doctors for preventing the ravages of the dis- 
order.^^ Whether it was by reason of these nos- 

1"' The sovereign remedy, ac- luy secourust son visage si bien 

cording to the curious Brantome, par des sueurs d'ceufs frais, chose 

was new-laid eggs. It is a pity the fort propre pour cela, qu'il n'y 

prescription should be lost. " On parut rien ; dont j'en vis la Reyne, 

460 rniLiP's tiitud marrlvge. [Book ii 

trums, or her own excellent constitution, the 
queen was fortunate enough to escape from the 
sick-room without a scar. 

Philip seems to have had much reason to be 
contented not only with the person, but the dis- 
position, of his wife. As her marriage had formed 
one of the articles in the treaty with France, she 
was called by the Spaniards Isabel de la Paz, — 
" Isabella of the Peace." Her own countrymen 
no less fondly styled her " the Olive-Branch of 
Peace," — intimating the sweetness of her dispo- 
sition.-^^ In this respect, she may be thought to 
have formed a contrast to Philip's former wife, 
Mary of England ; at least after sickness and mis- 
fortune had done their work upon that queen's 
temper, in the latter part of her life. 

If Isabella was not a scholar, like Mary, she 
at least was w^ell instructed for the time, and was 
fond of reading, especially poetry. She had a 
ready apprehension, and learned in a short time 
to speak the Castilian with tolerable fluency, 
while there was something pleasing in her foreign 
accent, that made her pronunciation the more 
interesting. She accommodated herself so well to 
the usages of her adopted nation, that she soon 
won the hearts of the Spaniards. " No queen of 

ea mere fort curleuse h luy envoyer de la paz y de la bojidad, c'est-a- 

par force couriers beaucoup de re- dire la Reyne de la paix et de la 

ipfiedes, mais celui de la sueur d'oeuf bonte ; et nos Fran9ois I'appclla- 

en estoit le souverain." (Euvres, rent I'olive de paix." Ibid., iib' 

torn. V. p. 129. supra. 
18 " Aussi I'appelloit-ou la Ileyna 


Castile," says the loyal Brantome, " with due 
deference to Isabella the Catholic, was ever 
so popular in the country." When she went 
abroad, it was usually with her face uncovered, 
after the manner of her countrywomen. The 
press was always great around her whenever 
she appeared in public, and happy was the man 
who could approach so near as to get a glimpse 
of her beautiful countenance.^^ 

Yet Isabella never forgot the land of her birth ; 
and such of her countrymen as visited the Castilian 
court were received by her with distinguished 
courtesy. She brought along with her in her 
train to Castile several French ladies of rank, 
as her maids of honor. But a rivalry soon grew 
up between them and the Spanish ladies in the 
palace, which compelled the queen, after she had 
in vain attempted to reconcile the parties, to send 
back most of her own countrywomen. In doing 
so, she was careful to provide them with gener- 
ous marriage portions.^^ 

1*^ " Et blen heureux et heureuse averted the discussion by giving 

estoit celuy ou celle qui pouvoit le the Castilian dame a seat in her 

hoir dire ' J'ay veu la Reyne/ " carriage ; but the haughty countess 

Ibid., ubi supra. chose to take the affair into her 

20 The diihculty began so soon own hands ; and her servants came 

as Isabella had crossed the borders, into collision with those of the 

The countess of Urena, sister of French ladies, as they endeavored 

the duke of Albuquerque, one of to secure a place for their mis- 

the train of the duke of Infantado, tress's litter near the queen. Is- 

claimcd precedence of the count- abella, with all her desire to a<3- 

ess of llieux and Mademoiselle commodate matters, had the spirit 

de !Montpensier, kinswomen of the to decide in favor of her own fbl- 

queen. The latter would have lowers, and the aspiring lady v/aa 

8 2 0* 

4G2 ririLir'S tiiikd markiaoe. [Book n 

The queen maintained great state in her house- 
hold, as was Philip's wish, who seems to have 
lavished on his lovely consort those attentions for 
which the unfortunate INIary Tudor had pined in 
vain. Besides a rare display of jewels, Isabella's 
wardrobe was exceedingly rich. Few of her robes 
cost less than three or four hundred crowns each, — 
a great sum for the time. Like her namesake and 
contemporary, Elizabeth of England, she rarely 
wore the same dress twice. But she gave aAvay the 
discarded suit to her attendants,^^ unlike in this 
to the English queen, who hoarded up her ward- 
robe so carefully, that at her death it must have 
displayed every fashion of her reign. Brantome, 
who, both as a Frenchman and as one who had 
seen the queen often in the court of Castile, may 
be considered a judge in the matter, dwells with 
rapture on the elegance of her costume, the match- 
less taste in its arrangement, and the perfection of 
her coiffure. 

A manuscript of the time, by an eyewitness, 
gives a few particulars respecting her manner 
of living, in which some readers may take an 

compelled — with an ill grace — ^i « YAXa ne porta jamais ime 

to give way to the blood royal of robe deux fols, et puis la donnoit 

France. It was easier, as Isabella, h ses femraes et ses filles : et DIeii 

or rather as her husband, after- S9ait quelles robbes, si riches et si 

wards found, to settle disputes be- superbes, que la moindre estolt de 

twecn rival states than between trois ou quatre cens escus ; car le 

the rival beauties of a court. The Eoy son mary I'entretenoit fori 

affair is told by Lansac, Negocia- superbement de ces cboses la." 

tions relatives au Regne de Fran- Brantome, CEuvres, torn. V. p 

cols II., p. 171. 140. 


interest. Among the persons connected with the 
queen's establishment, the writer mentions her 
confessor, her ahnoner, and four physicians. The 
medical art seems to have been always held in 
high repute in Spain, though in no country, con 
sidering the empirical character of its professors, 
with so little reason. At dinner the queen was 
usually attended by some thirty of her ladies. 
Two of them, singularly enough as it may seem 
to us, performed the office of carvers. Another 
served as cupbearer, and stood by her majesty's 
chair. The rest of her attendants stood round 
the apartment, conversing with their gallants, 
who, in a style to which she had not been used 
in the French court, kept their heads covered 
during the repast. " They were there," they said, 
" not to wait on the queen, but her ladies." 
After her solitary meal was over, Isabella retired 
with her attendants to her chamber, where, 
with the aid of music, and such mirth as the 
buffoons and jesters of the palace could afford, 
she made shift to pass the evening.^^ 

Such is the portrait which her contemporaries 
have left us of Elizabeth of France ; and such 
the accounts of her popularity with the nation, 
and the state maintained in her establishment. 
Well might Brantome sadly exclaim, " Alas ! 
what did it all avail V A few brief years only 

52 The MS., which Is in Italian, mer's SIxtccntli and Scventeentli 
13 m the Royal Library at Paris. Centuries, vol. I. p. 104 et seq. 
Sec the extracts from it in Ran- 


were to pass away before this spoiled child of 
fortune, the delight of the monarch, the ornament 
and pride of the court, was to exchange the pomps 
and glories of her royal state for the dark cham- 
bers of the Escorial. 

From Toledo the court proceeded to Valladolid, 
long the favorite residence of the Castilian princes, 
though not the acknowledged capital of the coun- 
try. Indeed there was no city, since the time of 
the Visigoths, that could positively claim that pre- 
eminence. This honor was reserved for Madrid, 
which became the established residence of the 
court under Philip, who in this but carried out 
the ideas of his father, Charles the Fifth. 

The emperor had passed much time in this 
place, where, strange to say, the chief recom- 
mendation to him seems to have been the cli- 
mate. Situated on a broad expanse of table- 
land, at an elevation of twenty-four hundred 
feet abo\e the level of the sea, the brisk and 
rarefied atmosphere of Madrid proved favorable 
to Charles's health. It preserved him, in particu- 
lar, from attacks of the fever and ague, which 
racked his constitution almost as much as the 
gout. In the ancient alcazar of the Moors he 
found a stately residence, which he made com- 
modious by various alterations. Philip extended 
these improvements. He added new apartments, 
and spent much money in enlarging and embellish- 
ing the old ones. The ceilings were gilded and 
richly carved. The walls were hung with tapes- 


tries, and the saloons and galleries decorated with 
sculpture and with paintings, — many of them the 
productions of native artists, the first disciples of 
a school which was one day to rival the great mas- 
ters of Italy. Extensive grounds were also laid 
out around the palace, and a park was formed, 
which in time came to be covered with a growth 
of noble trees, and well stocked with game. The 
alcazar^ thus improved, became a fitting residence 
for the sovereign of Spain. Indeed, if we may 
trust the magnificent vaunt of a contemporary, 
it was " allowed by foreigners to be the rarest 
thing of the kind possessed by any monarch in 
Christendom."^^ It continued to be the abode of 
the Spanish princes until, in 1734, in the reigii 
of Philip the Fifth, the building was destroyed 
by a fire, which lasted nearly a week. But it 
rose like a phoenix from its ashes ; and a new 
palace was raised on the site of the old one, of 
still larger dimensions, presenting in the beauty 
of its materials as well as of its execution one 
of the noblest monuments of the architecture of 
the eighteenth century.^* 

Having completed his arrangements, Philip es- 
tablished his residence at Madrid in 1563. The 

23 " Don Felipe Segundo nuestro ros." Juan Lopez, ap. Quintana, 

sonor, cl cual con mny suntuosas, Antiguedad, Nobleza y Grandcza 

y exquisltas fabricas dignas de tan delaVillay CortedcMadrid,p. 331. 
grande Principe, de nuevo le ilu- 24 Ibid., iibi supra. — Sylva, Po- 

stra, de manera que es, considera- blacion de Espafia, (Madrid, 1G75,) 

das todas sus calidades, la mas rara cap. 4. — Estrada, Poblacion de 

casa que ningun Principe tiene en Espana, (Madrid, 1748,) torn. I 

el mundo, a dicho de los estrange- p. 123. 

VOL. I. 59 


town then contained about twelve thousand in- 
habitants. Under the forcing atmosphere of a 
court, the population rose by the end of his 
long reign to three hundred thousand,^ — a 
number which it has probably not since ex- 
ceeded. The accommodations in the capital kept 
pace with the increase of population. Every- 
thing was built for duration. Instead of flimsy 
houses that might serve for a temporary residence, 
the streets were lined with strong and substantial 
edifices. Under the royal patronage public works 
on a liberal scale were executed. Madrid was 
ornamented with bridges, aqueducts, hospitals, 
the Museum, the Armory, — stately structures 
which even now challenge our admiration, ]iot 
less by the excellence of their designs than by 
the richness of their collections and the enlight- 
ened taste which they infer at this early period. 
In the opinion of its inhabitants, indeed we 
may say of the nation, Madrid surpassed, not 
only every other city m the country, but in 
Christendom. " There is but one Madrid," says 
the Spanish proverb.^^ "When Madrid is the 
theme, the world listens in silence ! " ^^ In a 
similar key, the old Castilian writers celebrate 

25 I quote the words of a work y quinientos y noventa y ocho, re- 

now become very scarce. " De partidas en trece Parroquias doce 

dos mil y quinicntas y veinte casas mil casas, y en ellas trescientas 

que tenia Madrid quando su Ma- mil personas y mas." Quintana, 

gestad traxo desde Toledo a clla Antiguedad de IMadrid, p. 331. 

la Corte, en las quales quando 26 " ^o hay sino un Madrid." 

mucho avria de doce mil a catorco -'^ " Donde Madrid esta, calle oj 

Diil personas, .... avia el ano de mil mundo." 


the glories of their capital, — the nursery of wit, 
genius, and gallantry, — and expatiate on the 
temperature of a climate propitious alike to the 
beauty of the women and the bravery of the 

Yet, with all this lofty panegyric, the foreigner 
is apt to see things through a very different me- 
dium from that through which they are seen by 
the patriotic eye of the native. The traveller to 
Madrid finds little to praise in a situation where 
the keen winds from the mountains come laden 
with disease, and where the subtle atmosphere, to 
use one of the national proverbs, that can hardly 
put out a candle, will extinguish the life of a 
man;^^ where the capital, insulated in the midst 
of a dreary expanse of desert, seems to be cut off 
from sympathy, if not from intercourse, with the 
provinces ; ^ and where, instead of a great river 
that might open to it a commerce with distant 
quarters of the globe, it is washed only by a 

28 " No SO conoce cielo mas bene- hand of a contemporary, afTords 
volo,masapaciblecHma,influxomas so striking a contrast to the prcs- 
favorablc, con que sobresalen her- ent time that it is worth quoting, 
mosos rostros, disposiciones gallar- " Corren por ella los ay res muy 
das, lucidos ingenios, cora9ones dclgados : por los quales sicpre 
valientes, y gcncrosos animos." bive la gete muy sana. Tienc mas 
Sylva, Poblacion de Espana, cap. 4. este lugar grades terminos y cam- 

29 » El aire de Madrid es tan sotil pos muy fertiles : los qualcs Ilamft 

Que mata a un hombrc, y no apaga lomOS de IVIadrid. Por que cojen 

aun candii" c^ gHos mucho pan y vino, y otras 

30 Lucio Marineo gives a very cosas necessarias y matenimicntos 
different view of the environs of muy sanos." Cosas Memoiables 
Madrid in Ferdinand and Isabel- de Espana, fol. 1.3. 

la's time. The picture, by the 


stream, — " the far-famed Manzanares," — the bed 
of which in summer is a barren watercourse. The 
traveller may well doubt whether the fanciful ad- 
vantage, so much vaunted, of being the centre of 
Spain, is sufficient to compensate the manifold 
evils of such a position, and even whether those 
are far from truth who find in this position one 
of the many causes of the decline of the national 

A full experience of the inconveniences of the 
site of the capital led Charles the Third to con- 
template its removal to Seville. But it was too 
late. Madrid had been too long, in the Castilian 
boast, " the only court in the world," ^^ — the focus 
to which converged talent, fashion, and wealth 
from all quarters of the country. Too many 
patriotic associations had gathered round it to 
warrant its desertion ; and, in spite of its local 
disadvantages, the capital planted by Philip the 
Second continued to remain, as it will probably 
ever remain, the capital of the Spanish monarchy. 

31 Such at least is Ford's opin- 32 « Solo Madrid es corte." 

ion. (See the Handbook of Spain, Ford, who has certainly not 

p. 720 et seq.) His clever and ministered to the vanity of the 

caustic remarks on the climate of Madrileno, has strung together 

Madrid will disenchant the trav- these various proverbs with good 

ellcr whose notions of the capital effect, 
have been derived only from the 
reports of the natives. 



The Reformation. — Its Progress in the Netherlands. — General Dis- 
content. — William of Orange. 

The middle of the sixteenth century presented 
one of those crises which have occurred at long 
intervals in the history of Europe, when the course 
of events has had a permanent influence on the 
destiny of nations. Scarcely forty years had elapsed 
since Luther had thrown down the gauntlet to the 
Vatican, by publicly burning the papal bull at 
Wittenberg. Since that time, his doctrines had 
been received in Denmark and Sweden. In Eng- 
land, after a state of vacillation for three reigns, 
Protestantism, in the peculiar form which it still 
wears, was become the established religion of the 
state. The fiery cross had gone round over the 
niils and valleys of Scotland, and thousands and 
tens of thousands had gathered to hear the word 
of life from the lips of Knox. The doctrines of 
Luther were spread over the northern parts of 
Germany, and freedom of worship was finally 
guarantied there, by the treaty of Passau. The 
Low Countries were the " debatable land," on 
8 2P 


which the various sects of Eeformers, the Lu- 
theran, the Calvinist, the English Protestant, con- 
tended for mastery with the established church. 
Calvinism was embraced by some of the cantons 
of Switzerland, and at Geneva its great apostle 
had fixed his head-quarters. His doctrines were 
widely circulated through France, till the divided 
nation was preparing to plunge into that worst 
of all wars, in which the hand of brother is 
raised against brother. The cry of reform had 
even passed the Alps, and was heard under the 
walls of the Vatican. It had crossed the Pyrenees. 
The king of Navarre declared himself a Protestant ; 
and the spirit of the Keformation had secretly in- 
sinuated itself into Spain, and taken hold, as we 
have seen, of the middle and southern provinces 
of the kingdom. 

A contemporary of the period, who reflected on 
the onward march of the new religion over every 
obstacle in its path, who had seen it gather under 
its banners states and nations once the most loyal 
and potent vassals of Pome, would have had little 
reason to doubt that, before the end of the century, 
the Peform would have extended its sway over the 
whole of Christendom. Fortunately for Catholi- 
cism, the most poAverful empire in Europe was in 
the hands of a prince who was devoted with his 
whole soul to the interests of the Church. Philip 
the Second understood the importance of his posi- 
tion. His whole life proves that he felt it to be 
his especial mission to employ his great resources 

Ch. v.] tiie reformation. 471 

to restore the tottering fortunes of Catholicism, and 
stay the progress of the torrent which was sweep* 
ing away every landmark of the primitive faith. 

We have seen the manner in which he crushed 
the efforts of the Protestants in Spain. This was 
the first severe blow struck at the Keformation. 
Its consequences cannot well be exaggerated ; not 
the immediate results, which would have been 
little without the subsequent reforms and increased 
activity of the Church of Rome itself. But the 
moral mfluence of such a blow, when the minds of 
men had been depressed by a long series of reverses, 
is not to be estimated. In view of this, one of the 
most eminent Roman Catholic writers does not 
hesitate to remark, that " the power and abilities of 
Philip the Second afforded a counterpoise to the 
Protestant cause, which prevented it from making 
itself master of Europe." -^ The blow was struck ; 
and from this period little beyond its present 
conquests was to be gained for the cause of the 

It was not to be expected that Philip, after hav- 
ing exterminated heresy in one part of his domin- 
ions, should tolerate its existence in any other ; 
least of all, in a country so important as the Neth- 
erlands. Yet a little reflection might have satis- 
fied him that the same system of measures could 
hardly be applied with a prospect of success to two 
countries so differently situated as Spain and the 

* Balmes, Protestantism and Catholicity compared, p. 215. 


Netherlands. The Eomish faith may be said to 
have entered into the being of the Spaniard. It was 
not merely cherished as a form of religion, but as 
a prmciple of honor. It was part of the national 
history. For eight centuries the Spaniard had 
been fighting at home the battles of the Church. 
Nearly every inch of soil in his own country was 
won by arms from the infidel. His wars, as I 
have more than once had occasion to remark, were 
all wars of religion. He carried the same spirit 
across the waters. There he was still fighting the 
infidel. His life was one long crusade. How 
could this champion of the Church desert her in 
her utmost need ] 

With this predisposition, it was easy for Philip 
to enforce obedience in a people naturally the most 
loyal to their princes, to whom, moreover, since 
the fatal war of the Comunidades, they had been 
accustomed to pay an almost Oriental submission. 
Intrenched behind the wall of the Pyrenees, Spain, 
we must bear in mind, felt little of the great shock 
which was convulsing France and the other states 
of Europe ; and with the aid of so formidable an 
engine as the Inquisition, it was easy to extermi- 
nate, before they could take root, such seeds of 
heresy as had been borne by the storm across the 

The Netherlands, on the other hand, lay like a 
valley among the hills, which drinks in all the 
waters of the surrounding country. They were a 
common reservoir for the various opinions whicli 


agitated the nations on their borders. On th^ 
south were the Lutherans of Germany. The 
French Huguenots pressed them on the west ; 
and by the ocean they held communication with 
England and the nations of the Baltic. The sol- 
dier quartered on their territory, the seaman who 
visited their shores, the trader who trafficked in 
their towns, brought with them different forms of 
the new religion. Books from France and from 
Germany circulated widely among a people, nearly 
all of whom, as we have seen, were able to read. 

The new doctrines were discussed by men accus- 
tomed to think and act for themselves. Freedom 
of speculation on religious topics soon 'extended to 
political. It was the natural tendency of reform. 
The same spirit of free inquiry which attacked the 
foundations of unity of faith, stood ready next to 
assail those of unity of government ; and men be- 
gan boldly to criticize the rights of kings and the 
duties of subjects. 

The spu'it of independence was fostered by the 
institutions of the country. The provinces of the 
Netherlands, if not republican in form, were filled 
with the spirit of republics. In many of their 
features they call to mind the free states of Ital} 
in the Middle Ages. Under the petty princes who 
ruled over them in early days, they had obtained 
charters, as we have seen, which secured a certain 
degree of constitutional freedom. The province of 
Brabant, above all, gloried in its ^'•Joyexise Entree^^ 
«vhich guarantied privileges and immunities of a 

vor. 1-8 GO 2 r* 


more liberal character than those possessed by the 
other states of the Netherlands. When the prov- 
inces passed at length nnder the sceptre of a single 
sovereign, he lived at a distance, and the govern- 
ment was committed to a viceroy. Since their 
connection with Spain, the administration had been 
for the most part in the hands of a woman ; and 
the delegated anthority of a woman pressed bnt 
lightly on the independent temper of the Flemings. 
Yet Charles the Fifth, as we have seen, partial 
as he was to his countrymen in the Netherlands, 
could ill brook their audacious spirit, and made 
vigorous efforts to repress it. But his zeal for the 
spiritual welfare of his people never led him to 
overlook their material interests. He had no de- 
sign by his punishments to cripple their strength, 
much less to urge them to extremity. When the 
regent, Mary of Hungary, his sister, warned him 
that his laws bore too heavily on the people to 
be endured, he was careful to mitigate their sever- 
ity. His edicts in the name of religion were, in- 
deed, written in blood. But the frequency of their 
repetition shows, as already remarked, the imper- 
fect manner in which they were executed. This 
was still further proved by the prosperous condi- 
tion of the people, the flourishing aspect of the 
various branches of industry, and the great enter- 
prises to facilitate commercial intercourse and fos- 
ter the activity of the country. At the close of 
Charles's reign, or rather at the commencement 
of his successors, in 1560, was completed the 


grand canal extending from Antwerp to Brussels, 
the construction of which had consumed thirt}- 
years, and one million eight hundred thousand 
florins.^ Such a work, at such a period, — the 
fruit, not of royal patronage, but of the public 
spirit of the citizens, — is evidence both of large 
resources and of wisdom in the direction of them. 
In this state of things, it is not surprising that 
the Flemings, feeling their own strength, should 
liave assumed a free and independent tone little 
grateful to the ear of a sovereign. So far had this 
spirit of liberty or license, as it was termed, in- 
creased, in the latter part of the emperor's reign, 
that the Hegent Mary, when her bi'other abdicated, 
chose also to resign, declaring, in a letter to him, 
that " she would not continue to live with, much 
less to reign over, a people whose manners had 
undergone such a change, — in whom respect for 
God and man seemed no longer to exist." ^ 

A philosopher who should have contemplated 
at that day the condition of the country, and the 
civilization at which it had arrived, might feel 

2 " II y avolt bicn 30. ans que en ces pays, avec los mceurs des- 
reiix (Ic Brusselles avoyent com- quelz ne me s9aurois ny ne vou- 
mencd, ct avoyent perce des col- drois accommoder; la fidellte du 
lines, des champs et cliemins, des- monde et respect envers Dieu et 

quels lis avoient achapte les fonds son prince si corrompuz, que 

des proprietaires, on y avoit faict ne desirerois pas seullement de les 

40, grandes escluses et cou- pas gouverner, mais aussy 

sta dix huits cent mille florins." me fasche de le veoir, conu;noistre 

Meteren, Hist, des Pays-Bas, tom. et de vivre entre telles gens.' 

I. fol. 2G. Papiers d'Etat de Granvelle, tom 

3 " Jc vols uno grande jounosse IV. p. 4 7(5. 


satisfied that a system of toleration in religious 
matters would be the one best suited to the genius 
of the people and the character of their institu- 
tions. But Philip was no philosopher ; and tolera- 
tion was a virtue not understood, at that time, by 
Calvinist any more than by Catholic. The ques- 
tion, therefore, is not whether the end he proposed 
was the best one ; — on this, few at the present 
day will differ ; — but whether Philip took the 
best means for effecting that end. This is the 
point of view from which his conduct in the 
Netherlands should be criticized. 

Here, in the outset, he seems to ha^ve fallen into 
a capital error, by committing so large a share in 
the government to the hands of a foreigner, — 
Granvelle. The country was filled with nobles, 
some of them men of the highest birth, whose 
ancestors were associated with the most stirring 
national recollections, and who were endeared, 
moreover, to their countrymen by their own ser- 
vices. To several of these Philip himself was under 
no slight obligations for the aid they had afforded 
him in the late war, — on the fields of Gravelines 
and St. Quentin, and in the negotiation of the 
treaty which closed his hostilities with France. 
It was hardly to be expected that these proud 
nobles, conscious of their superior claims, and 
accustomed to so much authority and deference 
in their own land, would tamely submit to the 
control of a stranger, a man of obscure family, like 
his father indebted for his elevation to the loyal 

Ch. v.] discontent in the NETHERLANDS 471 

Besides these great lords, there was a numerous 
aristocracy, inferior nobles and cavaliers, many of 
whom had served under the standard of Charles 
in his long wars. They there formed those for 
midable companies of ordonnance, whose fame per- 
haps stood higher than that of any other corps cf 
the imperial cavalry. The situation of these men 
now disbanded, and, with their rovmg military 
habits, hanging loosely on the country, has been 
compared by a modern author to that which, on 
the accession of the Bourbons, was occupied by 
the soldiers whom Napoleon had so often led to 
victory.* To add to their restlessness, many of 
these, as well as of the higher nobility, were em- 
barrassed by debts contracted in their campaigns, 
or by too ambitious expenditure at home, espe* 
cially in rivalry with the ostentatious Spaniard. 
" The Flemish nobles," says a writer of the time, 
••' were too many of them oppressed by heavy debts 
and the payment of exorbitant interest. They 
spent twice as much as they were worth on their 
palaces, furniture, troops of retainers, costly liver- 
ies, their banquets and sumptuous entertainments 
of every description, — in fine, in every form of 
luxury and superfluity that could be devised. 
Thus discontent became prevalent through the 
country, and men anxiously looked forward to 
some change." ^_ 

4 Gerlache, Ilistoire du Royaume ^ " Es meiiester ver como la 
(les Pays-Bas, (Bruxelles, 1842,) nobleza se ha desde mucho tiempc 
torn. I. p. 71. desmandada y cniponada por usura 


Still another element of discontent, and one 
that extended to all classes, was antipathy to the 
Spaniards. It had not been easy to repress this 
even under the rule of Charles the Fifth, who had 
shown such manifest preference for his Flemish 
subjects. But now it was more decidedly called 
out, under a monarch whose sympathies lay alto- 
gether on the side of their rivals. No doubt this 
popular sentiment is to be explained partly by 
the contrast afforded by the characters of the 
two nations, so great as hardly to afford a point 
of contact between them. But it may be fairly 
charged, to a great extent, on the Spaniards 
themselves, who, while they displayed many noble 
and magnanimous traits at home, seemed desir- 
ous to exhibit only the repulsive side of their 
character to the eye of the stranger. Cold and 
impenetrable, assuming an arrogant tone of su- 
periority over every other nation, in whatever land 
it was their destiny to be cast, England, Italy, 
or the Netherlands, as allies or as enemies, we 
find the Spaniards of that day equally detested. 
Brought with them, as the people of the Nether- 
lands were, under a common sceptre, a spirit of 

y gastos supei'fluos, gastando casi zado antes cle la yda de ?u mar 

mas que doble de lo que tenian en gestad a Espafia. Y desde enton- 

edlficios, muebles, festines, danzas, ces uvo un descontento casi general 

mascaradas, f liegos de dados, naipes, en el pais y esperanz-a de esta gente 

vestidos, libreas, seguimiento de asi alborotada de veer en poco 

criados y generalmente en todas tiempo una mudanza." Renom de 

guertes de deleytes, luxuria, y su- Francia, Alborotos de FlandtB, 

peifluidad, lo que se avia comen- ]\1S. 

Ch. v.] discontent in the NETHERLANDS. 47D 

comparison and rivalry grew up, which induced 
a thousand causes of irritation. 

The difficulty was still further increased by 
the condition of the neighboring countries, where 
the minds of the inhabitants were now in the 
highest state of fermentation in matters of re- 
ligion. In short, the atmosphere seemed every- 
where to be in that highly electrified condition 
which bodes the coming tempest. In this critical 
state of things, it was clear that it was only by a 
most careful and considerate policy that harmony 
could be maintained in the Netherlands ; a pol- 
icy manifesting alike tenderness for the feelings 
of the nation and respect for its institutions. 

Havmg thus shown the general aspect of things 
when the duchess of Parma entered on her regency, 
towards the close of 1559, it is time to go forward 
with the narrative of the prominent events which 
led to the War of the Revolution. 

AVe have already seen that Philip, on leaving 
the country, lodged the administration nominally 
in three councils, although in truth it was on 
the council of state that the weight of govern 
ment actually rested. Even here the nobles who 
composed it were of little account in matters of 
real importance, which were reserved for a corir 
sulfa, consistmg, besides the regent, of Granvelle, 
Count Barlaimont, and the learned jurist Viglius 
As the last two were altogether devoted to Gran 
velle, and the regent was instructed to defer greatly 
to his judgment, the government of the Nether- 


lands may be said to have been virtually deposited 
in the hands of the bishop of Arras. 

At the head of the Flemish nobles in the coun- 
cil of state, and indeed in the country, taking mto 
view their rank, fortune, and public services, stood 
Count Egmont and the prince of Orange. I have 
already given some account of the former, and the 
reader has seen the important part which he took 
in the great victories of Gravelines and St. Quen- 
tin. To the prince of Orange Philip had also 
been indebted for his counsel in conducting the 
war, and still more for the aid which he had af- 
forded in the negotiations for peace. It will be 
proper, before going further, to give the reader 
some particulars of this celebrated man, the great 
leader in the war of the Netherlands. 

"William, prince of Orange, was born at Dillen- 
burg, in the German duchy of Nassau, on the 
twenty-fifth of April, 1533. He was descended 
from a house, one of whose branches had given * 
an emperor to Germany ; and William's own an- 
cestors were distinguished by the employments 
they had held, and the services they had ren- 
dered, both in Germany and the Low Countries. 
It was a proud vaunt of his, that Philip was 
under larger obligations to him than he to Philip ; 
and that, but for the house of Nassau, the king 
of Spain Avould not be able to write as many titles 
as he now did after his name.^ 

* Apologic (Ic Guillaume IX. Prince d'Orangc contrc la Proscrip. 


When eleven years old, by the death of his 
cousin E,ene he came into possession of a large 
domain in Holland, and a still larger property in 
Brabant, where he held the title of Lord of Breda. 
To these was added the splendid inheritance of 
Chalons, and of the principality of Orange : 
which, however, situated at a distance, in the 
heart of France, might seem to be held by a 
somewhat precarious tenure. 

William's parents were both Lutherans, and in 
their faith he was educated. But Charles saw 
with displeasure the false direction thus given 
to one who at a future day was to occupy so 
distinguished a position among his Flemish vas- 
sals. With the consent of his parents, the child, 
in his twelfth year, was removed to Brussels, to 
be brought up in the family of the emperor's 
sister, the Regent Mary of Hungary. However 
their consent to this step may be explained, it 
certainly seems that their zeal for the spiritual 
welfare of their son was not such as to stand 
in the way of his temporal. In the family of 
the regent the youth was bred a Catholic, while 
in all respects he received an education suited 
to his rank.^ It is an interesting fact, that his 

tion de Philippe 11. Roi d'Espagne, conduct of William's parents, on 

presentee aux Etats Gcncraux the ground, chiefly, that they had 

des Pays-Bas, le 13 Decembre, reason to think their son, aftei j>U, 

1580, ap. Dumont, Corps Diplo- might be allowed to worship ac- 

matique, torn. V. p. 384. cording to the way in which he 

' M. Groen Van Prinstercr has had been educated (p. 195). But 

taken some pains to explain the whatever concessions to the Protr- 

VOL. I. 8 ^1 2 Q 


preceptor Avas a younger brother of Granvelle, — • 
the man with whom William was afterwards 
to be placed in an attitude of such bitter hos- 

When fifteen years of age, the prince was taken 
into the imperial household, and became the page 
of Charles the Fifth. The emperor was not slow 
in discerning the extraordinary qualities of th^ 
youth ; and he showed it by intrusting him, as 
he grew older, with various important commis- 
sions. He was accompanied by the prince on 
his military expeditions, and Charles gave a re- 
markable proof of his confidence in his capacity, 
by raising him, at the age of twenty-two, over 
the heads of veteran ofiicers, and giving him the 
command of the imperial forces engaged in the 
siege of Marienburg. During the six months 
that William was in command, they were still 
occupied with this siege, and with the construc- 
tion of a fortress for the protection of Flanders. 
There was little room for military display. But 
the troops were in want of food and of money, and 
their young commander's conduct under these em- 
barrassments was such as to vindicate the wisdom 
of his appointment. Charles afterwards employed 
him on several diplomatic missions, — a more con- 

eatants may have been wrung from to allow one of his own househoM, 
Charles by considerations of pub- one to whom he stood in the re- 
lic policy, we suspect few who have lation of a guardian, to be nur- 
Btudied his character will believe tured in the faith of heretics, 
that he would ever have consented 


genial field for the exercise of his talents, which 
appear to have been better suited to civil than to 
military affairs. 

The emperor's regard for the prince seems to 
have increased with his years, and he gave pub- 
lic proof of it, in the last hour of his reign, by 
leaning on William's shoulder at the time of his 
abdication, when he made his parting address to 
the states of the Netherlands. He showed this 
still further by selecting him for the honorable 
mission of bearing the imperial crown to Ferdi- 

On his abdication, Charles earnestly commended 
William to his successor. Philip profited by his 
services in the beginning of his reign, when the 
prince of Orange, who had followed him in the 
French war, was made one of the four plenipo- 
tentiaries for negotiating the treaty of Cateau- 
Cambresis, for the execution of which he re 
mained as one of the hostages in France. 

While at the court of Henry the Second, 
it will be remembered, the prince became ac- 
quainted with the secret designs of the French 
and Spanish monarchs against the Protestants 
in their dominions ; and he resolved, from that 
hour, to devote all his strength to expel the 
" Spanish vermin " from the Netherlands. One 
must not infer from this, however, that William, 
at this early period, meditated the design of 
shaking off the rule of Spain altogether. The 
object he had in view went no further than to 


relieve the country from the odious presence of 
the Spanish troops, and to place the administra- 
tion in those hands to which it rightfully belonged. 
They, however, who set a revolution in motion 
have not always the power to stop it. If they can 
succeed in giving it a direction, they will probably 
be carried forward by it beyond their mtended lim- 
its, until, gathering confidence with success, they 
aim at an end far higher than that which they had 
originally proposed. Such, doubtless, was the case 
with William of Orange. 

Notwithstanding the emperor's recommendation, 
the prince of Orange was not the man whom Philip 
selected for his confidence. Nor was it possible 
for William to regard the king with the same 
feelings which he had entertained for the em- 
peror. To Charles the prince was under ob- 
vious obligations for his nurture in early life. 
His national pride, too, was not wounded by 
having a Spaniard for his sovereign, since Charles 
was not by birth, much less in heart, a Spaniard. 
All this was reversed in Philip, in whom William 
saw only the representative of a detested race. 
The prudent reserve which marked the char- 
acter of each, no doubt, prevented the outward 
demonstration of their sentiments ; but from 
their actions we may readily infer the instinctive 
aversion which the two parties entertained for 
each other. 

At the early age of eighteen, William married 
Anne of Egmont, daughter of the count of Bur en. 


The connection was a happy one, if we may trust 
the loving tone of their correspondence. Un 
happily, in a few years their union was dissolved 
by the lady's death. The prince did not long 
remain a widower, before he made proposals to 
the daughter of the duchess of Lorraine. The 
prospect of such a match gave great dissatisfaction 
to Philip, who had no mind to see his Flemish 
vassal allied with the family of a great feudatory 
of France. Disappointed in this quarter, William 
next paid his addresses to Anne of Saxony, an 
heiress, whose large possessions made her one 
of the most brilliant matches in Germany. Wil- 
liam's passion and his interest, it was remarked, 
kept time well together. 

The course of love, however, was not destined 
to run smoothly on the present occasion. Anne 
was the daughter of Maurice, the great Lutheran 
champion, the implacable enemy of Charles the 
Fifth. Left early an orphan, she had been reared 
in the family of her uncle, the elector of Saxony, 
in the strictest tenets of the Lutheran faith. Such 
a connection was, of course, every way distasteful 
to Philip, to whom William was willing so far 
to defer as to solicit his approbation, though he 
did not mean to be controlled by it.^ The corre- 
spondence on the subject, in which both the regent 
and Granvelle took an active part, occupies as 
much space in collections of the period as more 

8 See particularly Margaret's let- Corrcspondance de Mai'giierite 
t^.r to the klnnf, of INIarch 13, 15G0, d'Autrichc, p. 260 et seq. 

« 2 Q* 


important negotiations. The prince endeavored to 
silence the king's scruples, by declaring that he 
was too much a Catholic at heart to marry any 
woman who was not of the same persuasion as him- 
self ; and that he had received assurances from the 
elector that his wife in this respect should entirely 
conform to his wishes. The elector had scruples 
as to the match, no less than Philip, though on 
precisely the opposite grounds; and, after the 
prince's assurance to the king, one is surprised 
to find that an understanding must have existed 
with the elector that Anne should be allowed 
the undisturbed enjoyment of her own religion.^ 
This double-dealing leaves a disagreeable im- 
pression in regard to William's character. Yet 
it does not seem, to judge from his later life, 
to be altogether inconsistent with it. Machia- 
velli is the author whom he is said to have had 
most frequently in his hand;-^^ and in the policy 
with which he shaped his course, we may some- 
times fancy that we can discern the influence 
of the Italian statesman. 

The marriage was celebrated with great pomp 
at Leipsic, on the twenty-fifth of August, 1561. 
The king of Denmark, several of the electors, and 
many princes and nobles of both Germany and the 

* M. Groen Van Prlnsterer has matrimonial diplomacy. See Ar- 

industriously collated the corre- chives de la Maison d'Orange* 

spondence of the several parties, Nassau, torn. I. p. 202. 

which must be allowed to form an ^o Mcmoires de Granvelle, torn 

edifying chapter in the annals of I. p. 251. 


Low Countries, were invited guests ; and the whole 
assembly present on the occasion was estimated at 
nearly six thousand persons.^^ The king of Spain 
complimented the bride by sending her a jewel 
worth three thousand ducats.^^ It proved, however, 
as Granvelle had predicted, an ill-assorted union. 
After living together for nearly thirteen years, the 
prince, weary of the irregularities of his wife, sepa- 
rated from her, and sent her back to her friends in 

During his residence in Brussels, William easily 
fell into the way of life followed by the Flemish 
nobles. He was very fond of the healthy exercise 
of the chase, and especially of hawking. He was 
social, indeed convivial, in his habits, after the 
fashion of his countrymen ; ^^ and was addicted to 
gallantries, which continued long enough, it is 
said, to suggest an apology for the disorderly con- 
duct of his wife. He occupied the ancient palace 
of his family at Brussels, where he was surrounded 
by lords and cavaliers, and a numerous retinue of 
menials.^^ He lived in great state, displaying a 

11 Raumer, Ilist. Tasch., p. 109, la Maison d' Orange-Nassau, torn, 
ap. Archives de la Maisond'Orange- I. p. 200*.) The same contem- 
Nassau, torn. I. p. 115. porary tells us that there were 

12 Correspondance de Margue- few princes in Germany who had 
rite d'Autriche, p. 284. not one cook, at least, that had 

13 It may give some idea of the served an apprenticeship in Wil- 
Bcale of AVilliam's domestic estab- Ham's kitchen, — the best school 
lishment to state, that, on reducing in that day for the noble science 
i; to a more economical standard, of gastronomy. 

twenty-eight head-cooks were dis- l^ " Audivi rem domesticam sic 
missed. (Van der Haer, De Initiis splcndide habuisse ut ad ordinari- 
Tumult., p. 182, ap. Archives de um domus ministei-ium haberet 24 


profuse magnificence in his entertainments ; and 
few there were, natives or foreigners, who had any 
claim on his hospitality, that did not receive it.^^ 
By this expensive way of life, he encumbered his 
estate with a heavy debt ; amounting, if we may 
take Granvelle's word, to nine hundred thousand 
florins.^^ Yet, if William's own account, but one 
year later, be true, the debt was then brought 
within a very moderate compass. ^^ 

With his genial habits and love of pleasure, and 
with manners the most attractive, he had not 
the free and open temper which often goes along 
with them. He was called by his contempora- 
ries "William the Silent." Perhaps the epithet 
was intended to indicate not so much his taci- 
turnity, as that impenetrable reserve which locked 
up his secrets closely within his bosom. No man 
knew better how to keep his counsel, even from 
those who acted with him. But while masking 
[lis own designs, no man was more sagacious in 

Nobiles, pueros vero Nobiles (Pa- mene k sa suite des comtes, des 

gios nomlnamus) 18." Ibid., ubi barons et beaucoup d'autres gen- 

supra. tilsbommes d'AlIemagne, doit, pour 

15 " Rei domesticae splendor, fa- le moins, 900,000 fl." Correspon- 
mulorumque et asseclarum multi- dance dc Philippe II., torn. I. p. 
tudo magnis Principlbus par. Nee 239. 

ulla toto Belgio sedes hospitalior, ^"^ In January, 1564, we find 

ad quam frequentliis peregrini Pro- him writing to his brother, " Puig 

ceres Legatique diverterent, exci- qu'il ne reste que h XV. cens flo- 

perenturque magnificentiiis, quhm rins par an, que serons bien tost 

Orangii domus." Strada, De Bello delivre des debtes." Archives de 

Belgico, p. 99. la Maison d' Orange-Nassau, tom 

16 " Le prince d'Orange, qui I. p. 19G. 
tient un grand dtat de maison, et 


penetrating those of others. He carried on an ex- 
tensive correspondence in foreign countries, and 
employed every means for getting information. 
Thus, while he had it in his power to outwit 
others, it was very rare that he became their dupe. 
Though on ordinary occasions frugal of words, 
when he did speak it was with effect. His elo- 
quence was of the most persuasive kind ; ^^ and as 
towards his inferiors he was affable, and exceed- 
ingly considerate of their feelings, he acquired an 
unbounded ascendency over his countrymen.-^^ It 
must be admitted that the prince of Orange pos- 
sessed many rare qualities for the leader of a great 

The course William took in respect to his wife's 
religion might lead one to doubt whether he were 
at heart Catholic or Protestant ; or indeed whether 
he were not equally indifferent to both persuasions. 
The latter opinion might be strengthened by a re- 
mark imputed to him, that " he would not have 
his wife trouble herself with such melancholy 
books as the Scriptures, but instead of them amuse 

18 " H estoit d'une eloquence " Commencement de I'HistoIre des 

admirable, avec laquelle il mettoit Troubles des Pays-Bas, advenuz 

en evidence les conceptions su- soubz le Gouvernement de Ma- 

blimes de son esprit, et faisoit plier dame la Ducliesse de Parme." 
les aultres seigneurs de la court, ^9 "Sy estoit singulicrementaime 

ainsy que bon luy sembloit." Ga- et bien vollu de la commune, pour 

chard, (Correspondance de Guil- une gracieuse fa^on de faire (pi'il 

laumeleTaciturne,tom.n., Preface, avoit de saluer, caresscr et arrai- 

p. 3,) who quotes a manuscript of sonner privement et faniilibrement 

the sixteenth century, preserved tout le mondc." Ibid., ubi supra, 
in the library of Arras, entitled, 

VOL. I. G2 


herself with Amadis de Gaul, and other pleasant 
works of the kind."^^ "The prince of Orange," 
says a writer of the time, " passed for a Catholic 
among Catholics, a Lutheran among Lutherans. 
If he could, he would have had a religion com- 
pounded of both. Li truth, he looked on the 
Christian religion like the ceremonies which Numa 
introduced, as a sort of politic invention." ^^ Gran- 
velle, in a letter to Philip, speaks much to the 
same purpose.^^ These portraits were by un- 
friendly hands. Those who take a different view 
of his character, while they admit that in his 
early days his opinions in matters of faith were 
unsettled, contend that in time he became sincerelv 
attached to the doctrines which he defended with 
his sword. This seems to be no more than natu- 
ral. But the reader will have an opportunity of 
judging for himself, when he has followed the 
great chief through the changes of his stormy 

It would be strange, indeed, if the leader in a 
religious revolution should have been himself with- 

20 " II ne roccuperoit point de moins que les ceremonies, divina- 
ces clioses melancoliques, mais il tions et superstitions que Numa 
lu: feroit Tire, au lieu des Saintes- Pompilius introduisit k, Rome." 
Ecritures, Amadis de Gaule et Commencement del'Hist. des Trou- 
d'autres livres amusants du meme bles, MS., ap. Gacliard, Cor. de 
genre." Archives de la Maison Guillaume, torn. IL, Preface, p. 5. 
d'Orange-Nassau, tom. I. p. 203*. 22 u Tantot Catholique, tantot 

21 " II estoit du nombre de ceulx Calviniste ou Luther'en selon les 
qui pensent que la religion chresti- differentes occasions, et selon ses 
enne soit une invention politique, divers desseins." Memoir'vs do 
pour contenir le peuple en office Granvelle, tom. II. p. 54. 

par voie de Dieu, non plus ni 


out any religious convictions. One thing is certainj 
he possessed a spirit of toleration, the more honor- 
able that in that day it was so rare. He con- 
demned the Calvinists as restless and seditious ; 
the Catholics, for their bigoted attachment to a 
dogma. Persecution in matters of faith he totally 
condemned, for freedom of judgment in such mat- 
ters he regarded as the inalienable right of man.^ 
These conclusions, at which the world, after an 
incalculable amount of human suffering, has been 
three centuries in arriving, (has it altogether ar- 
rived at them yef?) must be allowed to reflect 
great credit on the character of William. 

23 " Estimant, ainsy que falsoient avoir soustenu une opinion, jasoit 

lors bcaucoup de catholiques, que qu'elle fut erronee." MS. quoted 

c'estoit chose cruelle de faire mou- by Gachard, Cor. de Guillaunu* 

tir ung homme, pour seulement torn. II., Preface, p. 4. 



Gn)unds of Complaint. — The Spanish Troops. — The New Bishoprics 
— Influence of Granvelle. — Opposed by the Nobles. — His Un- 

1559 - 1562. 

The first cause of trouble, after Philip's de- 
parture from the Netherlands, arose from the 
detention of the Spanish troops there. The king 
had pledged his word, it will be remembered, that 
they should leave the country by the end of four 
months, at farthest. Yet that period had long 
since passed, and no preparations were made for 
their departure. The indignation of the people 
rose higher and higher at the insult thus offered 
by the presence of these detested foreigners. It 
was a season of peace. No invasion was threat- 
ened from abroad ; no insurrection existed at 
home. There was nothing to require the main- 
tenance of an extraordinary force, much less of one 
composed of foreign troops. It could only be that 
the king, distrusting his Flemish subjects, designed 
to overawe them by his mercenaries, in sufficient 
strength to enforce his arbitrary acts. The free 


spirit of the Netheiianders was roused by these 
suggestions, and they boldly demanded the removal 
of the Spaniards. 

Granvelle himself, who would willingly have 
pleased his master by retaining a force in the 
country on which he could rely, admitted that the 
project was impracticable. " The troops must be 
withdrawn," he wrote, " and that speedily, or the 
consequence will be an insurrection."^ The states 
would not consent, he said, to furnish the neces- 
sary subsidies while they remained. The prince 
of Orange and Count Egmont threw up the com- 
mands intrusted to them by the king. They dared 
no longer hold them, as the minister added, it was 
so unpopular.^ 

The troops had much increased the difficulty by 
their own misconduct. They were drawn from the 
great mass, often the dregs, of the people ; and 
their morals, such as they were, had not been im- 
proved in the life of the camp. However strict 
their discipline in time of active service, it was 
greatly relaxed in their present state of inaction ; 
and they had full license, as well as leisure, to 
indulge their mischievous appetites, at the expense 

1 " No se vce que puedan que- que aunque tuvlessen la mayor 
dar aqui mas tiempo sin grandissi- voluntad del mundo para servir en 
mo peligro de que dende agora las esto d V. M. de tener cargo mas 
cosas entrassen en alboroto." Pa- tiempo de los Espanoles, no lo 
piers d'Etat de Granvelle, tom. VI. osarian emprender si bolviessen, 
p. 16?. por no perderse y su credito y re- 

2 " Ilarto se declaran y el Pri'n- putacion con estos estados." Ibid., 
cipc d'Orangcs y Mons^ d'Egraont p. 197. 

8 2R 


of the unfortunate districts in which they were 

Yet Philip was slow in returning an answer to 
the importunate letters of the regent and the min- 
ister ; and when he did reply, it was to evade their 
request, lamenting his want of funds, and declar- 
ing his purpose to remove the forces so soon as he 
could pay their arrears. The public exchequer 
was undoubtedly at a low ebb ; lower in Spain 
than in the Netherlands.^ But no one could be- 
lieve the royal credit so far reduced as not to be 
able to provide for the arrears of three or four 
thousand soldiers. The regent, however, saw that, 
with or without instructions, it was necessary to 
act. Several of the members of the council became 
sureties for the payment of the arrears, and the 
troops were ordered to Zealand, in order to embark 
for Spain. But the winds proved unfavorable. 
Two months longer they were detained, on shore 
or on board the transports. They soon got into 
brawls with the workmen employed on the dikes ; 
and the inhabitants, still apprehensive of orders 

3 Some notion of the extent of no less than nine millions of ducats, 

these emryrriissmcnts may be " Where the means of meeting this 

formed from a schedule prepared are to come from," Philip bitterly 

by the king's own hand, in Sep- remarks, " I do not know, un- 

tember, 1560. From this it ap- less it be from the clouds, for all 

pears that the ordinary sources of usual resources are exhausted." 

revenue were already mortgaged : This was a sad legacy, entailed on 

and that, taking into view all avail- the young monarch by his fathers 

able means, there was reason to ambition. The document is to be 

fear there would be a deficiency found in the Papicrs d'Etat do 

at the end of the following year of Granvellc, tom. VI. pp. 156 - lOi* 


from the king countermanding the departure of 
the Spaniards, resolved, in such an event, to aban 
don the dikes, and lay the country under water ! ^ 
Fortunately, they were not driven to this extremity. 
In January, 1561, more than a year after the date 
assigned by Philip, the nation was relieved of the 
presence of the intruders.^ 

Philip's conduct in this aiFair it is not very easy 
to explain. However much he might have desired 
originally to maintain the troops in the Nether- 
lands, as an armed police on which he could rely 
to enforce the execution of his orders, it had 
become clear that the good they might do in 
quelling an insurrection was more than counter- 
balanced by the probability of their exciting one. 
It was characteristic of the king, however, to 
be slow in retreating from any position he had 
taken ; and, as we shall often have occasion to 
see, there was a certain apathy or sluggishness in 
his nature, which led him sometimes to leave 
events to take their own course, rather than to 
shape a course for them himself. 

This difficulty was no sooner settled, than it 
was followed by another scarcely less serious. We 
have seen, in a former chapter, the arrangements 
made for adding thirteen new bishoprics to the 

* " Dlzen todos los de aquella d'Etat de Granvelle, torn. VI. p. 

isla que antes se dexaran ahogar 200. 

con olios, que de poner la mano 5 Correspondance de Philippe 

rtias adelante en el reparo tan ne- II., torn. I. p. 192. — Strada, De 

tessario de los diquos." Paj)iers Bello Belgico, p. 11 1. 



four already existing in the Netherlands. Tlie 
measure, in itself a good one, and demanded by 
the situation of the country, was, from the posture 
of affairs at that time, likely to meet with opposi 
tion, if not to occasion great excitement. For this 
reason, the whole affair had been kept profoundly 
secret by the government. It was not till 1561 
that Philip disclosed his views, in a letter to some 
of the principal nobles in the council of state. 
But, long before that time, the project had taken 
wind, and created a general sensation through the 

The people looked on it as an attempt to subject 
them to the same ecclesiastical system which existed 
in Spain. The bishops, by virtue of their office, 
were possessed of certain inquisitorial powers, and 
these were still further enlarged by the provisions 
of the royal edicts. Philip's attachment to the 
Inquisition was well understood, and there was 
probably not a child in the country who had not 
heard of the auto de fe which he had sanctioned by 
his presence on his return to his dominions. The 
present changes were regarded as part of a great 
scheme for introducing the Spanish Inquisition 
into the Netherlands.^ However erroneous these 
conclusions, there is little reason to doubt they 

8 " Hase con industria persua- to Philip, Papiers d'Etat de Gran- 
dido d los pueblos que V. M. quiere velle, torn. VI. p. 554. See also 
poner aqui a mi instancia la in- Correspondance de Philippe II., 
quislcion de Espana so color de torn. I., passim, 
los nuevos obispados" Granvelle 


were encouraged by those who knew their fal- 

The nobles had other reasons for opposing the 
measure. The bishops would occupy in the legis- 
lature the place formerly held by the abbots, who 
were indebted for their election to the religious 
houses over which they presided. The new prel- 
ates, on the contrary, would receive their nomina- 
tion from the crown ; and the nobles saw with 
alarm their own independence menaced by the ac- 
cession of an order of men who would naturally be 
subservient to the interests of the monarch. That 
the crown was not insensible to these advantages 
is evident from a letter of the minister, in which 
he sneers at the abbots, as " men fit only to rule 
over monasteries, ever willing to thwart the king, 
and as perverse as the loAvest of the people." ^ 

But the greatest opposition arose from the man- 
ner in which the new dignitaries were to be main- 
tained. This was to be done by suppressing the 
offices of the abbots, and by appropriating the 
revenues of their houses to the maintenance of 

7 " Los quales, aunque pueden The intention of the crown ap- 

Ber d proposito para administrar pears more clearly from the rather 

sus abadias, olvidan el beneficio frank avowal of Granvelle to the 

recebido del principe y en las duchess of Parma, made indeed 

cosas de su servicio y beneficio some twenty years later, 1582, 

comun de la provincia son durlssi- that it was a great object with 

mos, y tan rudes para que se les Philip to aflbrd a counterpoise in 

pueda persuadir la razon, como the states to the authority of Wil- 

sena qualquier menor hombre del Ham and his associates. Archives 

pueblo." Paplers d'Etut de Gran- de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, 

velle, tom. VI. p. 18. tom. VIII. p. 9G. 

VOL. I. 8 a^ 2 R * 

498 OrPOSITION to the government. [Book II. 

the bishops. For this economical arrangement 
Granvelle seems to have been chiefly responsible. 
Thus the income — amounting to fifty thousand 
ducats — of the abbey of Afflighen, one of the 
wealthiest in Brabant, was to be bestowed on 
the archiepiscopal see of Mechlin, to be held by 
the minister himself^ In virtue of that dignity, 
Granvelle would become primate of the Nether 

Loud was the clamor excited by this arrange- 
ment among the members of the religious frater- 
nities, and all those who directly or indirectly had 
any interest in them. It was a manifest perversion 
of the funds from the objects for which they had 
been given to the institutions. It was interfering 
with the economy of these institutions, protected 
by the national charters ; and the people of Bra- 
bant appealed to the ^^ Joyeuse Entree.'" Jurists 
of the greatest eminence, in different parts of Eu- 
rope, were consulted as to the legality of these 
proceedings. Thirty thousand florins were ex- 
pended by Brabant alone in this matter, as well as 
in employing an agent at the court of Rome to 
exhibit the true state of the affair to his holiness, 
and to counteract the efforts of the Spanish gov- 

The reader may remember, that, just before Phil- 
ip's departure from the Netherlands, a bull arrived 
from Home authorizing the erection of the new 

8 Paplers d'Etat dc Granvelle, ^ Vandervynckt, Troubles del 
torn. VL p. 17. Pays-Bas, torn. II. p. 71. 


bishoprics. This was but the initiator}' step. 
Many other proceedings were necessary before the 
consummation of the affair. Owing to impedi- 
ments thrown in the way by the provinces, and 
the habitual tardiness of the court of Rome, nearly 
three years elapsed before the final briefs were 
expedited by Pius the Fourth. New obstacles 
were raised by the jealous temper of the Flemings, 
who regai'ded the whole matter as a conspiracy of 
the pope and the king against the liberties of the 
nation. Utrecht, Gueldres, and three other places, 
refused to receive their bishops ; and they never 
obtained a footing there. Antwerp, which was to 
have been made an episcopal see, sent a commis- 
sion to the king to represent the ruin this would 
bring on its trade, from the connection supposed 
to exist between the episcopal establishment and 
the Spanish Inquisition. For a year the king 
would not condescend to give any heed to the 
remonstrance. Fie finally consented to defer the 
decision of the question till his arrival in the 
country ; and Antwerp was saved from its bishop.^^ 
In another place we find the bishop obtaining 
an admission through the management of Cran- 

io Papiers d'Etat de Granvelle, commuted for the annual payment 

torn. VI. p. 612. — Correspondance of eight thousand ducats for the 

de Philippe II., torn. I. p. 2G3. — support of the bishops. Tliis 

Meteren, Hist, des Pays-Bas, foL agreement, as well as that with 

SI. Antwerp, was afterwards set aside 

By another arrangement the by the unscrupulous Alva, who 
obligations of Afflighen and the fully carried out the original in- 
other abbevs of Brabant were tcntions of the crown. 


velle, who profited by the temporary absence of 
the nobles. Nowhere were the new prelates re- 
ceived with enthusiasm, but, on the contrary, 
wherever they were admitted, it was with a 
coldness and silence that intimated too plainly 
the aversion of the inhabitants. Such was the 
case with the archbishop of Mechlin himself, who 
made his entry into the capital of his diocese 
with not a voice to cheer or to welcome him." 
In fact, everywhere the newly elected prelate 
seemed more like the thief stealthily climbing into 
the fold, than the good shepherd who had come 
to guard it. 

Meanwhile the odium of these measures fell 
on the head of the minister. No other man had 
been so active in enforcing them, and he had 
the credit universally with the people of having 
originated the whole scheme, and proposed it to 
the sovereign. But from this Philip expressly 
exonerates him in a letter to the regent, in 
which he says, that the whole plan had been 
settled long before it was communicated to Gran- 
velle.^^ Indeed, the latter, with some show of 
reason, demanded whether, being already one 
of four bishops m the country, he should be 
likely to recommend a plan which would make 

11 Vandervynckt, Troubles des meme dans le principe un mystere 
Pays-Bas, torn. 11. p. 7 7. au cardinal, et que eelui-ci n'en eut 

12 " En ce qui concerne les connaissance q.ue lorsque Taffalre 
nouveaux eveches, le Rol declare etait dejh bicn avancce." Corre- 
que jamais Gran velle ne lui en spondance de Philippe II., torn. I 
consellla I'erectlon ; qu'Il en fit p. 207. 


him only one of seventeen. ^^ This appeal to self 
interest did not wholly satisfy those who thought 
that it was better to be the first of seventeen, than 
to be merely one of four where all were equal. 

Whatever may have been Granvelle's original 
way of thinking in the matter, it is certain that, 
whether it arose from his accomm(»dating temper, 
or fronj his perceptions of the advantages of the 
scheme being quickened by his prospect of the pri- 
macy, he soon devoted himself, heart as well as 
hand, to carry out the royal views. " I am con- 
vinced," he writes, in the spring of. 1560, to 
Philip's secretary, Perez, " that no measure could 
be more advantageous to the country, or more 
necessary for the support of religion ; and if 
necessary to the success of the scheme, I would 
willingly devote to it my fortune and my life." ^* 

Accordingly we find him using all his strength 
to carry the project through, devising expedients 
for raising the episcopal revenues, and thus oc- 
cupying a position which exposed him to genera] 
obloquy. He felt this bitterly, and at times, even 
with all his constancy, was hardly able to endure it. 
" Though I say nothing," he writes in the month 
of September, 1561, to the Spanish ambassador in 
Rome, " I feel the danger of the situation in which 
the king has placed me. All the odium of these 
measures falls on my head ; and I only pray that a 

13 Archives de la Maison d'O- de sa fortune, de son sang et de sa 
range-Nassau, torn. VIII. p. 54. propre vie." Correspondance de 

*^ " H serait prct k y contribuer Philippe II., torn. I. p. 189. 


remedy for the evil may be found, though it should 
be by the sacrifice of myself Would to God 
the erection of these bishoprics had never been 
thought of!"i^ 

In February, 1561, Granvelle received a cardi- 
nal's hat from Pope Pius the Fourth. He did 
not show the alacrity usually manifested in accept- 
ing this distinguished honor. He had obtained 
it by the private intercession of the duchess of 
Parma ; and he feared lest the jealousy of Philip 
might be alarmed, were it to any other than him- 
self that his minister owed this distinction. But 
the king gave the proceeding his cordial sanction, 
declaring to Granvelle that the reward was no 
higher than his desert. 

Thus clothed with the R-oman purple, primate 
of the Netherlands, and first minister of state, 
Granvelle might now look down on the proudest 
noble in the land. He stood at the head of both 
the civil and the ecclesiastical administration ol 
the country. All authority centred in his person. 
Indeed, such had been the organization of the 
council of state, that the minister might be said 
to be not so much the head of the government 
as the government itself. 

The affairs of the council were conducted in the 

15 « Yeo el odio de los Estados pensado en esta ereccion destaa 

cargar sobre mi, mas pluguiesse a yglesias ; amen^ amen.** Archives 

Dies que con sacrificarme fuesse de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, 

todo remediado Que plugi- torn. I. p. 117. 

era a Dies que jamas se huviera 


manner prescribed by Philip. Ordinary business 
passed through the hands of the whole body ; but 
aiFaii's of moment were reserved for the cardinal 
and his two coadjutors to settle with the regent. 
On such occasions the other ministers were not 
even summoned, or, if summoned, such only 
of the despatches from Spain as the minister 
chose to communicate were read, and the re- 
mainder reserved for the consulta. When, as did 
sometimes happen, the nobles carried a meas- 
ure in opposition to Granvelle, he would refer 
the whole question to the court at Madrid.^^ By 
this expedient he gained time for the present, 
and probably obtained a decision in his favor at 
last. The regent conformed entirely to the car- 
dinal's views. The best possible understanding 
seems to have subsisted between them, to judge 
from the tone of their correspondence with Philip, 
in which each of the parties bestows the most un- 
qualified panegyric on the other. Yet there was a 
strange reserve in their official intercourse. Even 
when occupying the same palace, they are said to 
have communicated with each other by writing.^^ 
The reason suggested for this singular proceeding 
is, that it might not appear, from their being much 
together, that the regent was acting so entirely 
under the direction of the minister. It is certain 
that both Margaret and Granvelle had an uncom- 
mon passion for letter-writing, as is shown by the 

'6 Melcrcn, Hist, dcs Pays-Bas, i^ Strada, dc Bcllo Bclgico, jn 
fol. G3. 88. 



length and number of their epistles, particularly 
to the king. The cardinal especially went into 
a gossiping minuteness of detail, to which few 
men in his station would have condescended. 
But his master, to whom his letters at this 
period were chiefly addressed, had the virtue of 
patience in an extraordinary degree, as is evinced 
by the faithful manner in which he perused these 
despatches, and made notes upon them with his 
own hand. 

The mmister occupied a palace m Brussels, 
and had another residence at a short distance from 
the capital.^^ He maintained great pomp in his 
establishment, was attended by a large body of 
retainers, and his equipage and liveries were dis- 
tinguished by their magnificence. He gave nu- 
merous banquets, held large levees^ and, in short, 
assumed a state in his manner of living which 
corresponded with his station, and did no violence 
to his natural taste. We may well believe that 
the great lords of the country, whose ancestors 
had for centuries filled its highest places, must 
have chafed as they saw themselves thrown into 
the shade by one whose fortunes had been thus 
suddenly forced to this unnatural height by the 
sunshine of royal favor. Their indignation was 
heightened by the tricky arrangement, which, while 
it left them ciphers in the administration, made 
them responsible to the people for its measures. 
And if the imputation to Granvelle of arrogance, 

18 Vaiidcrvynckt, Troubles des Pays-Bas, torn. II. p. 52. 


in the pride of his full-blown fortunes, was war- 
ranted, feelings of a personal nature may have 
mingled with those of general discontent. 

But, however they may have felt, the Flemish 
lords must be allowed not to have been precipitate 
in the demonstration of their feelings. It is not 
till 1562 that we observe the cardinal, in his corre- 
spondence with Spain, noticing any discourtesy in 
the nobles, or intimating the existence of any mis- 
understanding with them. In the spring of the 
preceding year we find the prince of Orange " com- 
mending himself cordially and affectionately to the 
cardinal's good-will " ; and subscribing himself, 
"your very good friend to command." ^^ In four 
months after this, on the twenty-thu'd of July, we 
have a letter from this " very good friend " and 
Count Egmont, addressed to Philip. In this epis- 
tle the writers complain bitterly of their exclusion 
from all business of importance in the council of 
state. They were only invited to take part in 
deliberations of no moment. This was contrary to 
the assurance of his majesty when they reluctant- 
ly accepted office ; and it was in obedience to his 
commands to advise him if this should occur that 
they now wrote to him.^ Nevertheless, they should 

19 Correspondance de Gulllaume Netherlands. Granvelle, singularly 

le Taciturne, torn. 11. p. 15. enough, notices this in a letter to 

^ The nobles, it appears, had the Regent Mary, in 1555, treating 

complained to Philip that they had it as a mere suspicion on their 

been made to act this unworthy part. (See Correspondance do 

part in the cabinet of the duke Guillaume le Taciturne, torn. IL, 

of Savoy, when regent of the Preface, p. ix.) The course of 


have still continued to bear the indignity in si- 
lence, had they not found that they were held 
responsible by the people for measures in which 
they had no share.^^ — Considering the arrangement 
Philip had made for the consulta, one has little 
reason to commend his candor in this transaction, 
and not much to praise his policy. As he did not 
redress the evil, his implied disavowal of being 
privy to it would hardly go for anything with the 
injured party. In his answer, Philip thanked the 
nobles for their zeal in his service, and promised to 
reply to them more at large on the return of Count 
Hoorne to Flanders.^^ 

There is no reason to suppose that Granvelle 
was ever acquainted with the fact of the letter 
having been written by the two lords. The privi- 
lege claimed by the novelist, who looks over the 
shoulders of his heroes and heroines when they 
are inditing their epistles, is also enjoyed by the 
historian. With the materials rescued from the 
mouldering archives of the past, he can present 
the reader with a more perfect view of the motives 
and opinions of the great actors in the drama three 
centuries ago, than they possessed in respect to one 
another. This is particularly true of the period 
before us, when the correspondence of the parties 
interested was ample in itself, and, through the 
care taken of it, in public and private collections, 

things under the present regency 21 Correspondance de Philippe 
may be thought to show there was II., torn. I. p. 195. 
good ground for this suspicion. 22 Ibid., p. 197. 


has been well preserved. Such care was seldom be« 
stowed on historical documents of this class before 
the sixteenth century. 

It is not till long — nearly a year — after the date 
of the preceding letter, that anything appears to 
intimate the existence of a coldness, much less of an 
open rupture, between Granvelle and the discon- 
tented nobles. Meanwhile, the religious troubles in 
France had been fast gathering to a head ; and the 
opposite factions ranged themselves under the ban- 
ners of their respective chiefs, prepared to decide the 
question by arms. Philip the Second, who stood 
forth as the champion of Catholicism, not merely 
in his own dominions, but throughout Christendom, 
watched with anxiety the struggle going forward in 
the neighboring kingdom. It had the deeper inter- 
est for him, from its influence on the Low Countries. 
His Italian possessions were separated from France 
by the Alps ; his Spanish, by the Pyrenees. But 
no such mountain barrier lay between France and 
Flanders. They were not even separated, in the 
border provinces, by difference of language. Every 
shock giv^en to France must necessarily be felt in 
the remotest corner of the Netherlands. Gran- 
velle was so well aware of this, that he besought 
the king to keep an eye on his French neighbors, 
and support them in the maintenance of the Ho- 
man Catholic religion. " That they should be 
maintained in this is quite as important to us 
as it is to them. Many here," he adds, " would 
be right glad to see affairs go badly for the Catho- 


lies in that kingdom. No noble as yet among us 
has openly declared himself. Should any one do 
so. God only could save the country from the fate 
of France." ^^ 

Acting on these hints, and conformably to his 
own views, Philip sent orders to the regent to 
raise two thousand men, and send them across the 
borders to support the French Catholics. The 
orders met with decided resistance in the council 
of state. The great Flemish lords, at this time, 
must have affected, if they did not feel, devotion 
to the established religion. But they well knew 
there was too large a leaven of heresy in the coun- 
try to make these orders palatable. They felt no 
desire, moreover, thus unnecessarily to mix them- 
selves up with the feuds of France. They repre- 
sented that the troops could not safely be dispensed 
with in the present state of feeling at home ; and 
that, if they marched against the Protestants of 
France, the German Protestants might be expected 
to march against them. 

Granvelle, on the other hand, would have en- 
forced the orders of Philip, as essential to the 
security of the Netherlands themselves. Mar- 
garet, thus pressed by the opposite parties, felt 
the embarrassment of either course. The alterna- 

23 " Que bien claro muestran guno destos senores se haya decla- 

muchos que no les pesaria de que rado, que si lo hlziera alguno, otro 

fuessen mal, y que, si lo de alle que DIos no pudlera estorvar que 

diesse al traves, bien breveniente lo de aqui no siguiera el camino 

Be yria por aca el mismo camino. de Francia." Correspondance de 

Y ha sido muestra diclia, que nin- Philippe II., torn. I. p. 230. 


tive presented was, that of disobeying the king, or 
of incurring the resentment, perhaps the resistance, 
of the nation. Orange and Egmont besought her 
to convoke the states-general, as the only safe 
counsellors in such an emergency. The states 
had often been convened on matters of less mo- 
ment by the former regent, Mary of Hungary. 
But the cardinal had no mind to invoke the inter- 
ference of that " mischievous animal, the people." ^ 
He had witnessed a convocation of the states 
previous to the embarkation of Philip ; and he 
had not forgotten the independent tone then as- 
sumed by that body. It had been, indeed, the 
last injunction of the king to his sister, on no 
account to call a meeting of the national legisla- 
ture till his return to the country. 

But while on this ground Margaret refused to 
summon the states-general, she called a meeting of 
the order of the Golden Fleece, to whom she was 
to apply for counsel on extraordinary occasions. 
The knights of the order consisted of persons of 
the highest consideration in the country, including 
the governors of the provinces. In May, 1562, 
they assembled at Brussels. Before meeting in 
public, the prince of Orange invited them to a 
conference in his own palace. He there laid be- 
fore them the state of the country, and endeavored 
to concert with the members some regular system 
of resistance to the exclusive and arbitrary course 

^ " Ce mediant animal nomme words, In a letter to the king, 
le peuple " ; — the cardinal's own Ibid., p. 290. 

8 2 S* 


of the minister. Although no definite action took 
place at that time, most of those present would 
seem to have fallen in with the views of the prince. 
There were some, however, who took opposite 
ground, and who declared themselves content with 
Granvelle, and not disposed to prescribe to their 
sovereign the choice of his ministers. The fore- 
most of these were the duke of Arschot, a zealous 
Catholic, and Count Barlaimont, president of the 
council of finance, and, as we have already seen, al- 
together devoted to the minister. This nobleman 
communicated to Margaret the particulars of the 
meeting in the prince's palace ; and the regent 
was careful to give the knights of the order such 
incessant occupation during the remainder of their 
stay in the capital, as to afibrd the prince of 
Orange no opportunity of pursuing his scheme 
of agitation.^^ 

Before the assembly of the Golden Fleece had 
been dissolved, it was decided to send an envoy to 
the king to lay before him the state of the country, 
both in regard to the religious excitement, much 
stimulated in certain quarters by the condition of 
France, and to the financial embarrassments, which 
now pressed heavily on the government. The 
person selected for the ofiB.ce was Florence de 
]^[ontmorency, lord of Montigny, a cavalier who 
had the boldness to avow his aversion to any inter- 
ference with the rights of conscience, and whose 

25 Strada, De Bello Belgico, p. 145. — Correspondance do Philippe 
IT., torn. I. p. 202. 


sympathies, it will be believed, were not on the 
side of the minister. 

Soon after his departure, the vexed question of 
aid to France was settled in the council by com- 
muting personal service for money. It was de- 
cided to raise a subsidy of fifty thousand crowns, 
to be remitted at once to the French govern- 

Montigny reached Spain in June, 1562. lie 
was graciously received by Philip, who, in a pro- 
tracted audience, gathered from him a circumstan- 
tial account of the condition of the Netherlands. 
In answer to the royal queries, the envoy also ex- 
posed the misunderstanding which existed between 
the minister and the nobles. 

But the duchess of Parma did not trust this 
delicate affair to the representations of Montigny. 
She wrote herself to her brother, in Italian, which, 
when she would give her own views on matters 
of importance, she used instead of French, ordi- 
narily employed by the secretaries. In Italian 
she expressed herself with the greatest fluency, 
and her letters in that language, for the purpose 
of secrecy, Avere written with her own hand. 

The duchess informed the king of the troubles 
that had arisen with the nobles ; charging Orange 
and Egmont, especially, as the source of them. 
She accused them of maliciously circulating ru- 
mors that the cardinal had advised Philip to 

36 Correspondance de Philippe IT., torn. I. pp. 210, 214. 


invade the country with an armed force, and to 
cut oiF the heads of some five or six of the princi- 
pal malecontents.^^ She paid a high tribute to the 
minister's loyalty, and his talent for business ; and 
she besought the king to disabuse Montigny in 
respect to the common idea of a design to intro- 
duce the Spanish Inquisition into the country, 
and to do violence to its institutions. 

The war was now openly proclaimed between 
the cardinal and the nobles. Whatever decorum 
might be preserved in their intercourse, there was 
no longer any doubt as to the hostile attitude in 
which they were hereafter to stand in respect to 
each other. In a letter written a short time 
previous to that of the regent, the cardinal gives 
a brief view of his situation to the king. The 
letter is written in the courageous spirit of one 
who does not shrink from the dangers that menace 
him. After an observation intimating no great 
confidence in the orthodoxy of the prince of 
Orange, he remarks : " Though the prince shows 
me a friendly face, when absent he is full of dis- 
content. They have formed a league against me," 
he continues, " and threaten my life. But I have 
little fear on that score, as I think they are much 
too wise to attempt any such thing. They com- 
plain of my excluding them from office, and en- 
deavoring to secure an absolute authority for your 

27 « A qui ils Imputent d'avoir en force, pour conquerir le pays.*' 
^rit au Roi qu'il fallait eouper une Ibid., p. 203. 
demi-douzaine de tetes, et venir 


majesty. All which they repeat openly at their 
banquets, with no good eiFect on the people. Yet 
never were there governors of the provinces who 
possessed so much power as they have, or who had 
all appointments more completely in their own 
hands. In truth, their great object is to reduce 
your majesty and the regent to the condition of 
mere ciphers in the government." 

" They refuse to come to my table," he adds, 
" at which I smile. I find guests enough in the 
gentry of the country, the magistrates, and even 
the worthy burghers of the city, whose good-will 
it is well to conciliate against a day of trouble. 
These evils I bear with patience, as I can. For 
adversity is sent by the Almighty, who will recom- 
pense those who suffer for religion and justice." 
The cardinal was fond of regarding himself in the 
light of a martyr. 

He concludes this curious epistle with beseech- 
ing the king to come soon to the Netherlands ; 
" to come well attended, and with plenty of money ; 
since, thus provided, he will have no lack of troops, 
if required to act abroad, while his presence will 
serve to calm the troubled spirits at home."^^ The 
politic minister says nothing of the use that might 
be made of these troops at home. Such an inti- 
mation would justify the charges already brought 

28 " Lo principal es que venga y su presencia valdra mncho para 

con dinero y credito, que con esto assossegar todo lo de sus siibditos." 

no faltara gente para lo que se Papiers d'P^tat de Gi-anvelle, torn, 

huviesse de hazer con los vezinos, VI. p. 5G2. 

VOL. I. G5 


against him. He might safely leave his master 
to make that application for himself 

In December, 1562, Montigny returned from 
his mission, and straightway made his report to 
the council of state. He enlarged on the solici- 
tude which Philip had shown for the interests of 
the country. Nothing had been further from his 
mind than to introduce into it the Spanish In- 
quisition. He was only anxious to exterminate 
the growing heresy from the land, and called on 
those in authority to aid in the good work with 
all their strength. Finally, though pressed by 
want of funds, he promised, so soon as he could 
settle his affairs in Spain, to return to Flanders. — 
It was not unusual for Philip to hold out the idea 
of his speedy return to the country. The king's 
gracious reception seems to have had some effect 
on Montigny. At all events, he placed a degree 
of confidence in the royal professions, in which the 
sceptical temper of William was far from acquies- 
cing. He intimated as much to his friend, and 
the latter, not relishing the part of a dupe, 
which the prince's language seemed to assign to 
him, retorted in an angry manner; and some- 
thing like an altercation took place between the 
two lords, in the presence of the duchess. At 
least, such is the report of the historians.^^ But 
historians in a season of faction are not the best 

29 Vandervynckt, Troubles des 24, — a doubtful authority, it nmst 
Pays-Bas, torn. II. p. 91. — Me- be admitted, 
moires de Granvelle, toni. 11. p. 

Ch. VI.] orrosED by the nobles. 515 

authorities. In the troubles before us we have 
usually a safer guide in the correspondence ot 
the actors. 

By Montigny despatches were also brought from 
Philip for the duchess of Parma. They contained 
suggestions as to her policy in reference to the 
factious nobles, whom the king recommended to 
her, if possible, to divide by sowing the seeds of 
jealousy among them.^^ Egmont was a stanch 
Catholic, loyal in his disposition, ambitious, and 
vain. It would not be difficult to detach him 
from his associates by a show of preference, which, 
while it flattered his vanity, would excite in them 
jealousy and distrust. 

In former times there had been something of 
these feelings betwixt Egmont and the prince of 
Orange. At least there had been estrangement. 
This might, in some degree, be referred to the con- 
trast in their characters. Certainly no two char- 
acters could be more strongly contrasted with each 
other. Egmont, frank, flery, impulsive in his tem- 
per, had little in common with the cool, cau- 
tious, and calculating William. The showy qual- 
ities of the former, lying on the surface, more 
readily caught the popular eye. There was a 
depth in William's character not easy to be 

^ " It is not true," Philip re- adds the monarch, " it may per- 
marks, in a letter to the duchess haps be well enough to have re- 
dated July 17, 1562, '• that Gran- course to this measure." Corre* 
relle ever recommended me to cut spondance de Philippe 11., tom. I 
ufT half a dozen heads. Though," p. 207. 



fathomed, — an habitual reserve, which made it 
difficult even for those who knew him best al- 
ways to read him right. Yet the coolness be- 
tween these two nobles may have arisen less 
from difference of character than from similarity 
of position. Both, by their rank and services, took 
the foremost ground in public estimation, so that 
it was scarcely possible they should not jostle 
each other in the career of ambition. But how- 
ever divided formerly, they were now too closely 
united by the pressure of external circumstances 
to be separated by the subtle policy of Philip. 
Under the influence of a common disgust with 
the administration and its arbitrary measures, 
they continued to act in concert together, and, 
in their union, derived benefit from the very 
opposition of their characters. For what better 
augury of success than that afforded by the 
union of wisdom in council with boldness in 
execution 1 

The consequences of the troubles in France, as 
had been foreseen, were soon visible in the Low 
Countries. The Protestants of that time con- 
stituted a sort of federative republic, or rather 
a great secret association, extending through the 
different parts of Europe, but so closely linked 
together that a blow struck in one quarter in- 
stantly vibrated to every other. The Calvinists 
in the border provinces of the Low Countries 
felt, in particular, great sympathy with the 
movements of their French brethren. Many 

Ch. vl] resistance to the edicts. 517 

Huguenots took shelter among them. Others 
came to propagate their doctrines. Tracts in 
the French tongue were distributed and read with 
avidity. Preachers harangued m the conventicles ; 
and the people, by hundreds and thousands, openly 
assembled, and, marching in procession, chanted 
the Psalms of David in the translation of Marot.^^ 

This open defiance of the edicts called for the 
immediate interposition of the government. At 
Tournay two Calvinist preachers were arrested, 
and, after a regular trial, condemned and burned 
at the stake. In Valenciennes two others were 
seized, in like manner, tried, and sentenced to the 
same terrible punishment. But as the marquis of 
Bergen, the governor of the province, had left the 
place on a visit to a distant quarter, the execution 
was postponed till his return. Seven months thus 
passed, when the regent wrote to the marquis, 
remonstrating on his unseasonable absence from 
his post. He had the spuit to answer, that " it 
neither suited his station nor his character to 
play the part of an executioner."^^ The marquis 
of Bergen had early ranged himself on the side 
of the prince of Orange, and he is repeatedly 
noticed by Granvelle, in his letters, as the most 
active of the malecontents. It may well be believed 
he was no friend to the system of persecution pur- 

31 Strada, De Bello Belgico, pp. ^2 u Qu'ii n'etoit ni dc son ca- 

78, 79, 133, 134. — Renom de ractere ni de son honncur d'etre 

Francia, Alborotos de Flandes, le Bourreau des Hei-c'liqucs." IVle- 

MS. — Meteren, Hist, dcs Pays- moires de Granvelle, torn. I. p 

Bas, ibl. 31, 32. 304. 

8 2 T 

518 OPrOSrnON to the GOVER^HENT. [Book ii 

sued by the government. Urged by Granvelle, the 
magistrates of the city at length assumed the office 
of conducting the execution themselves. On the 
day appointed, the two martyrs were escorted to 
the stake. The funeral pile was prepared, and 
the torch was about to be applied, when, at a 
signal from one of the prisoners, the multitude 
around broke in upon the place of execution, 
trampled down the guards and officers of justice, 
scattered the fagots collected for the sacrifice, 
and liberated the victims. Then, throwing them- 
selves into a procession, they paraded the streets 
of the city, singing their psalms and Calvinistic 

Meanwhile the officers of justice succeeded in 
again arresting the unfortunate men, and carry- 
ing them back to prison. But it was not long 
before their friends, assembling in greater num- 
bers than before, stormed the fortress, forced the 
gates, and, rescuing the prisoners, carried them 
off in triumph. 

These high-handed measures caused, as may 
be supposed, great indignation at the court of 
the regent. She instantly ordered a levy of three 
thousand troops, and, placing them under the 
marquis of Bergen, sent them against the insur- 
gents. The force was such as to overcome all 
resistance. Arrests were made in great numbers, 
and the majesty of the law was vindicated by the 
trial and punishment of the ringleaders.^ 

^^ Strada, De BcUo Belgico, pp. 136, 137. — Ivcnoiu de Franti.\ 

Ch vi.j resistance to the edicts. 519 

" Rigorous and severe measures," wrote Philip, 
' are the only ones to be employed in matters 
of religion. It is by fear only that the rabble " 
— meaning by this the Reformers — " can be 
made to do their duty, and not always then."^ 
This liberal sentiment found less favor in the 
Low Countries than in Spain. " One must 
ponder well," writes the cardinal to Perez, the 
royal secretary, " before issuing those absolute 
decrees, which are by no means as implicitly 
received here as they are in Italy." ^ The 
Fleming appealed to his laws, and, with all the 
minister's zeal, it w^as found impossible to move 
forward at the fiery pace of the Spanish Inqui- 

" It would raise a tumult at once," he writes, 
" should we venture to arrest a man without the 
clearest evidence. No man can be proceeded 
against without legal proof." ^ But an insur- 
mountable obstacle in the way of enforcing the 
cruel edicts lay in the feelings of the nation. 
No law repugnant to such feelings can long be 
executed. " I accuse none of the nobles of being 
heretics," writes the regent to her brother; "but 

Alborotos de Flandes, MS. — con cl, no todas vezes." Papiers 

Brandt, Reformation in the Low d'Etat de Granvelle, torn. VI. p. 

Countries, vol. I. pp. 137, 138. 421. 

3-4 " En las [cosas] de la religion 35 Correspondance de Philippo 

no se 9ufre temporizar, sino casti- II., toni. I. p. 207. 

garlas con todo rigor y severidad, 36 Papiers d'Etat de Granvell^ 

que estos vlllacos sino es por mi- tom. VI. p. 280. 
edo no hazen cosa bucna, y aun 


they show little zeal m the cause of religion, while 
the magistrates shrink from their duty from fear 
of the people." ^^ " How absurd is it," exclaims 
Granvelle, " for depositions to be taken before 
the Inquisition in Spain, in order to search out 
heretics in Antwerp, where thousands are every 
day walking about whom no one meddles with ! " ^ 
" It is more than a year," he says, " since a sin- 
gle arrest on a charge of heresy has taken place 
in that city."^^ Yet whatever may have been 
the state of persecution at the present time, the 
vague dread of the future must have taken strong 
hold of people's minds, if, as a contemporary 
writes, there were no less than eighteen or 
twenty thousand refugees then in England, who 
had fled from Flanders for the sake of their 

The odium of this persecution all fell on the 
head of Granvelle. He was the tool of Spain. 
Spain was under the yoke of the Inquisition. 
Therefore it was clearly the minister's design to 
establish the Spanish Inquisition over the Neth- 
erlands. Such was the concise logic by which 
the people connected the name of Granvelle with 

37 " Quolqu'elle ne pulsse dire ^^ Ibid., ubi supra. 

qu'aucun des seigneurs ne soit pas ^ " C'est une grande confusion 
bon catholique, elle ne voit pour- de la multitude des nostres qui 
tant pas qu'ils procedent, dans les sont icy fuis pour la religion. On 
maticrcs religieuses, avec toute la les estime en Londres, Sandvich, 
olialeur qui serait necessaire." et comarque adjacente, de xviij h 
Correspondance de Philippe II , xx mille testes." Letter of As- 
torn. I. p. 240. sonleville to Granvelle, Ibid., p. 

38 Ibid., p. 202. 247. 


that of the most dreaded of tribunals.*^ He was 
held responsible for the contrivance of the most 
unpopular measures of government, as well as 
for their execution. A thousand extravagant 
stories were circulated both of his private and 
his political life, which it is probably doing no 
injustice to the nobles to suppose they did not 
take much pains to correct. The favorite of the 
prince is rarely the favorite of the people. But 
no minister had ever been so unpopular as Gran- 
velle in the Netherlands. He was hated by the 
nobles for his sudden elevation to power, and 
for the servile means, as they thought, by which 
he had risen to it. The people hated him, because 
he used that power for the ruin of their liberties. 
No administration — none certainly, if we except 
that of the iron Alva — was more odious to the 

Notwithstanding Granvelle's constancy, and the 
countenance he received from the regent and a 
few of the leading councillors, it was hard to 
bear up under this load of obloquy. He would 
gladly have had the king return to the country, 
and sustain him by his presence. It is the bur- 
den of his correspondence at this period. " It 
is a common notion here," he writes to the sec- 
retary Perez, " that they are all ready in Spain 

'*! " Et qu'aussy ne se feroit rien suyvroit, que tout se mettroit en 

par le Cardinal sans I'accord des la puissance et arbitrage d'iceulx 

Seigncu.-s et inquisiteurs d'Es- Seigneurs inquisiteurs d'Espalgne." 

paigne, dont necessairement s'en- Hopper, llecucilet Memorial, p. 24. 

VOL. 1-8 cn 2 T * 

522 orrOSITION to the government [Book tl. 

to sacrifice the Low Countries. The lords talk 
so freely, that every moment I fear an insur- 
rection For God's sake, persuade the 

king to come, or it will lie heavy on his con- 
science." ^ The minister complains to the secre- 
tary that he seems to be entirely abandoned by 
the government at home. " It is three months, " 
he writes, " since I have received a letter from the 
court. We know as little of Spain here as of the 
Indies. Such delays are dangerous, and may cost 
the king dear."*^ — It is clear his majesty exer- 
cised his royal prerogative of having the corre- 
spondence all on one side. At least his own 
share in it, at this period, was small, and his 
letters were concise indeed in comparison with the 
voluminous epistles of his minister. Perhaps there 
was some policy in this silence of the monarch. 
His opinions, nay, his wishes, would have, to 
some extent, the weight of laws. He would 
not, therefore, willingly commit himself He pre- 
ferred to conform to his natural tendency to trust 
to the course of events, instead of disturbing them 
by too precipitate action. The cognomen by which 
Philip is recognized on the rcll of Castilian prin- 
ces is " the Prudent." 

^^ " Que, pour I'amour de DIeu, nous ne savons pas plus que ceux 

le Rol se dispose h venir aux Pays- qui sont aux Indes Le delai 

Bas ! ce serait une grande que le Roi met a repondre aux 

rharge pour sa conscience, que de lettres qu'on lui adresse cause un 

ne le pas faire." Correspondance grand prejudice aux affaires ; il 

de Philippe IL, torn. I. p. 213. pourra couter cher un jour.* 

43 " Des choses de cette cour Ibid., p. 199. 



League against Granvelle. — Margaret desires his Removal. — PtUip 
deliberates. — Granvelle dismissed. — Leaves the Netherlands. 


While the state of feeling towards Granvelle, 
in the nation generally, was such as is described 
in the preceding chapter, the lords who were in 
the council of state chafed more and more under 
their exclusion from business. As the mask was 
now thrown away, they no longer maintained 
the show of deference which they had hitherto 
paid to the minister. From opposition to his 
measures, they passed to irony, ridicule, sarcasm ; 
till, finding that their assaults had little effect 
to disturb Granvelle's temper, and still less to 
change his policy, they grew at length less and 
less frequent in their attendence at the council, 
where they played so insignificant a part. This 
was a sore embarrassment to the regent, who 
needed the countenance of the great nobles to 
protect her with the nation, in the unpopular 
measures in which she was involved. 

Even Granvelle, with all his equanimity, con- 


sidered the crisis so grave as to demand some 
concession, or at least a show of it, on his own 
part, to conciliate the good-will of his enemies. 
He authorized the duchess to say that he was 
perfectly willing that they should be summoned 
to the consulta, and to absent himself from its 
meetings ; indeed, to resign the administration 
altogether, provided the king approved of it.^ 
Whether Margaret communicated this to the 
nobles does not appear ; at all events, as nothing 
came of these magnanimous concessions of the 
minister, they had no power to soothe the irrita- 
tion of his enemies.^ 

On the contrary, the disaffected lords were bend- 
ing their efforts to consolidate their league, of 
which Granvelle, it may be recollected, noticed 
the existence in a letter of the preceding year. 
We now find the members binding themselves 
to each other by an oath of secrecy.^ The per- 

* Correspondance de Philippe to the interests of the crown. 

II., torn. L pp. 236, 242. (Correspondance de Philippe IL, 

^ Philip's answer to the letter of torn. L p. 237.) This was the 

the duchess in which she stated royal policy of procrastination ! 
Granvelle's proposal was eminently ^ " Conclusero una lega contra 

characteristic. If Margaret could '1 Cardenal p' detto a diffesa com- 

not do better, she might enter into mune contra chi volesse ofl'endere 

negotiations with the malecontents alcun di loro, laqual confortorono 

on the subject ; but she should con solcnniss" giuramento, ne si 

take care to delay sending advices curarono che se non li particolari 

of it to Spain ; and the king, on fossero secreti per air hora ; ma 

his part, would delay as long as publicorono questa loro unione, et 

possible returning his answers. For questa lega fatta contra il Card'V 

the measure, Philip concludes, is Relatione di Tiepolo, MS. 
equally repugnant to justice and 


sons who formed this confederacy were the gover- 
nors of the provinces, the knights of the Goklen 
Fleece, and, in short, most of the aristocracy cf 
any consideration in the country. It seemed im- 
possible that any minister could stand against 
such a coalition, resting, moreover, on the sym- 
pathies of the people. This formidable associa- 
tion, seeing that all attempts to work on the 
cardinal were ineffectual, resolved at length to 
apply directly to the king for his removal. They 
stated that, knowing the heavy cares which pressed 
on his majesty, they had long dissembled and kept 
silence, rather than aggravate these cares by their 
complaints. If they now broke this silence, it was 
from a sense of duty to the king, and to save their 
country from ruin. They enlarged on the lam- 
entable condition of affairs, which, without specify- 
ing any particular charges, they imputed altogether 
to the cardinal, or rather to the position in which 
he stood in reference to the nation. It was impos- 
sible, they said, that the business of the country 
could prosper, where the minister who directed 
it was held in such general detestation by the 
people. They earnestly implored the king to take 
immediate measures for removing an evil which 
menaced the speedy ruin of the land. And they 
concluded with begging that they might be allowed 
to resign their seats in the council of state, where, 
in the existing state of affairs, their presence 
could be of no service. — This letter, dated the 
eleventh of March, 1563, was signed, on behalf of 


the coalition, by three lords who had places in the 
council of state, — the prince of Orange, Count 
Egmont, and Count Hoorne.* 

The last nobleman was of an ancient and most 
honorable lineage. He held the high office of 
admiral of the Netherlands, and had been gov- 
ernor both of Ziitphen and of Gueldres. He ac- 
companied Philip to Spain, and during his absence 
the province of Gueldres was transferred to an- 
other, Count Megen, for which Hoorne considered 
that he was indebted to the good offices of the 
cardinal. On his return to his own country, he at 
once enrolled himself in the ranks of the opposi- 
tion. He was a man of indisputable bravery, of a 
quick and impatient temper ; one, on the whole, 
who seems to have been less indebted for his 
celebrity to his character, than to the peculiar cir- 
cumstances in which he was placed. 

On the day previous to this despatch of the 
nobles, we find a letter to the king from Gran- 
velle, who does not seem to have been ignorant 
of what was doing by the lords. He had expos- 
tulated with them, he tells Philip, on the disloyalty 
of their conduct in thus banding against the gov- 
ernment, — a proceeding which in other times 
might have subjected them to a legal prosecution.^ 
He mentions no one by name except Egmont, 

4 Correspondance de Gulllaume Fiscales proceder." Archives de 
le Taciturne, torn. IL pp. 36-38. la Maison d' Orange-Nassau, torn 

5 " Que en otros tiempos per I. p. 151. 
menor causa se havia mandado a 

Ch. vil] league agae^st granvelle. 527 

whom he commends as more tractable and open to 
reason than his confederates. He was led away by 
evil counsellors, and Granvelle expresses the hope 
that he will one day open his eyes to his errors, 
and return to his allegiance. 

It is difficult to conceive the detestation, he 
goes on to say, in which the Spaniards are held 
by the nation. The Spaniards only, it was every- 
where said, were regarded by the court of Madrid 
as the lawful children ; the Flemings, as illegiti- 
mate.^ It was necessary to do away this impres- 
sion ; to place the Flemings on the same footing 
with the Spaniards ; to give them lucrative ap- 
pointments, for they greatly needed them, in Spain 
or in Italy ; and it might not be amiss to bestow 
the viceroyalty of Sicily on the prince of Orange. — 
Thus, by the same act, the politic minister would 
both reward his rivals and remove them from the 
country. But he greatly misunderstood the char- 
acter of William, if he thought in this way to buy 
aim off from the opposition. 

It was four months before the confederates 
received an answer ; during which time affairs 
continued to wear the same gloomy aspect as 
before. At length came the long-expected epistle 
from the monarch, dated on the sixth of June. 
It was a brief one. Philip thanked the lords 
for their zeal and devotion to his service. After 
well considering the- matter, however, he had not 

6 " Que solos los do Espafia scan que aqui y en Italia sc usa." Ibid., 
Icgitimos, que son las palabras do p. 153. 



found any specific ground of complaint alleged, to 
account for the advice given him to part with his 
minister. The king hoped before long to visit the 
Low Countries in person. Meanwhile, he should 
be glad to see any one of the nobles in Spain, to 
learn from him the whole state of the affair ; as it 
was not his wont to condemn his ministers Avith- 
out knowing the grounds on which they were 

The fact that the lords had not specified any 
particular subject of complaint against the cardinal 
gave the king an obvious advantage in the corre- 
spondence. It seemed to be too much to expect 
his immediate dismissal of the minister, on the 
vague pretext of his unpopularity, without a sin- 
gle instance of misconduct being alleged against 
him. Yet this was the position in which the 
enemies of Granvelle necessarily found themselves. 
The minister acted by the orders of the king. 
To have assailed the minister's acts, therefore, 
would have been to attack the king himself. 
Egmont, some time after this, with even more 
frankness than usual, is said to have declared at 
table to a friend of the cardinal, that " the blow 
was aimed not so much at the minister as at the 
monarch." ^ 

7 " Car ce n'est ma coiistume de advanche aujourd'huy huict jours 
grcver aucuns de mes ministres post pocula dire h Hopperus, avec 
Bans cause." Correspondance de lequel il fut bien deux heures en 
Gulllaumc Ic Taciturnc, torn. IL devises, que ce n'estoit point h 
p. 42. Granvelle que Ton en voulolt, 

8 " S'estant Ic comte d' Egmont mals au Roy, qui adminlstrc trcs- 


The discontent of the lords at receiving this 
laconic epistle may be imagined. They were in- 
dignant that so little account should be made of 
their representations, and that both they and the 
country should be sacrificed to the king's partiality 
for his minister. The three lords waited on the 
regent, and extorted from her a reluctant consent 
to assemble the knights of the order, and to confer 
with them and the other nobles as to the course 
to be taken. 

It was there decided that the lords should ad- 
dress a second letter, in the name of the whole 
body, to Philip, and henceforth should cease to 
attend the council of state.^ 

In this letter, which bears the date of July the 
twenty-ninth, they express their disappointment 
that his majesty had not come to a more definite 
resolution, when prompt and decisive measures 
could alone save the country from ruin. They 
excuse themselves from visiting Spain in the criti- 
cal state of affairs at home. At another time, and 
for any other purpose, did the king desire it, they 
would willingly do so. But it was not their de- 
sign to appear as accusers, and institute a process 
against the minister. They had hoped their own 
word in such an affair would have sufficed with 
his majesty. It was not the question whether the 

mal le public et mcsmcs ce de la de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, 

Religion, comme Ton luy at asscz torn. I. p. 247. 

adTerty." Morillon, Archdeacon 9 Corrcspondance de Philippe 

of Mechlin, to GranvcUe, Archives II., torn. I. pp. 256, 258, 259. 

VOL. I. 8 C7 2 U 


minister was to be condemned, but whether he 
was to be removed from an office for which he was 
in no respect qualiiied.^^ They had hoped their 
attachment and tried fidelity to the crown would 
have made it superfluous for them to go into a 
specification of charges. These, indeed, could be 
easily made, but the discontent and disorder which 
now reigned throughout the country were suffi- 
cient evidence of the minister's incapacity .-^^ 

They stated that they had acquainted the regent 
with their intention to absent themselves in future 
from the council, where their presence could be no 
longer useful ; and they trusted this would receive 
his majesty's sanction. They expressed their de- 
termination loyally and truly to discharge every 
trust reposed in them by the government ; and 
they concluded by apologizing for the homely 
language of their epistle, — for they were no 
haranguers or orators, but men accustomed to. 
act rather than to talk, as was suited to persons 
of their quality.^^ — This last shaft was doubtless 
aimed at the cardinal. — The letter was signed 

10 " H n'est pas icy question de fusion qui se trouve aujourd'huy 
grevcr ledict cardinal, ains plustost en vos pays de par dcca, ce seroit 
de Ic descharger, voire d'une charge assez tesmoinage de combien pcu 
laquelle non-seulement lui est peu sert icy sa presence, credit et 
convenable et comme extraordi- auctorite." Ibid., p. 46. 

naire, mais aussi ne peult plus estre 12 « Que ne sommes point de 

en ses mains, sans grand dangier nature grans orateurs ou haran- 

d'inconveniens et troubles." Cor- gueurs, et plus accoustumez a bien 

rcspondance de Guillaume le Taci- faire qu'a bien dire, comme aussy 

turne, torn. II. p. 45. il est mieulx scant a gens de nostro 

11 " Quant II n'y auroit que le qualitc." Ibid., p. 47. 
ddsordrc, nicscontentement et con- 


by the same triumvirate as the former. The ab- 
stract here given does no justice to the document, 
which is of considerable length, and carefully 
written. The language is that of men who to 
the habitual exercise of authority united a feeling 
of self-respect, which challenged the respect of 
their opponents. Such were not the men to be 
cajoled or easily intimidated. It was the first 
time that Philip had been addressed in this lofty 
tone by his great vassals. It should have opened 
his eyes to the condition and the character of his 
subjects in the Netherlands. 

The coalition drew up, at the same time, an 
elaborate " remonstrance," which they presented 
to Margaret. In it they set forth the various dis- 
orders of the country, especially those growing 
out of the state of religion and the embarrassment 
of the finances. The only remedy for these evils 
is to be found in a meeting of the states-general. 
The king's prohibition of this measure must have 
proceeded, no doubt, from the evil counsels of 
persons hostile to the true interests of the nation. 
As their services can be of little use while they are 
thus debarred from a resort to their true and only 
remedy in their embarrassments, they trust the re- 
gent will not take it amiss, that, so long as the pres- 
ent policy is pursued, they decline to take their seats 
in the council of state, to be merely shadows there, 
as they have been for the last four years.^^ 

^^ " Faisans cesser Tumbre dont avons servy en iceluy quatre ane.** 
Ibid., p. 50. 


From this period the malecontent lords no more 
appeared in council. The perplexity of Margaret 
was great. Thus abandoned by the nobles in 
whom the country had the greatest confidence, she 
was left alone, as it were, with the man whom the 
country held in the greatest abhorrence. She had 
long seen with alarm the storm gathering round 
the devoted head of the minister. To attempt 
alone to uphold his falling fortunes would be 
probably to bury herself in their ruins. In her 
extremity, she appealed to the confederates, and, 
since she could not divide them, endeavored to 
divert them from their opposition. They, on the 
other hand, besought the regent no longer to 
connect herself with the desperate cause of a 
minister so odious to the country. Possibly they 
infused into her mind some suspicions of the sub- 
ordinate part she was made to play, through the 
overweening ambition of the cardinal. At all 
events, an obvious change took place in her con- 
duct, and while she deferred less and less to Gran- 
velle, she entered into more friendly relations with 
his enemies. This was especially the case with 
Egmont, whose frank and courteous bearing and 
loyal disposition seem to have won greatly on the 
esteem of the duchess. 

Satisfied, at last, that it would be impracticable 
to maintain the government much longer on its 
present basis, Margaret resolved to write to her 
brother on the subject, and at the same time tc 
send her confidential secretary, Armenteros, to J 


Spain, to acquaint the king with the precise state 
of affairs in the Netherlands.-^* 

After enlarging on the disorders and difficulties 
of the country, the duchess came to the quarrel 
between the cardinal and the nobles. She had 
made every effort to reconcile the parties ; but that 
was impossible. She was fully sensible of the 
merits of Granvelle, his high capacity, his expe- 
rience in public affairs, his devotion to the inter- 
ests both of the king and of religion.^^ But, on 
the other hand, to maintain him in the Nether 
lands, in opposition to the will of the nobles, was 
to expose the country, not merely to great embar- 
rassments, but to the danger of insurrection.^^ 
The obligations of the high place which she oc- 
cupied compelled her to lay the true state of the 
case before the king, and he would determine 
the course to be pursued. — With this letter, bear- 
ing the date of August twelfth, and fortified with 
ample instructions from the duchess, Armenteros 
was forthwith despatched on his mission to Spain. 

It was not long before the state of feeling in the 
cabinet of Brussels was known, or at least sur- 
mised, throughout the country. It was the inter- 

im Memolres dc Granvelle, torn. Correspondanee de Philippe II., 

II. p. 39 et seq. — Correspondanee torn. I. p. 266. 
de Philippe II., torn. I. p. 256. 16 " D'un autre cote, elle recon- 

15 " Elle connait tout le merite nait que vouloir le malntenir aux 

du cardinal, sa haute capacite, son Pays-Bas, contre le gre des sei« 

experience des afTaires d'Etat, le gneurs,pourraitentrairicrde grands 

zcle et le devouement qu'il montre inconvenients, et meme le soulcvc- 

pcjr le service tie Dieu et du Iloi." ment du pays." Ibid., ubi supra. 

8 2 U* 


est of some of the parties that it should not be 
kept secret. The cardinal, thus abandoned by 
his friends, became a more conspicuous mark 
for the shafts of his enemies. Libels, satires, pas- 
quinades, were launched against him from every 
quarter. Such fugitive pieces, like the insect 
which dies when it has left its sting, usually 
perish with the occasion that gives them birth. 
But some have survived to the present day, or at 
least were in existence at the close of the last cen- 
tury, and are much commended by a critic for the 
merits of their literary execution.-^^ 

It was the custom, at the period of our narra- 
tive, for the young people to meet in the towns 
and villages, and celebrate what were called " aca- 
demic games," consisting of rhetorical discussions 
on the various topics of the day, sometimes of a 
theological or a political character. Public affairs 
furnished a fruitful theme at this crisis ; and the 
cardinal, in particular, was often roughly handled. 
It was in vain the government tried to curb this 
license. It only served to stimulate the disputants 
to new displays of raillery and ridicule.^^ 

Granvelle, it will be readily believed, was not 
slow to perceive his loss of credit with the regent, 
and the more intimate relations into which she had 
entered with his enemies. But whatever he may 
have felt, he was too proud or too politic to betray 

17 Reiffenberg, Correspondance ^8 Vandervynckt, Troubles des 
d^. Marguerite d'Autriche, p. 26, Pays-Bas, torn. 11. p. 58. 


his mortification to the duchess. Thus discredited 
by all but an insignificant party, who were branded 
as the " Cardinalists," losing infiuence daily with the 
regent, at open war with the nobles, and hated by 
the people, never was there a minister in so forlorn 
a situation, or one who was able to maintain his 
post a day in such cucumstances. Yet Granvelle 
did not lose heart ; as others failed him, he relied 
the more on himself; and the courage which he 
displayed, when thus left alone, as it were, to face 
the anger of the nation, might have well command- 
ed the respect of his enemies. He made no mean 
concession to secure the support of the nobles, or 
to recover the favor of the regent. He did not 
shrink from the dangers or the responsibilities of 
his station ; though the latter, at least, bore heavily 
on him. Speaking of the incessant pressure of 
his cares, he writes to his correspondent, Perez, 
" My hairs have turned so white you would not 
recognize me." ^^ He was then but forty-six. On 
one occasion, indeed, we do find him telling the 
king, that, " if his majesty does not soon come to 
the Netherlands, he must withdraw from them."^ 
This seems to have been a sudden burst of feeling, 
as it was a solitary one, forced from him by the 
extremity of his situation. It was much more in 
character that he wrote afterwards to the secre- 

19 « Vous ne me reconnaitriez 20 Correspondance de Philippe 
plus, tant mes cheveux ont blan- XL, torn. I. p. 274. 
chi." Correspondance de Philippe 
XI., torn. I. p. 268. 


tary Perez : " I am so beset with dangers on every 
side, that most people give me up for lost. But I 
mean to live as long, by the grace of God, as I can ; 
and if they do take away my life, I trust they will 
not gain everything for all that."^^ He nowhere 
intimates a wish to be recalled. Nor would his 
ambition allow him to resign the helm ; but the 
fiercer the tempest raged, the more closely did he 
cling to the wreck of his fortunes. 

The arrival of Armenteros with the despatches, 
and the tidings that he brought, caused a great 
sensation in the court of Madrid. "We are on 
the eve of a terrible conflagration," writes one 
of the secretaries of Philip; "and they greatly 
err who think it will pass away as formerly." He 
expresses the wish that Granvelle would retire 
from the country, where, he predicts, they would 
soon wish his return. " But ambition," he adds, 
" and the point of honor, are alike opposed to this. 
Nor does the king desire it."^^ 

Yet it was not easy to say what the king did 
desire, — certainly not what course he would pur- 
sue. He felt a natural reluctance to abandon the 
minister, whose greatest error seemed to be that 
of too implicit an obedience to his master's com- 
mands. He declared he would rather risk the 

21 "Moi, qui ne suls qu'un ver ron me tue, j'espere qu'on n'aura 

de terre, je suis menace de tant pas gagne tout par Ik." Ibid., p. 

de cotes, que beaucoup doivent me 284. 

tcnir dejk pour mort ; mais je ^2 Archives de la Maison d'O- 

tdcherai, avec I'aide de DIeu, de range-Nassau, torn. I. p. 1 I/O. 
vivre autant que possible, et si 



loss of the Netherlands than abandon him.^ 
Yet how was that minister to be maintained in 
his place, in opposition to the will of the nation 1 
In this perplexity, Philip applied for counsel to 
the man in whom he most confided, — the duke 
of Alva; the very worst counsellor possible in 
the present emergency. 

The duke's answer was eminently characteristic 
of the man. "When I read the letters of these 
lords," he says, " I am so filled with rage, that, 
did I not make an efibrt to suppress it, my lan- 
guage would appear to you that of a madman." ^ 
After this temperate exordium, he recommends 
the king on no account to remove Granvelle 
from the administration of the Netherlands. " It 
is a thing of course," he says, " that the cardinal 
should be the first victim. A rebellion against 
the prince naturally begins with an attack on 
his ministers. It would be better," he continues, 
" if all could be brought at once to summary 
justice. Since that cannot be, it may be best to 
divide the nobles ; to win over Egmont and those 
who follow him by favors; to show displeasure 
to those who are the least ofienders. For the 

23 " Habldndole yo en ello," 24 « Cada vez que veo los despa- 

writes the secretary Perez to chos de aquellos tres senores de 

Granvelle, " como era razon, me Flandes me mueven la colera de 

respondid que por su fee dntes manera que, sino procurasse mucho 

aventuraria d perder essos estados templarla, creo parecia A V. Mag** 

que hazer esse agravio a V. S. en mi opinion de liombre frenetico." 

Ig qual conoscerd la gran voluntad Carta del Duque de Alba al Rey, 

que le tiene ." Papiers d'Etat de d 21 de Octobre de 1563, MS. 
Granvelle, torn. VII. p. 102. 

VOL. I. G8 


greater ones, who deserve to lose their heads, 
your majesty will do well to dissemble, until 
you can give them their deserts."^ 

Part of this advice the king accepted; for to 
dissemble did no violence to his nature. But 
the more he reflected on the matter, the more 
he was satisfied that it would be impossible to 
retain the obnoxious minister in his place. Yet 
when he had come to this decision, he still 
shrunk from announcing it. Months . passed, 
and yet Armenteros, who was to carry back the 
royal despatches, was still detained at Madrid. 
It seemed as if Philip here, as on other occasions 
of less moment, was prepared to leave events 
to take their own course, rather than direct them 

Early in January, 1564, the duchess of Parma 
admonished her brother that the lords chafed 
much under his long silence. It was a common 
opinion, she said, that he cared little for Flanders, 
and that he was under the influence of evil coun- 
sellors, who would persuade him to deal with 
the country as a conquered province. She be- 
sought him to answer the letter of the nobles, 
and especially to write in affectionate terms to 
Count Egmont, who well deserved ' this for the 
zeal he had always shown for his sovereign's 

25 « A los que destos merlten, 26 " Comme je I'ai toujours 

quiten les las cave9as, hasta poder trouve plein d'empressement et 

lo hacer, dissimular con el los." de zele pour tout ce qui touche le 

Ibid. service de V. M. et Tavant-ige du 


One is struck with the tone in which the re- 
gent here speaks of one of the leaders of the 
opposition, so little in unison with her former 
language. It shows how completely she was now 
under their influence. In truth, however, we see 
constantly, both in her letters and -those of the 
cardinal, a more friendly tone of feeling towards 
Egmont than to either of his associates. On the 
score of orthodoxy in matters of religion he was 
unimpeachable. Plis cordial manners, his free and 
genial temper, secured the sympathy of all with 
whom he came in contact. It was a common 
opinion, that it would not be difficult to detach 
him from the party of malecontents with whom 
his lot was cast. Such were not the notions 
entertained of the prince of Orange. 

In a letter from Granvelle to Philip, without a 
date, but written perhaps about this period,^^ we 
have portraits, or rather outlines, of the two great 
leaders of the opposition, touched with a masterly 
hand. Egmont he describes as firm in his faith, 
loyally disposed, but under the evil influence of 
William. It would not be difficult to win him 

pays, je supplie V. M. de faire au Benedictine assures us, in his prcf- 

comte d'Egmont une reponse af- ace, that he has always given the 

f'ec^^ueuse, afin qu'il ne desespere text of Granvellc's correspondence 

pas de sa bonte." Correspondance exactly as he found it ; an assur- 

de Philippe II., torn. I. p. 281. ance to which few will give im- 

27 The letter — found among the pliclt credit who have read this 

MSS. at Bcsan^on — is given by letter, which bears the marks of 

Dom Prosper Lcvesque in his life the reviser's hand in every sen* 

of the cardinal. (McmoircsdeGran- tencc. 
velle, torn. II. p. 52.) The worthy 


over by flattery and favors.^^ The prince, on the 
other hand, is a cunning and dangerous enemy, 
of profound views, boundless ambition, difficult to 
change, and impossible to control.^^ In the latter 
character we see the true leader of the revolution. 

Disgusted with the indifference of the king, 
shown in his long-protracted silence, the nobles, 
notwithstanding the regent's remonstrances, sent 
orders to their courier, who had been waiting 
in Madrid for the royal despatches, to wait no 
longer, but return without them to the Nether- 
lands.^^ Fortunately Philip now moved, and at 
the close of January, 1564, sent back Armen teres 
with his mstructions to Brussels. The most 
important of them was a letter of dismissal to 
the cardinal himself. It was very short. " On 
considering what you write," said the king, " I 
deem it best that you should leave the Low 
Countries for some days, and go to Burgundy 
to see your mother, with the consent of the 
duchess of Parma. In this way, both my author- 
ity and your own reputation will be preserved." ^^ 

28 Memoires de Granvelle, torn, un grand mecontentement de ce 
IL p. 55. que le Roi n'avait daigne faire un 

29 " Le prince d'Orange est un seul mot de reponse ni h lui, ni 
homme dangereux, fin, ruse, afTec- aux autres. II dit que, voyant 

tant de soutenir le peuple cela, ils etaient decides k ordonner 

Je pense qu'un pareil genie qui a k leur courrier qu'il revint, sans 

des vues profondes est fort difficile attendre davantage." Correspon- 

h menager, et qu'il n'est gueres dance de Philippe IE., torn. L p. 

possible de le faire changer." Ibid., 283. 

pp. 53, 54. 31 " II a pense, d'apres ce que 

30 " Causant I'autre jour avec le cardinal lui a ecrit, qu'il scrait 
ollc, le comte d'Egmont lui montra tres a propos qu'il allat voir sa 



It has been a matter of dispute how far the 
resignation of the cardinal was voluntary. The 
recent discovery of this letter of Philip deter- 
mines that question.^^ It was by command of 
the sovereign. Yet that command was extorted 
by necessity, and so given as best to save the feel- 
ings and the credit of the minister. Neither party 
anticipated that Granvelle's absence would con- 
tinue for a long time, much less that his dis- 
missal was final. Even when inditing the letter 
to the cardinal, Philip cherished the hope that the 
necessity for his departure might be avoided alto- 
gether. This appears from the despatches sent at 
tbe same time to the regent. 

Shortly after his note to Granvelle, on the 
nineteenth of February, Philip wrote an answer to 
th^ lords in all the tone of offended majesty. He 
expressed his astonishment that they should have 
been led, by any motive whatever, to vacate their 

m^ve, avec la permission de la de travail, je decouvris, sur un 
duchesse de Parme. De cette ma- petit chiffon de papier, la minute 
njere, I'autorite du Roi et la repu- de la fameuse lettre dont faisait 
tation du cardinal seront sauves." mention la duchesse de Parme : 
Ibid., p. 285. elle avait etc classee, par une me- 
32 That indefatigable laborer in prise de je ne sais quel official, 
the mine of MSS., M. Gachard, avec les papiers de I'annee 1562. 
obtained some clew to the existence On lisait en tcte : De mano del 
of such a letter in the Archives of Rey ; secreta. Vous comprendrez, 
Simancas. For two months it monsieur le Ministre, la joie que 
eluded his researches, when in a me fit eprouver cette decouverte : 
happy hour he stumbled on this ce sont Ik des jouissances qui de- 
pearl of price. The reader may dommagent de bien des fatigues, 
share the enthusiasm of the Bel- de bien des ennuis ! " Rapport ;\ 
gian scholar. " Je redoublai d'at- M. le Ministre de rintcricur, Ibid., 
tcntion ; et cnfin, aprcs deux moia p. clxxxv. 

8 2V 


seats at the council, where he had placed them.^ 
They would not fail to return there at once, 
and show that they preferred the public weal to 
all private considerations.^* As for the removal of 
the minister, since they had not been pleased to 
specify any charges against him, the king would 
deliberate further before deciding on the matter. — 
Thus, three weeks after Philip had given the car- 
dinal his dismissal, did he write to his enemies as 
if the matter were still in abeyance ; hoping, it 
would seem, by the haughty tone of authority, to 
rebuke the spirit of the refractory nobles, and in- 
timidate them into a compliance with his com- 
mands. Should this policy succeed, the cardinal 
might still hold the helm of government.^ 

But Philip had not yet learned that he was 
dealing with men who had little of that spirit of 
subserviency to which he was accustomed in his 
Castilian vassals. The peremptory tone of his let- 

33 "M'esbayz bien que, pour 
chose quelconquc, vous ayez de- 
laisse d'entrer au conseil oil je 
vous avois laisse." Correspon- 
dance de GuIUaume le Taciturne, 
torn. IL p. 67. 

34 " Ne falllez d'y rentrer, et 
monstrer de combien vous estimez 
plus mon service et le bien de mes 
pays de dela, que autre particula- 
rite quelconque." Ibid., p. 68. 

35 Abundant evidence of Phil- 
ip's intentions is afforded by his 
despatches to Margaret, together 
with two letters which they in- 

closed to Egmopt. These letterai 
were of directly opposite tenor; 
one dispensing with Egmont's pres- 
ence at Madrid, — which had been 
talked of, — the other inviting him 
there. Margaret was to give the 
one which, under the circumstan- 
ces, she thought expedient. The 
duchess was greatly distressed by 
her brother's manoeuvring. She 
saw that the course she must pur- 
sue was not the course which he 
would prefer. Philip did not un- 
derstand her countrymen so well 
as she did. 


ter fired the blood of the Flemish lords, who at 
once waited on the regent, and announced their 
purpose not to reenter the council. The affair 
was not likely to end here ; and Margaret saw with 
alarm the commotion that would be raised when 
the letter of the king should be laid before the 
whole body of the nobles.^ Fearing some rash 
step, difficult to be retrieved, she resolved either 
that the cardinal should announce his intended 
departure, or that she would do so for him. 
Philip's experiment had failed. Nothing, there- 
fore, remained but for the minister publicly to 
declare, that, as his brother, the late envoy to 
France, had returned to Brussels, he had obtained 
permission from the regent to accompany him on 
a visit to their aged mother, whom Granvelle had 
not seen for fourteen years.^^ 

36 " En eflbt, le prince d'Orange y ver a madama de Granvella, mi 
et le comte d'Egmont, les seuls qui madrc, que ha 14 que no la liavia 
se trouvassent h Bruxelles, mon- visto." Ibid., p. 298. 

trerent tant de tristesse et de me- Granvelle seems to have fondly 

contentement de la courte et seche trusted that no one but Margaret 

reponse du Roi, qu'Il etalt k crain- was privy to the existence of the 

dre qu'apres qu'elle aurait ete com- royal letter, — '* secret, and writ- 

muniquee aux autres seigneurs, il ten with the king's own hand." 

ne fut pris quelque resolution con- So he speaks of his departure in 

traire au service du Roi." Corre- his various letters as a sponta- 

spondance de Philippe IL, tom. I. neous movement to see his vener- 

p. 294. able parent. The secretary Perez 

37 « Con la venida de Mons. de must have smiled, as he read 
Chantonnay, mi hermano, a Bru- one of these letters to himself, 
xelles, y su determinacion de enca- since an abstract of the royal de- 
minarse a estas partes, me parescid spatch appears in his own hand- 
toraar color de venir hazia acd, writing. The Flemish nobles also 
dojide no havia estado en 19 aiios, — probably through the regent's 


The news of the ministers resignation and 
speedy departure spread like wildfire over the 
country. The joy was universal ; and the wits 
of the time redoubled their activity, assailing the 
fallen minister with libels, lampoons, and carica- 
tures, without end. One of these caricatures, 
thrust into his own hand under the pretence of 
its being a petition, represented him as hatching 
a brood of young bishops, who were crawling out 
of their shells. Hovering above might be seen 
the figure of the Devil; while these words were 
profanely made to issue from his mouth : " This 
is my son ; hear ye him ! " ^^ 

It was at this time that, at a banquet at which 
many of the Flemish nobles were present, the 
talk fell on the expensive habits of the aristocracy, 
especially as shown in the number and dress of 
their domestics. It was the custom for them to 
wear showy and very costly liveries, intimating by 
the colors the family to which they belonged. 
Granvelle had set an example of this kind of 

secretary, Armenteros — appear tlone et scandalo." (Papiers d'Etat 

to have been possessed of the true de Granvelle, torn. VIII. p. 77.) 

state of the case. It was too good The fox's tail was a punning allu- 

a thing to be kept secret. sion to Renard, who took a most 

^ Schiller, Abfall der Nieder- active and venomous part in the 

lande, p. 147. paper war that opened the revo- 

Among other freaks was that of lution. Renard, it may be remem- 

a masquerade, at which a devil bered, was the imperial minister 

was seen pursuing a cardinal with to England in Queen Mary's time. 

a scourge of foxes' tails. " Deinde He was the implacable enemy of 

sequebatur diabolus, equum dicti Granvelle, who had once been his 

cardinalis caudis vulpinis fustigans, benefactor, 
magna cum totius populi admira- 


ostentation It was proposed to regulate their 
apparel by a more modest and -uniform standard 
The lot fell on Egmont to devise some suitable 
livery, of the simple kind used by the Germans. 
He proposed a dark-gray habit, which, instead of 
the aiguillettes commonly suspended from the 
shoulders, should have flat pieces of cloth, em- 
broidered with the figure of a head and a fool's 
cap. The head was made marvellously like that 
of the cardinal, and the cap, being red, was thought 
to bear much resemblance to a cardinal's hat. This 
was enough. The dress was received with accla- 
mation. The nobles instantly clad their retainers 
in the new livery, which had the advantage of 
greater economy. It became the badge of party. 
The tailors of Brussels could not find time to sup- 
ply their customers. Instead of being confined 
to Granvelle, the heads occasionally bore the fea- 
tures of Arschot, Aremberg, or Vigiius, the cardi- 
nal's friends. The duchess at first laughed at the 
jest, and even sent some specimens of the em- 
broidery to Philip. But Granvelle looked more 
gravely on the matter, declaring it an insult to the 
government, and the king interfered to have the 
device given up. This was not easy, from the ex- 
tent to which it had been adopted. But Margaret 
at length succeeded in persuading the lords to take 
another, not personal in its nature. The substitute 
was a sheaf of arrows. Even this was found to 
have an offensive application, as it intimated the 
league of the nobles. It was the origin, it is said, 
VOL. I. 8 69 2 V* 


of the device afterwards assumed by the Seven 
United Provinces.^^ 

On the thirteenth of March, 1564, Granvelle 
quitted Brussels, — never to return.*^ " The joy 
of the nobles at his departure," writes one of the 
privy council, " was excessive. They seemed like 
boys let loose from school."*^ The three lords, 
members of the council of state, in a note to the 
duchess, declared that they were ready to resume 
their places at the board ; with the understanding, 
however, that they should retire whenever the 
minister returned.*^ Granvelle had given out 
that his absence would be of no long duration. 
The regent wrote to her brother in warm com- 
mendation of the lords. It would not do for 

39 Strada, De Bello Belgico, pp. 
161 - 164. — Vander llaer, De 
Initils Tumultuum Belgicorum, p. 
166. — Vandervynckt, Troubles des 
Pays-Bas, torn. IL p. 53. — Corre- 
spondance de Philippe II., torn. I. 
pp. 294, 295. 

^0 The date is given by the 
prince of Orange in a letter to the 
I'andjrrave of Hesse, written a fort- 
night after the cardinal's depart- 
ure. (Archives de la Maison d'O- 
range-Nassau , torn. I. p. 2 2 6 .) This 
fact, public and notorious as it 
was, is nevertheless told with the 
greatest discrepancy of dates. Hop- 
per, one of Granvelle's own friends, 
fixes the date of his departure at 
the latter end of May. (Recueil 
et Memorial, p. 36.) Such dis- 
crepancies will not seem strange to 
the student of .listory 

*l " Ejus inimici, qui in senatu 
erant, non aliter exultavere quam 
pueri abeunte ludimagistro." Vita 
Viglii, p. 38. 

Iloogstraten and Brederode in- 
dulged their wild humor, as they 
saw the cardinal leaving Brussels, 
by mounting a horse, — one in the 
saddle, the other en croupe., — and in 
this way, muffled in their cloaks, 
accompanying the traveller along 
the heights for half a league or 
more. Granvelle tells the story 
himself, in a letter to Margaret, 
but dismisses it as the madcap 
frolic of young men. Papiers 
d'Etat de Granvelle, tom. VII. pp. 
410, 426. 

42 Archives de la Maison d'O- 
range-Nassau, tom. I. p. 226. 


Granvelle ever to return. She was assured by the 
nobles, if he did return, he would risk the loss of 
his life, and the king the loss of the Netherlands.'^ 
The three lords wrote each to Philip, informing 
him that they had reentered the council, and 
making the most earnest protestations of loyalty. 
Philip, on his part, graciously replied to each, and 
in particular to the prince of Orange, who had in- 
timated that slanderous reports respecting himself 
had found their way to the royal ear. The king 
declared " he never could doubt for a moment that 
William would continue to show the same zeal in 
his service that he had always done ; and that no 
one should be allowed to cast a reproach on a per- 
son of his quality, and one whom Philip knew so 
thoroughly."^* It might almost seem that a dou- 
ble meaning lurked under this smooth language. 
But whatever may have been felt, no distrust was 
exhibited on either side. To those who looked on 
the surface only, — and they were a hundred to 
one, — it seemed as if the dismissal of the cardinal 
had removed all difficulties ; and they now confi- 
dently relied on a state of permanent tranquillity. 
But there were others whose eyes looked deeper 

43 " Le comte d'Egmont lul a quelque double que vous ne fus- 

dit, entre autres, que, si le cardi- slez, a I'endrolt de mon service, tel 

nal revenait, indubitablement il que je vous ay cogneu, ny suis si 

perdrait la vie, et mettrait le Roi legier de prester I'oreille h ceulx 

en risque de perdre les Pays-Bas." qui me tascheront de mettre en 

Correspondance de Philippe II., umbre d'ung personage de vostre 

torn. I. p. 295. qualite, et que je cognois si bicn." 

41 " Je n'ay entendu de personne' Correspondance de Gulllauine le 

cnose dont jo peusse concevolr Taciturne, torn. IT. p. 76. 


than the calm sunshine that lay upon the surface ; 
who saw, more distinctly than when the waters 
were ruffled by the tempest, the rocks beneath, 
on which the vessel of state was afterward to be 

The cardinal, on leaving the Low Countries, 
retired to his patrimonial estate at Besan^on, — 
embellished with all that wealth and a cultivated 
taste could supply. In this pleasant retreat the 
discomfited statesman found a solace in those pur- 
suits which in earlier, perhaps happier, days had 
engaged his attention.*^ He had particularly a 
turn for the physical sciences. But he was fond 
of letters, and in all his tastes showed the fruits 
of a liberal culture. He surrounded himself with 
scholars and artists, and took a lively interest in 
their pursuits. Justus Lipsius, afterwards so cele- 
brated, was his secretary. He gave encouragement 
to Plantin, who rivalled in Flanders the fame of 
the Aldi in Venice. His generous patronage was 
readily extended to genius, in whatever form it 
was displayed. It is some proof how widely ex- 
tended, that, in the course of his life, he is said to 
have received more than a hundred dedications. 
Though greedy of wealth, it was not to hoard it, 
and his large revenues were liberally disjDensed in 
the foundation of museums, colleges, and public 

45 " Quiero de aqui adelante nerme quanto al repose y sossiego." 

hazerme ciego y sordo, y tractar Papiers d'Etat de Granvelle, torn 

con mis libros y negocios particu- VIII. p. 91. 

lares, y dexar el publico a los que A pleasing Illusion, as old as tlia 

tanto saben y pueden, y eompo- time of Horace's '•'• Bealm iUej' h-i 


libraries. Besan^on, the place of his residence, 
did not profit least by this munificence.*^ 

Such is the portrait which historians have given 
to us of the minister in his retirement. His own 
letters show that, with these sources of enjoyment, 
he did not altogether disdain others of a less spir- 
itual character. A letter to one of the regent's 
secretaries, written soon after the cardinal's arrival 
at Besan^on, concludes in the following manner: 
" I know that God will recompense men according 
to their deserts. I have confidence that he will 
aid me ; and that I shall yet be able to draw profit 
from what my enemies designed for my ruin. This 
is my philosophy, with which I endeavor to live as 
joyously as I can, laughing at the world, its calum- 
nies and its passions."*"^ 

With all this happy mixture of the Epicurean 
and the Stoic, the philosophic statesman did not 
so contentedly submit to his fate as to forego 
the hope of seeing himself soon reinstated in 
authority in the Netherlands. " In the course 
of two months," he writes, '• you may expect to 
see me there." *^ He kept up an active corre- 
spondence with the friends whom he had left in 
Brussels, and furnished the results of the informa- 

46 Gerlacbe, Royaume des Pays- dement." Archives de la Maison 
Bas, torn. L p. 79. d'Orange-Nassau, torn. L p. 240. 

47 "Vela ma philosophie, et 48 t«llz aurontavantmonretour, 
procurer avec tout cela de vivre que ne sera, a mon compte, plus 
le plus joycusement que Ton pent, tost que d'icy a deux niols, partant 
et se rlre du monde, desappassion- au commencement de juin^j;." 
nez, et de ce qu'ilz dient sans fon- Ibid., p. 236. 


tion thus obtained, with his own commentaries, to 
the court at Madrid. His counsel was courted, 
and greatly considered, by Philip ; so that from 
the shades of his retirement the banished minister 
was still thought to exercise an important influ- 
ence on the destiny of Flanders. 

A singular history is attached to the papers of Granvelle. That min- 
ister resembled his master, Philip the Second, in the fertility of his 
epistolary vein. That the king had a passion for writing, notwithstand- 
ing he could throw the burden of the correspondence, when it suited 
him, on the other party, is proved by the quantity of letters he left be- 
hind him. The example of the monarch seems to have had its influence 
on his courtiers ; and no reign of that time is illustrated by a greater 
amount of written materials from the hands of the principal actors in it. 
Far from a poverty of materials, therefore, the historian has much more 
reason to complain of an emharras de richesses. 

Granvelle filled the highest posts in different parts of the Spanish 
empire ; and in each of these — in the Netherlands, where he was 
minister, in Naples, where he was viceroy, in Spain, where he took the 
lead in the cabinet, and in Besan(j!on, whither he retired from public 
life — he left ample memorials under his own hand of his residence 
there. This was particularly the case with Besan^on, his native town, 
and the favorite residence to which he turned, as he tells us, from the 
turmoil of office to enjoy the sweets of privacy, — yet not, in truth, so 
sweet to him as the stormy career of the statesman, to judge from the 
tenacity with which he clung to office. 

The cardinal made his library at Besan9on the depository, not merely 
of his own letters, but of such as were addressed to him. He preserved 
them all, however humble the sources whence they came, and, like 
Philip, he was in the habit of jotting down his own reflections In the 
margin. As Granvelle's personal and political relations connected him 
with the most important men of his time, we may well believe that the 
mass of correspondence which he gathered together was immense. Un- 
fortunately, at his death, instead of bequeathing his manuscripts to some 
public body, who might have been responsible for the care of them, h( left 

Ch. VIL] the GRiVNVELLE PiU:>ERS. 55 1 

them to heirs who were alto^jether Ifmorant of their value. In the cour3« 
of time the manuscripts found their way to the garret, where they soon 
came to be regarded as little better than waste paper. They were 
pilfered by the children and domestics, and a considerable quantity waa 
sent off to a neighboring grocer, who soon converted the correspondence 
of the great statesman into wrapping-paper for his spices. 

From this ignominious fate the residue of the collection was happily 
rescued by the generous exertions of the Abbe Bolssot. This excel- 
lent and learned man was the head of the Benedictines of St. Vincent 
in Besan9on, of which town he was himself a native. He was ac- 
quainted with the condition of the Granvelle papers, and comprehended 
their importance. In the course of eighty years, which had elapsed 
since the cardinal's death, his manuscripts had come to be distributed 
among several heirs, some of whom consented to transfer their prop- 
erty gratuitously to the Abbe Bolssot, while he purchased that of oth 
ers. In this way he at length succeeded in gathering together all that 
survived of the large collection ; and he made it the great business of 
his subsequent life to study its contents and arrange the chaotic mass of 
papers with reference to their subjects. To complete his labors, he 
caused the manuscripts thus arranged to be bound, in eighty-two vol- 
umes, folio, thus placing them In that permanent form which might 
best secure them aijalnst future accident. 

The abbe did not live to publish to the world an account of his col- 
lection, which at his death passed by his will to his brethren of the 
abbey of St. Vincent, on condition that it should be for ever opened to 
the use of the town of Bcsancjon. It may seem strange that, notwith- 
standing the existence of this valuable body of original documents was 
known to scholars, they should so rarely have resorted to it for instruc- 
tion. Its secluded situation, in the heart of a remote province, was 
doubtless regarded as a serious obstacle by the historical inquirer, in an 
age when the public took things too readily on trust to be very solicitous 
about authentic sources of information. It is more strange that Bols- 
sot's Benedictine brethren should have shown themselves so insensible 
to the treasures under their own roof One of their body, Dom Pros- 
per I'Evesque, did indeed profit by the Bolssot collection to give to the 
world his Memolres de Granvelle, a work in two volumes, duodecimo; 
which, notwithstanding the materials at the writer's command, contain 
little of any worth, unless it be an occasional extract from Granvelle's 
own correspondence. 

At length, in 1834, the subject drew the attention of M. Guizot, then 
Minister of Public Instruction in France. By his direction a commis- 
sion of five scholars was instituted, with the learned Weiss at its head, 


for the purpose of examining the Granvelle papers, with a view to their 
immediate publication. The work was performed in a prompt and ac- 
curate manner, that must have satisfied its enhghtened projector. In 
1839 the whole series of papers had been subjected to a careful anal- 
ysis, and the portion selected that was deemed proper for publication. 
The first volume appeared in 1841 ; and the president of the commis- 
sion, M. Weiss, expressed in his preface the confident hope that in the 
course of 1843 the remaining papers would all be given to the press. 
But these anticipations have not been realized. In 1854 only nine 
volumes had appeared. How far the publication has since advanced I 
am ignorant. 

The Papiers d'Etat, besides Granvelle's own letters, contain a large 
amount of historical materials, such as official documents, state papers, 
and diplomatic correspondence of foreign ministers, — that of Renard, for 
example, so often quoted in these pages. There are, besides, numerous 
letters both of Philip and of Charles the Fifth, for the earlier volumes 
embrace the times of the emperor. The minister's own correspondence 
is not the least valuable part of the collection. Granvelle stood so 
high in the confidence of his sovereign, that, when not intrusted himselt 
with the conduct of aflfalrs, he was constantly consulted by the king as 
to the best mode of conducting them. With a different fate from that 
of most ministers, he retained his influence when he had lost his place. 
Thus there were few transactions of any moment in which he was not 
called on directly or indirectly to take part. And his letters furnish a 
clew for conductlno- the historical student through more than one intri- 
cate negotiation, by revealing the true motives of the parties who were 
engajred in it. 

Granvelle was in such intimate relations with the most eminent per- 
sons of the time, that his correspondence becomes in some sort the mir- 
ror of the age, reflecting the state of opinion on the leading topics of 
the day. For the same reason it is replete with matters of personal as 
well as political interest ; while the range of its application, far from 
being confined to Spain, embraces most of the states of Europe with 
which Spain held intercourse. The French government has done good 
service by the publication of a work which contains so much for the 
illustration of the history of the sixteenth century. M. Weiss, the 
editor, has conducted his labors on the true principles by which an 
editor should be guided ; and, far from magnifying his office, and un- 
seasonably obtruding himself on the reader's attention, he has sought 
only to explain what is obscure in the text, and to give such occasional 
notices of the writers as may enable the reader to understand their 



Policy of Philip. — Ascendency of the Nobles. — The Regent's Embar- 
rassments. — Egmont sent to Spain. 

1564, 1565. 

We have now arrived at an epoch in the history 
of the revolution, when, the spirit of the nation 
having been fully roused, the king had been com- 
pelled to withdraw his unpopular minister, and to 
intrust the reins of government to the hands of 
the nobles. Before proceeding further, it will be 
well to take a brief survey of the ground, that we 
may the better comprehend the relations in which 
the parties stood to each other at the commence- 
ment of the contest. 

In a letter to his sister, the regent, written some 
two years after this period, Philip says : " I have 
never had any other object in view than the good 
of my subjects. In all that I have done, I have but 
trod m the footsteps of my father, under whom 
the people of the Netherlands must admit they 
lived contented and happy. As to the Inquisition, 
whatever people may say of it, I have never at- 
tempted anything new. With regard to the edicts, 

VOL. 1-8 70 2 w 


I have been always resolved to live and die in the 
Catholic faith. I could not be content to have my 
subjects do otherwise. Yet I see not how this can 
be compassed without punishing the transgressors. 
God knows how willingly I would avoid shedding 
a drop of Christian blood, — above all, that of my 
people in the Netherlands ; and I should esteem it 
one of the happiest circumstances of my reign to 
be spared this necessity."^ 

Whatever we may think of the sensibility of 
Philip, or of his tenderness for his Flemish sub- 
jects in particular, we cannot deny that the policy 
he had hitherto pursued was substantially that of 
his father. Yet his father lived beloved, and died 
lamented, by the Flemings ; while Philip's course, 
from the very first, had encountered only odium 
and opposition. A little reflection will show us 
the reasons of these diflerent results. 

Both Charles and Philip came forward as the 
great champions of Catholicism. But the em- 
peror's zeal was so far tempered by reason, that 
it could accommodate itself to circumstances. He 
showed this on more than one occasion, both in 
Germany and in Flanders. Philip, on the other 
hand, admitted of no compromise. He was the 
inexorable foe of heresy. Persecution was his 
only remedy, and the Inquisition the weapon on 
which he relied. His first act on setting foot on 
his native shore was to assist at an auto de fL 

* This remarkable letter, dated the Supplement a Strada, tom U 
Madrid, May 6, is to be found in p. 346. 


This proclaimed his purpose to the world, and 
associated his name indelibly with that of the 
terrible tribunal. 

The free people of the Netherlands felt the 
same dread of the Inquisition that a free and 
enlightened people of our own day might be 
supposed to feel. They looked with gloomy ap- 
prehension to the unspeakable misery it was to 
bring to their firesides, and the desolation and 
ruin to their country. Everything that could in 
any way be connected with it took the dismal 
coloring of their fears. The edicts of Charles 
the Fifth, written in blood, became yet more 
formidable, as declaring the penalties to be in- 
flicted by this tribunal. Even the erection of the 
bishoprics, so necessary a measure, was regarded 
with distrust on account of the inquisitorial pow- 
ers which of old were vested in the bishops, thus 
seeming to give additional strength to the arm 
of persecution. The popular feeling was nour- 
ished by every new convert to the Protestant 
faith, as well as by those who, from views of their 
own, were willing to fan the flame of rebellion. 

Another reason why Philip's policy met with 
greater opposition than that of his predecessor 
was the change in the condition of the people 
themselves. Under the general relaxation of the 
law, or rather of its execution, in the latter days 
of Charles the Fifth, the number of the Reformers 
had greatly multiplied. Calvinism predominated 
in Luxemburg, Artois, Flanders, and the states 


lying nearest to France. Holland, Zealand, and 
the North, were the chosen abode of the Ana- 
baptists. The Lutherans swarmed ui the dis- 
tricts bordermg on Germany ; while Antwerp, 
the commercial capital of Brabant, and the great 
mart of all nations, was filled with sectaries of 
every description. Even the Jew, the butt of 
persecution in the Middle Ages, is said to have 
lived there unmolested. For such a state of 
things, it is clear that very different legislation 
was demanded than for that which existed under 
Charles the Fifth. It was one thing to eradicate 
a few noxious weeds, and quite another to crush 
the sturdy growth of heresy, which in every di- 
rection now covered the land. 

A further reason for the aversion to Philip, 
and one that cannot be too often repeated, was 
that he was a foreigner. Charles was a native 
Fleming ; and much may be forgiven in a coun- 
tryman. But Philip was a Spaniard, — one of 
a nation held in greatest aversion by the men of 
the Netherlands. It should clearly have been his 
policy, therefore, to cover up this defect in the 
eyes of the inhabitants by consulting their national 
prejudices, and by a show, at least, of confidence 
in their leaders. Far from this, Philip began with 
placing a Spanish army on their borders in time 
of peace. The administration he committed to 
the hands of a foreigner. And while he thus 
outraged the national feeling at home, it was 
remarked that into the royal council at Madrid, 

ch viit.i ascendency of the nobles. 557 

where the affairs of the Low Countries, as of 
the other provinces, were settled in the last re- 
sort, not a Fleming was admitted.^ The public 
murmured. The nobles remonstrated and resist- 
ed. Philip was obliged to retrace his steps. He 
made first one concession, then another. He re- 
called his troops, removed his minister. The 
nobles triumphed, and the administration of the 
country passed into their hands. People thought 
the troubles were at an end. They were but be- 
gun. Nothing had been done towards the solu- 
tion of the great problem of the rights of con- 
science. On this the king and the country were 
at issue as much as ever. All that had been 
done had only cleared the way to the free dis- 
cussion of this question, and to the bloody con- 
test that was to follow. 

On the departure of Granvelle, the discontented 
lords, as we have seen, again took their seats in 
the council of state. They gave the most earnest 
assurances of loyalty to the king, and seemed as 
if desirous to make amends for the past by an 
extraordinary devotion to public business. Mar- 
garet received these advances in the spirit in 

2 Hopper docs not hesitate to Seigneurs et Chevaliers des Pays 

regard this circumstance as a lead- d'embas : ny plus nr moins qu'ilz 

ing cause of the discontents in font h aultres de Milan, Naples, et 

Flanders. " Se voyans desestimez Slcille ; ce que eulx ne veuillans 

ou pour mieux dire opprimcz par soulfrir en maniere que ce soit, i 

ies Seigneurs Espaignols, qui chas- este et est la vraye ou du moins la 

sant Ies autres hors du Conseil du principale cause de ccs maulx et 

Roy, participent seulz avccq iceluy, alterations." Recueil et Memnri- 

et presument de commander aux al, p. 79. 

8 2 W * 


which they were made ; and the confidence which 
she had formerly bestowed on Granvelle, she now 
transferred in full measure to his successful rivals.^ 
It is amusing to read her letters at this period, 
and to compare them with those which she wrote 
to Philip the year preceding. In the new coloring 
given to the portraits it is hard to recognize a 
single individual. She cannot speak too highly 
of the services of the lords, — of the prince of 
Orange, and Egmont above all, — of their devo- 
tion to the public weal and the interests of the 
sovereign. She begs her brother again and again 
to testify his own satisfaction by the most gra- 
cious letters to these nobles that he can write.* 
The suggestion seems to have met with little favor 
from Philip. No language, however, is quite 
strong enough to express Margaret's disgust with 
the character and conduct of her former minister, 
Granvelle. It is he that has so long stood be- 
twixt the monarch and the love of the people. 
She cannot feel easy that he should still remain 
so near the Netherlands. He should be sent to 
Rome.^ She distrusts his influence, even now, 
over the cabinet at Madrid. He is perpetually 
talking, she understands, of the probability of his 
speedy return to Brussels. The rumor of this 

3 Viglius makes many pathetic * Correspondance de Philip^)e 

complaints on tins head, in his let- II., torn. I. pp. 312, 332, et alibi, 

ters to Granvelle. See Archives ^ " J\ faudrait envoyer le f ardi- 

de la !Maison d' Orange-Nassau, nal k Rome." Ibid., p. 329. 
torn. I. p 319 et alibi. 



causes great uneasiness in the country. Should 
he be permitted to return, it would undoubtedly 
be the signal for an insurrection.^ — It is clear 
the duchess had sorely suffered from the tyranny 
of Granvelle.^ 

But notwithstanding the perfect harmony which 
subsisted between Margaret and the principal lords, 
it was soon seen that the wheels of government 
were not destined to run on too smoothly. Al- 
though the cardinal was gone, there still remained 
a faction of Cardiiialists, who represented his opin- 
ions, and who, if few in number, made themselves 
formidable by the strength of their opposition. At 
the head of these were the viscount de Barlaimont 
and the President Viglius. 

The former, head of the council of finance, 
was a Flemish noble of the first class, — vet 
more remarkable for his character than for his 
rank. He was a man of unimpeachable integrity, 
stanch in his loyalty both to the Church and to 
the crown, with a resolute spirit not to be shaken, 
for it rested on principle. 

His coadjutor, Viglius, was an eminent jurist, an 
able writer, a sagacious statesman. He had been 
much employed by the emperor in public affairs, 
which he managed with a degree of caution that 

6 Ibid., p. 295. minister only made her his dupe, 

7 Morillon, in a letter to Gran- or from whatever cause, never 
velle, dated July 9, 15G4, tells him hears his name without changing 
of the hearty hatred in which he color. Papiers d'Etat de Gran- 
ts held by the duchess ; who, velle, torn. VIIL p. 131. 
whether she has been told that the 


amounted almost to timidity. He was the per 
sonal friend of Granvelle, had adopted his views, 
and carried on with him a constant correspondence, 
which is among our best sources of information. 
He was frugal and moderate in his habits, not 
provoking criticism, like that minister, by his 
ostentation and irregularities of life. But he was 
nearly as formidable, from the official powers with 
which he was clothed, and the dogged tenacity 
with which he clung to his purposes. He filled 
the high office of president both of the privy 
council and of the council of state, and was 
also keeper of the great seal. It was thus ob- 
viously in his power to oppose a great check 
to the proceedings of the opposite party. That 
he did thus often thwart them is attested by 
the reiterated complaints of the duchess. " The 
president," she tells her brother, " makes me 
endure the pains of hell by the manner in 
which he traverses my measures." ^ His real ob- 
ject, like that of Granvelle and of their followers, 
she says on another occasion, is to throw the 
country into disorder. They would find their 
account in fishing in the troubled waters. They 
dread a state of tranquillity, which would afibrd 
opportunity for exposing their corrupt practices 
in the government,^ 

8 " Viglius lui fait souffrir les ^ u j|g esperent alors peclier, 

peines de I'enfer, en traversant les comme on dit, en eau trouble, et 

mesures qu'exigc le service du atteindrc le but qu'ils poursuivent 

Roi." Ibid., p. 314. depuis longtemps : eelui de s'em- 

Ch. viii.j ascendency of tiie nobles. 561 

To these general charges of delinquency the 
duchess added others, of a more vulgar pecula- 
tion. Viglius, who had taken priest's orders for 
the purpose, was provost of the church of St. 
Bavon. Margaret openly accused him of pur- 
loining the costly tapestries, the plate, the linen, 
the jewels, and even considerable sums of money 
belonging to the church.-^^ She insisted on the 
impropriety of allowing such a man to hold office 
under the government. 

Nor was the president silent on his part, and 
in his correspondence with Granvelle he retorts 
similar accusations in full measure on his enemies. 
He roundly taxes the great nobles with simony 
and extortion. Offices, both ecclesiastical and 
secular, were put up for sale in a shameless man- 
ner, and disposed of to the highest bidder. It 
was in this way that the bankrupt nobles paid 
their debts, by bestowing vacant places on their 
creditors. Nor are the regent's hands, he inti- 
mates, altogether clean from the stain of these 
transactions.^^ He accuses the lords, moreover, 
of using their authority to interfere perpetually 

parer de toutes les affaires. C'est lo Ibid., p. 320 et alibi, 
pourquoi lis ont ete et sont encore ^i " Ce qu'elle se resent le plus 

contraires k Tassemblce des etats contre v. I. S. et contre nioy, est 

gdneraux Le cardinal, le ce que I'avons si longuement garde 

president etleursequellecraignent, d'en faire son prouffit, qu'elle fait 

si la tranquillite se rctablit dans le maintenant des offices et benefices 

pays, qu'on ne Use dansleurs llvres, et aultres graces." Archives de la 

et qu'on ne decouvre leurs injus- Maison d'Orange-Nassau, torn. I. 

tices, simonies, et rapines." Ibid., p. 40G. 
p. 311. 

VOL. I. 71 


with the course of justice. They had acquired 
an unbounded ascendency over Margaret, and 
treated her with a deference which, he adds, 
" is ever sure to captivate the sex." ^^ She was 
more especially under the influence of her secre- 
tary, Armenteros, a creature of the nobles, who 
profited by his position to fill his own coftbrs at 
the expense of the exchequer. ^^ For himself, he 
is in such disgrace for his resistance to these 
disloyal proceedings, that the duchess excludes 
him as far as possible from the management of 
afiairs, and treats him with undisguised coldness. 
Nothing but the desire to do his duty would 
induce him to remain a day longer in a post 
like this, from which his only wish is that his 
sovereign would release him.^* 

The president seems never to have written 
directly to Philip. It would only expose him, 
he said, to the suspicions and the cavils of his 
enemies. The wary statesman took warning by 
the fate of Granvelle. But as his letters to the 

12 " Ipsam etiam Ducissam in people, instead of Armenteros, 
suampertraxeresententiam,honore punningly to call him Argenterios. 
etiam majore quam antea ipsam This piece of scandal is communis 
aflicientes, quo muliebris sexus fa- cated for the royal ear in a letter 
cile capitur." — This remark, how- addressed to one of the king's see- 
ever, is taken, not from his corre- retakes by Fray Lorenzo de Villa- 
spondence with Granvelle, but from cancio, of whom I shall give a full 
his autobiography. See Vita Yi- account elsewhere. Gachard, Cor- 
glii, p. 40. respondance de Phihppe II., tom. 

13 The extortions of Margaret's IL, Rapport, p. xliii. 
cccretary, who was said to have ^^ Archives de la Maison d'O- 
amassed a fortune of seventy thou- range-Nassau, torn. I. p. ^TS et 
Kind ducats in her service, led the alibi. 


banished minister were all forwarded to Philip, 
the monarch, with the despatches of his sister 
before him, had the means of contemplating both 
sides of the picture, and of seeing that, to which- 
ever party he intrusted the government, the inter- 
ests of the country were little likely to be served. 
Had it been his father, the emperor, who was on 
tlie throne, such knowledge would not have been 
in his possession four and twenty hours, before 
he would have been on his way to the Nether- 
lands. But Philip was of a more sluggish temper. 
He was capable, indeed, of much passive exer- 
tion, — of incredible toil in the cabinet, — and 
from his palace, as was said, would have given 
law to Christendom. But rather than encounter 
the difficulties of a voyage, he was willing, it 
appears, to risk the loss of the finest of his prov- 

Yet he wrote to his sister to encourage her with 

15 Granvellc regarded such a ceptable to some of them. The 

step as the only ellectual remedy truth is never allowed to reach 

for the disorders in the Low Coun- the king's ears ; as the letters sent 

tries. In a remarkable letter to to Madrid are written to suit the 

Philip, dated July 20, 1565, he majority of the council, and so as 

presents such a view of the man- not to give an unfavorable view of 

ner in which the government is the country. Viglius is afraid to 

conducted as might well alarm his write. There are spies at the 

master. Justice and religion are court, he says, who would betray 

at the lowest ebb. Public offices his correspondence, and it might 

are disposed of at private sale, cost him his life. Granvelle con- 

The members of the council in- eludes by urging the king to come 

Julge in the greatest freedom in in person, and with money enough 

their discussions on matters of re- to subsidize a force to supi)ort him, 

ligion. It is plain that the Con- Papiers d'Etat de Granvellc, toin 

fession of Augsburg would be ac- VIII. p. G20 ct scq. 


the prospect of his visiting the country as soon as 
he could be released from a war in which he was 
engaged with the Turks. He invited her, at the 
same time, to send him further particulars of the 
misconduct of Viglius, and expressed the hope 
that some means might be found of silencing 
his opposition.^^ 

It is not easy at this day to strike the balance 
between the hostile parties, so as to decide on the 
justice of these mutual accusations, and to assign 
to each the proper share of responsibility for the 
mismanagement of the government. That it was 
mismanaged is certain. That offices were put 
up for sale is undeniable ; for the duchess frankly 
discusses the expediency of it, in a letter to her 
brother. This, at least, absolves the act from 
the imputation of secrecy. The conflict of the 
council of state with the two other councils often 
led to disorders, since the decrees passed by the 
privy council, which had cognizance of matters 
of justice, were frequently frustrated by the am- 
nesties and pardons granted by the council of 
state. To remedy this, the nobles contended that 
it was necessary to subject the decrees of the 
other councils to the revision of the council of 
state, and, in a word, to concentrate in this last 
body the whole authority of government.-^'^ The 

16 Correspondance de Philippe d'Orange-Nassau, torn. I. p. 222. — 
IL, torn. I. p. 317. Correspondance de Philippe IL 

17 Hopper, Recucil ct Memo- torn. L p. 347 et a'/bi. 
rial, p. 39. — Archives de la Maison 

Ch. viil] ascendency of the nobles. 56o 

council of state, composed chiefly of the great 
aristocracy, looked down with contempt on those 
subordinate councils, made up for the most part 
of men of humbler condition, pledged by their 
elevation to ofRce to maintain the interests of 
the crown. They would have placed the ad- 
ministration of the country in the hands of an 
oligarchy, made up of the great Flemish nobles. 
This would be to break up that system of dis- 
tribution into separate departments established 
by Charles the Fifth for the more perfect de- 
spatch of business. It would, in short, be such 
a change in the constitution of the country as 
would of itself amount to a revolution. 

In the state of things above described, the 
Reformation gained rapidly in the country. The 
nobles generally, as has been already intimated, 
were loyal to the Roman Catholic Church. Many 
of the younger nobility, however, who had been 
educated at Geneva, returned tinctured with he- 
retical doctrines from the school of Calvin.^^ But 
whether Catholic or Protestant, the Flemish aris- 
tocracy looked with distrust on the system of per- 
secution, and held the Inquisition in the same 

18 The Spanish ambassador to il n'y a que Ics jeunes gens doni, a 

England, Guzman de Silva, In a cause de I'educatlon relachoe qu'ils 

letter dated from the Low Coun- ont re9ue, et de leur frequentation 

tries, refers this tendency among dans les pays voislns, Ics princlpea 

the younger nobles to their lax soient un peu equivoques." Cor- 

education at home, and to their respondancc de Philippe IL, tom 

travels abroad. " La noblesse du I. p. 383. 
;)ays est gcneralemcnt catholique : 

8 ' 2 X 


abhorrence as did the great body of the people. It 
was fortunate for the Reformation in the Nether- 
lands, that at its outset it received the support 
even of the Catholics, who resisted the Inquisition 
as an outrage on their political liberties. 

Under the lax administration of the edicts, exiles 
who had fled abroad from persecution now returned 
to Flanders. Calvinist ministers and refugees from 
France crossed the borders, and busied themselves 
with the work of proselytism. Seditious pam- 
phlets were circulated, calling on the regent to 
confiscate the ecclesiastical revenues, and apply 
them to the use of the state, as had been done in 
England.^^ The Inquisition became an object of 
contempt, almost as much as of hatred. Two of 
the principal functionaries wrote to Philip, that, 
without further support, they could be of no use 
in a situation which exposed them only to derision 
and danger.^^ At Bruges and at Brussels the 
mob entered the prisons, and released the prison- 
ers. A more flagrant violation of justice occurred 
at Antwerp. A converted friar, named Fabricius, 
who had been active in preaching and propagating 
the new doctrines, was tried and sentenced to the 

19 " Se (lice publico que ay me- de Francia, Alborotos de Flandes, 

dios para descargar todas las deudas MS. 

del Rey sin cargo del pueblo to- 20 '^Leur office est devenuodicux 

mando los bienes de la gente de au peuple ; ils rencontrent tant de 

yglesia d parte conforme al ejem- resistances et de calomnies, qu'ils 

plo que se ha heclio en ynglaterra ne peuvent I'exercer sans danger 

y francia y tamblen que ellos eran pour leurs person nes." Corre- 

uiuy ricos y volbcrian mas templa- spondancc de Philippe II., torn. I 

dos y hombrcs de bien." Kcnom p. 353. 


stake. On the way to execution, the people called 
cut to him, from the balconies and the doorways^ 
to " take courage, and endure manfully to the 
last."^^ When the victim was bound to the stake, 
and the pile was kindled, the mob discharged such 
a volley of stones at the officers as speedily put 
them to flight. But the unhappy man, though 
unscathed by the fire, was stabbed to the heart 
by the executioner, who made his escape in the 
tumult. The next morning, placards written in 
blood were found affixed to the public buildings, 
threatening vengeance on all who had had any 
part in the execution of Fabricius ; and one of the 
witnesses against him, a woman, hardly escaped 
with life from the hands of the populace.^ 

The report of these proceedings caused a great 
sensation at Madrid ; and Philip earnestly called 
on his sister to hunt out and pursue the offenders. 
This was not easy, where most, even of those who 
did not join in the act, fully shared in the feeling 
which led to it. Yet Philip continued to urge the 
necessity of enforcing the laws for the preservation 
of the Faith, as the thing dearest to his heart. 
He would sometimes indicate in his letters the 
name of a suspicious individual, his usual dress, 
his habits and appearance, — descending into de- 
tails which may well surprise us, considering the 
multitude of affairs of a weightier character that 

21 Brandt, Reformation in the Bello Belgico, p. 174. — Corre- 
Low Countries, torn. I. p. 147. spondance de Philippe II., torn. I 

22 Ibid., ubi supra.— Strada, Dc pp. 321, 327, 


pressed upon his mind.^ One cannot doubt that 
Philip was at heart an inquisitor. 

Yet the fires of persecution were not permitted 
wholly to slumber. The historian of the Reforma- 
tion enumerates seventeen who suffered capitally 
for their religious opinions in the courst) of the 
year 1564.^* This, though pitiable, was a small 
number — if indeed it be the whole number — 
compared with the thousands who are said to have 
perished in the same space of time in the preced- 
ing reign. It was too small to produce any effect 
as a persecution, while the sight of the martyr, 
singing hymns in the midst of the flames, only 
kindled a livelier zeal in the spectators, and a 
deeper hatred for their oppressors. 

The finances naturally felt the effects of the 
general disorder of the country. The public debt, 
already large, as we have seen, was now so much 
increased, that the yearly deficiency in the revenue, 
according to the regent's own statement, amounted 
to six hundred thousand florins ; ^^ and she knew 
of no way of extricating the country from its em- 
barrassments, unless the king should come to its 
assistance. The convocation of the states-general 
was insisted on as the only remedy for these dis- 
orders. That body alone, it was contended, was 

23 Strada, De Bello Belgico, p. 25 " La depense excede annu- 
172. — Correspondance de Philippe ellement les revenus, de 600,000 
n., torn. I. p. 327 et alibi. florins." Correspondance de Phi- 

24 Brandt, Reformation in the lippe H., torn. L p. 328. 
Low Countries, torn. I. pp. 146 - 




authorized to vote the requisite subsidies, and to re- 
dress the manifold grievances of the nation. — Yet, 
in point of fact, its powers had hitherto been little 
more than to propose the subsidies for the approba- 
tion of the several provinces, and to remonstrate on 
the grievances of the nation. To invest the states- 
general with the power of redressing these grievances 
would bestow on them legislative functions which 
they had rarely, if ever, exercised. This would be 
to change the constitution of the country, by the 
new weight it would give to the popular element ; 
a change which the great lords, who had already 
the lesser nobles entirely at their disposal ,^^ would 
probably know well how to turn to account.^^ Yet 
Margaret had now so entirely resigned herself to 
their influence, that, notwithstanding the obvious 
consequences of these measures, she recommended 
to Philip both to assemble the states-general and 
to remodel the council of state ;^^ — and this to a 
monarch more jealous of his authority than any 
other prince in Europe ! 

26 " Quant a la moyenne noblesse -where he sums up his Kimarks on 
des Pays-Bas, les Seigneurs I'auront the matter by saying : " In fme, 
tantost a leur cordelle." Chanton- they would entirely change the 
nay to Granvcllc, October G, 15G5, form of government, so that there 
Archives de la Maison d'Oranoje- would be little remaining for the 
Nassau, torn. I. p. 42G. regent to do, as the representative 

27 That Granvellc understood of your majesty, or for your ma- 
well these consequences of con- jesty yourself to do, since they 
vening the states-general is evi- would have completely put you un- 
dent from the manner in which he der guardianship." Papiers d'Etat 
repeatedly speaks of this event In de Granvelle, tom. VII. p. 186. 
his correspondence with the king. 28 Correspondance de Philippe 
See, in particular, a letter to Philip, IL, tom. I. p. 329. 

dated as early as August 20, 15G3, 
VOL. I. 8 ^2 2 X * 


To add to the existing troubles, orders were 
received from the court of Madrid to publish the 
decrees of the Council of Trent throughout the 
Netherlands. That celebrated council had termi- 
nated its long session in 1563, with the results 
that might have been expected, — those of widen- 
ing the breach between Protestant and Catholic, 
and of enlarging, or at least more firmly estab- 
lishing, the authority of the pope. One good 
result may be mentioned, that of providing for a 
more strict supervision of the morals and discipline 
of the clergy ; — a circumstance w^hich caused the 
decrees to be in extremely bad odor with that body. 

It was hoped that Philip would imitate the ex- 
ample of France, and reject decrees which thus 
exalted the power of the pope. Men were led to 
expect this the more, from the mortification which 
the king had lately experienced from a decision of 
the pontiff on a question of precedence between 
the Castilian and French ambassadors at his court. 
This delicate matter, long pending, had been finally 
determined in favor of France by Pius the Fifth, 
who may have thought it more politic to secure a 
ficlde ally than to reward a firm one. The decision 
touched Philip to the quick. Ke at once withdrew 
his ambassador from Rome, and refused to receive 
an envoy from his holiness.^^ It seemed that a 
serious rupture was likely to take place between 
the parties. But it was not in the nature of Philip 

29 Cabrera, Fillpe Segundo, lib. VI. cap. 14, IG. — Strada, De Bella 
Belgiro, toni. T. p. 1 76. 


to be long at feud with the court of Rome. In a 
letter to the duchess of Parma, dated August 6, 
1564, he plamly mtimated that m matters of faith 
he was willing at all times to sacrifice his private 
feelings to the public weal.^ He subsequently 
commanded the decrees of the Council of Trent 
to be received as law throughout his dominions, 
saying that he could make no exception for the 
Netherlands, when he made none for Spain.^^ 

The promulgation of the decrees was received, 
as had been anticipated, with general discontent. 
The clergy complained of the interference with 
their immunities. The men of Brabant stood 
stoutly on the chartered rights secured to them by 
the '-Joyeuse Mitree.'' And the people generally 
resisted the decrees, from a vague idea of their 
connection with the Inquisition ; while, as usual 
when mischief was on foot, they loudly declaimed 
against Granvelle as being at the bottom of it. 

In this unhappy condition of affairs, it was de- 
termined by the council of state to send some one 
to Madrid to lay the grievances of the nation before 
the king, and to submit to him what in their opin- 
ion would be the most effectual remedy. They 
were the more induced to this by the unsatisfactory 
nature of the royal correspondence. Philip, to the 

30 Strada, De Bello Belgico, torn, il allait y opposer des reserves aux 
I. p. 179. Pays-Bas, cela produirait un fa- 

31 " Si, apres avoir accepte le cheux elTet." Correspondanee de 
concile sans limitations dans tons Philippe TI., torn. I. p. 328. 

ees autres royaumos ct seigneuries, 


great discontent of the lords, had scarcely conde- 
scended to notice their letters.^^ Even to Mar- 
garet's ample communications he rarely responded, 
and when he did, it was in vague and general 
terms, conveying little more than the necessity oi 
executing justice and watching over the purity 
of the Faith. 

The person selected for the unenviable mission 
to Madrid was Egmont, whose sentiments of loy- 
alty, and of devotion to the Catholic faith, it was 
thought, would recommend him to the king ; 
while his brilliant reputation, his rank, and his 
popular manners would find favor with the court 
and the people. Egmont himself was the less 
averse to the mission, that he had some private 
suits of his own to urge with the monarch. 

This nomination was warmly supported by Wil- 
liam, between whom and the count a perfectly 
good understanding seems to have subsisted, in 
spite of the efforts of the Cardinalists to revive 
their ancient feelings of jealousy. Yet these feel- 

S'-i Yet whatever slight Philip thiness, — a point of greater mo- 
may have put upon the lords in ment with a monarch. This was 
this respect, he showed "William, a compliment — In that suspicious 
in particular, a singular proof of age — to William, which, we im- 
confidence. The prince's cimine, agine, he would have been slow to 
as I have elsewhere stated, was return by placing his life in the 
renowned over the Continent; and hands of a cook from the royal 
Philip requested of him his chef^ kitchens of Madrid. See Philip's 
to take the place of his own, lately letter in the Correspondance de 
deceased. But the king seems to Guillaume le Taclturne, torn. II 
lay less stress on the skill of this p. 89. 
functionary than on his trustvvor- 


ings still glowed in the bosoms of the wives of the 
two nobles, as was evident from the warmth with 
which they disputed the question of precedence 
with each other. Both were of the highest rank, 
and, as there was no umpire to settle the delicate 
question, it was finally arranged by the two ladies 
appearing in public always arm in arm, — an 
equality which the haughty dames were careful 
to maintain, in spite of the ridiculous embarrass- 
ments to which they were occasionally exposed by 
narrow passages and doorways.^ If the question 
of precedence had related to character, it would 
have been easily settled. The troubles from the 
misconduct of Anne of Saxony bore as heavily on 
the prince, her husband, at this very time, as the 
troubles of the state.^ 

^ Margaret would fain have set- Groen*s collection, from William 

tied the dispute by giving the to his wife's uncle, the elector of 

countess of Egmont precedence Saxony, containing sundry charges 

at table over her fair rival. (Ar- against his niece. The termagant 

chives de la Maison d'Orange-Nas- lady was in the habit, it seems, of 

sau, tom. I. p. 445.) But both rating her husband roundly before 

Anne of Saxony and her house- company. William, with some 

hold stoutly demurred to this de- naivete, declares he could have 

cision, — perhaps to the right of borne her ill-humor to a reason- 

the regent to make it. " Les able extent in private, but in pub- 

femmes ne se cedent en rien et se lie it was intolerable. Unhappily, 

tiegnent par le bras, incjredlentes Anne gave more serious cause of 

pan passu, et si Ton rencontre une disturbance to her lord than that 

porte trop estroicte, Ton se serre which arose from her temper, and 

Tung sur I'aultre pour passer egale- which afterwards led to their sep- 

ment par ensamble, affin que il n'y aration. On the present occasion, 

ayt du devant ou derrlere." Ar- it may be added, the letter was 

chives de la Maison d'Orange-Nas- not sent, — as the lady, who had 

sau, Supplement, p. 22. learned the nature of it, promised 

34 There is a curious epistle, in amendment. Ibid., tom. II. p. 31. 


Before Egmont's departure, a meeting of the 
council of state was called, to furnish him with 
the proper instructions. The president, Viglius, 
gave it as his opinion, that the mission w^as super- 
fluous ; and that the great nobles had only to 
reform their own way of living to bring about the 
necessary reforms in the country. Egmont was in- 
structed by the regent to represent to the king the 
deplorable condition of the land, the prostration of 
public credit, the decay of religion, and the symp- 
toms of discontent and disloyalty in the people. 
As the most effectual remedy for these evils, he 
was to urge the king to come in person, and that 
speedily, to Flanders. " If his majesty does not 
approve of this," said Margaret, " impress upon 
him the necessity of making further remittances, 
and of giving me precise instructions as to the 
course I am to pursue."^ 

The prince of Orange took part in the discus- 
sion with a warmth he had rarely shown. It was 
time, he said, that- the king should be disabused 
of the errors under which he labored in respect to 
the Netherlands. The edicts must be mitigated. 
It was not possible, in the present state of feeling, 
either to execute the edicts or to maintain the 
Inquisition.^^ The Council of Trent was almost 

35 " Au cas que le Roi s'en ex- Tlie original instructions pre- 

euse, il doit demander que S. M. pared by Viglius were subsequently 

donne a la duchesse des instruc- modified by liis friend Hopper, 

tlons precises sur la conduite qu'elle at the suggestion of the prince ol 

a k tenir." Correspondance de Orange. See Vita Viglii, p. 41. 
riiilippe II., torn. I. p. 337 3g Ibid., ubi supra. 


equally odious ; nor could they enforce its decrees 
in the Netherlands while the countries on the bor- 
ders rejected them. The people would no longer 
endure the perversion of justice, and the miserable 
wrangling of the councils. — This last blow was 
aimed at the president. — The only remedy was to 
enlarge the council of state, and to strengthen its 
authority. For his own part, he concluded, he 
could not understand hoAV any prmce could claim 
the right of interfering with the consciences of his 
subjects in matters of religion.^" — The impassioned 
tone of his eloquence, so contrary to the usually 
calm manner of William the Silent, and the boldness 
with which he avowed his opinions, caused a great 
sensation in the assembly.^ That night was passed 
by Viglius, who gives his own account of the mat- 
ter, in tossing on his bed, painfully ruminating on 
his forlorn position in the council, with scarcely 
one to support him in the contest which he was 
compelled to wage, not merely with the nobles, but 
with the regent herself. The next morning, while 
dressing, he was attacked by a fit of apoplexy, 
which partially deprived him of the use of both 

37 " Non posse ci placerc, vclle Great downwards. This display 
Princlpes animis hominum impe- of school-boy erudition, so unlike 
rare, libertatemque Fidei et Re- the masculine simplicity of the 
ligionis ipsis adimere." Ibid., p. prince of Orange, may be set 
42. down among those fine things, the 

38 Burgundlus puts into the credit of which may be fairly given 
mouth of William on this occasion to the historian rather than to the 
a fine piece of declamation, In which hero. — Burgundlus, Hist. Bel^-Ica, 
he jcviews the history of heresy (Ingolst., 1G33,) pp. 12G-131. 
from the time of ConsUmtinc the 



his speech and his limbs.^ It was some time be- 
fore he could resume his place at the board. This 
new misfortune furnished him with a substantial 
argument for soliciting the king's permission to 
retire from office. In this he was warmly seconded 
by Margaret, who, while she urged the president's 
incapacity, nothing touched by his situation, eager- 
ly pressed her brother to call him to account for 
his delinquencies, and especially his embezzlement 
of the church property.^ 

Philip, who seems to have shunned any direct 
intercourse with his Flemish subjects, had been 
averse to have Egmont, or any other envoy, sent 
to Madrid. On learning that the mission was at 
length settled, he wrote to Margaret that he had 
made up his mind to receive the count graciously, 
and to show no discontent with the conduct of 
the lords. That the journey, however, was not 
without its perils, may be inferred from a singular 
document that has been preserved to us. It is 
signed by a number of Egmont' s personal friends, 
each of whom traced his signature in his own 
blood. In this paper the parties pledge their 
faith, as true knights and gentlemen, that, if any 
harm be done to Count Egmont during his absence, 

39 "Itaque mane de Iccto sur- 
gens, inter vestlendum apoplexia 
attactus est, ut occurrentes domes- 
tici amicique In summo eum dis(irl- 
mine versari judicarcnt." Vita 
Viglii, p. 42. 

40 " EUc conscillc au Koi d'or- 

donner k Viglius de rendre ses 
eomptes, et de restituer les meu- 
bles dos neuf maisons de sa pre- 
vote de Saint-Bavon, qu'il a de- 
pouillees." Correspondanec de 
Philippe U., torn. I. p. 350. 


they will take ample vengeance on Cardinal Gran- 
velle, or whoever might be the author of it.^^ 
The cardinal seems to have been the personifica- 
tion of evil with the Flemings of every degree. 
This instrument, which was deposited with the 
Countess Egmont, was subscribed with the names 
of seven nobles, most of them afterwards con- 
spicuous in the troubles of the country. One 
might imagine that such a document was more 
likely to alarm than to reassure the wife to whom 
it was addressed.*^ 

In the beginning of January, Egmont set out 
on his journey. He was accompanied for some 
distance by a party of his friends, who at Cam- 
bray gave him a splendid entertainment. Among 
those present was the archbishop of Cambray, a 
prelate who had made himself unpopular by the 
zeal he had shown in the persecution of the Re- 
formers. As the wine-cup passed freely round, 
some of the younger guests amused themselves 
with frequently pledging the prelate, and en- 
deavoring to draw him into a greater degree of 
conviviality than was altogether becoming his sta- 
tion. As he at length declined their pledges, they 

41 " Lui promettons, en foy de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, torn, 

gentilhomme et chevalier d'honeur, I. p. 345. 

si durant son aller et retour lui 42 This curious doet»ment, pub- 

adviene quelque notable inconve- lished by Amoldi, (Hist. Denkw., 

nicnt. que nous en prendrons la p. 282,) has been transferred by 

vengeance sur le Cardinal de Groen to the pages of his collec- 

Granvelle ou seux qui en seront tion. See Archives de la Maison 

participans ou penseront de I'estre, d'Orange-Nassau, ubi supra, 
ct non sur autre." Archives de 

VOL. I. 8 73 2 Y 


began openly to taunt him ; and one of the rev 
ellers, irritated by the archbishop's reply, would 
have thrown a large silver dish at his head, had 
not his arm been arrested by Egmont. Another 
of the company, however, succeeded m knocking 
off the prelate's cap ; *^ and a scene of tumult 
ensued, from which the archbishop was extricat- 
ed, not without difficulty, by the more sober and 
considerate part of the company. The whole af- 
fair — mortifying in the extreme to Egmont — is 
characteristic of the country at this period ; when 
business of the greatest importance was settled at 
the banquet, as we often find in the earlier history 
of the revolution. 

Egmont's reception at Madrid was of the most 
flattering kind. Philip's demeanor towards his 
great vassal was marked by unusual benignity; 
and the courtiers, readily taking their cue from 
their sovereign, vied with one another in atten- 
tions to the man whose prowess might be said 
to have won for Spain the great victories of 
Gravelines and St. Quentin. In fine, Egmont, 
whose brilliant exterior and noble bearing gave 
additional lustre to his reputation, was the object 
of general admiration during his residence of several 
weeks at Madrid. It seemed as if the court of 

*3 « Ibi turn offensus convlva, mondanus : quod dum facit, en 

arreptam argenteam pelvim (quse alter conviva pugno in frontem 

manibus abluendis mensam fuerat Archieplscopo ellso, pileum de ca- 

imposita) injicerc Archieplscopo in pite deturbat." Vander Haer, De 

caput conatur: rctinct pelvim Eg- Initiis Tumult., p. 190. 


Castile was prepared to change its policy, from 
the flattering attentions it thus paid to the repre- 
sentative of the Netherlands. 

During his stay, Egmont was admitted to 
several audiences, in which he exposed to the 
monarch the evils that beset the country, and 
the measures proposed for relieving them. As 
the two most eflfectual, he pressed him to miti- 
gate the edicts, and to reorganize the council of 
state.''* Philip listened with much benignity to 
these suggestions of the Flemish noble ; and if 
he did not acquiesce, he gave no intimation to 
the contrary, except by assuring the count of 
his determination to maintain the integrity of the 
Catholic faith. To Egmont personally he showed 
the greatest indulgence, and the count's private 
suits sped as favorably as he could have expected. 
But a remarkable anecdote proves that Philip, 
at this very time, with all this gracious demeanor, 
had not receded one step from the ground he had 
always occupied. 

Not long after Egmont's arrival, Philip privately 
called a meeting of the most eminent theologians 
in the capital. To this conclave he communicated 
briefly the state of the Low Countries, and their 
demand to enjoy freedom of conscience in matters 

** If we are to trust Morillon's Morillon was too much of a gossip 
report to Granvelle, Egmont de- to be the best authority ; and, as 
nied, to some one who charged this was understood to be one of 
him with it, having recommended the objects of the count's mission, 
to Phihp to soften the edicts, it will be but justice to him to take 
(Archives de la Maison d'Orange- the common opinion that he ex- 
Nassau, Supplement, p. 374.) But ecu ted it. ^ 


of religion. He concluded by inquiring the opin- 
ion of his auditors on the subject. The reverend 
body, doubtless supposing that the king only 
wanted their sanction to extricate himself from 
the difficulties of his position, made answer, 
" that, considering the critical situation of Flan- 
ders, and the imminent danger, if thwarted, of its 
disloyalty to the crown and total defection from 
the Church, he might be justified in allowing 
the people freedom of worshipping in their own 
way." To this Philip sternly replied, " He had 
not called them to learn whether he might grant 
this to the Flemings, but whether he must do so." ^ 
The flexible conclave, finding they had mistaken 
their cue, promptly answered in the negative ; on 
which Philip, prostrating himself on the ground 
before a crucifix, exclaimed, " I implore thy di- 
vine majesty, Ruler of all things, that thou keep 
me in the mind that I am in, never to allow my- 
self either to become or to be called the lord of 
those who reject thee for their Lord." ^^ — The 
story was told to the historian who records it by 
a member of the assembly, filled with admiration 
at the pious zeal of the monarch ! From that mo- 
ment the doom of the Netherlands was sealed. 

45 « Negavit accitos k se illos Domini simulacrum, ' Ego verb, 

fuisse, ut docerent an permittere inquit, Divinam Majestatcm tuam 

id posset, sed an sibi necessa- oro, qusesoque, Rex omnium Deus, 

rio permittendum pra3scriberent." banc ut mihl mentem perpetuara 

Strada, De Bello Belgico, torn. I. velis, ne illorum, qui to Dominum 

p. 185. respuerint, uspiam esse me aut 

^^ "Turn Rex in eorum con- dici Dominum acquiescam.'" Ibid., 

spectii, humi positus ante Christi ubi supra. 



Yet Egmont had so little knowledge of the 
true state of things, that he indulged in the 
most cheerful prognostications for the future. 
His frank and cordial nature readily responded 
to the friendly demonstrations he received, and 
his vanity was gratified by the homage univer- 
sally paid to him. On leaving the country, he 
made a visit to the royal residences of Segovia 
and of the Escorial, — the magnificent pile already 
begun by Philip, and which continued to occupy 
more or less of his time during the remainder 
of his reign. Egmont, in a letter addressed to 
the king, declares himself highly delighted with 
what he has seen at both these places, and as- 
sures his sovereign that he returns to Flanders 
the most contented man in the world.^^ 

When arrived there, early in April, 1565, the 
count was loud in his profession of the amiable 
dispositions of the Castilian court towards the 
Netherlands. Egmont's countrymen — William of 
Orange and a few persons of cooler judgment alone 
excepted — readily indulged in the same dream 
of sanguine expectation, flattering themselves with 
the belief that a new policy was to prevail at Ma- 
drid, and that their country was henceforth to 
thrive under the blessings of religious toleration. — 
It was a pleasing illusion, destined to be of no 
long duration. 

47 « II retourne en Flandre, Correspondance de Philippe II- 
rhomme le plus satisfait du monde." torn. I. p. 349. 

8 2 Y* 



Philip's Duplicity. — His Procrastination. — Despatches from Segovia. 
— Effect on the Country. — The Compromise. — Orange and 

1565, 1566. 

Shortly after Egmont's return to Brussels, Mar- 
garet called a meeting of the council of state, at 
which the sealed instructions brought by the envoy 
from Madrid were opened and read. They began 
by noticmg the count's demeanor in terms so flat- 
tering as showed the mission had proved acceptable 
to the king. Then followed a declaration, strong- 
ly expressed and sufficiently startling. " I would 
rather lose a hund